Hegemonic Class Research Articles

FORMAÇÃO HUMANA NA SOCIEDADE DO ESPETÁCULO: MOVIMENTO DA ADAPTAÇÃO À CRÍTICA

Saviani Historical-Critical Pedagogy (2008, 2011) on the theme of integral human formation. Debord (2006) analyzes capitalist society as a social structure that prevents critical and autonomous human development, in favor of a society fetishized by consumption and alienated from reality. Social relations are mediated by images and goods, promoted by the market and media, resulting in alienation and loss of critical consciousness. Saviani (2008, 2011), in turn, highlights that education in its ontological essence serves the human being and not things. For both, human formation is seen by the hegemonic class as process of adaptation to the needs of the capitalist system, rather than developing critical thinking. Methodologically, bibliographical research was used, based in the contributions of Debord (2006) an Saviani (2008, 2011). Among the results, it is clear that human formation must be oriented towards the construction of a fairer and more conscious society, in which education is not at the service of capital, but rather the integral and autonomous development of individuals. Overcoming the mercantile teaching model requires a commitment to an education that promotes desalination and effective participation in social transformation and human emancipation. Interdisciplinary dialogue between Philosophy and Education is essential for a critical analysis of training processes in contemporary times.

MANIFESTATION OF DEMOCRACY IN THE SELECTED NON-FICTION WORKS OF ARUNDHATI ROY

The concept of nation is studied under the rubrics of Cultural Studies. The nation has natural tendency to cause homogenization of culture and this may create an exclusion of minorities and less assertive weaker section of society from having a stake in its progress. These conditions threaten the very existence of a nation-state as it becomes the breeding ground for secessionist movements. A subaltern resistance to the dominant, oppressive and hegemonic class starts to raise its head as it is happening in today’s India. Nayar writes that, “the nation-state must therefore be interrogated for the ways in which it concentrates power – and therefore culture – in the hands of a few. The women’s, queer, Dalitbahujan and working class movements/counter-narratives seek to recast the nation-state by revealing its elitist biases and exclusionary structure” (104). Only way to iron out these inconsistencies in the project of equality is to adopt and promote the institution of democracy.

El biologicismo estadounidense a través de Crash

This work examines biologicism (racism) in the United States based on the film Crash. The instrumental-material nature of the phenomenon pointed out by various authors is also recognized in the film. Biologicism simultaneously moves through the planes of the obvious and the hidden. In the first, it acquires the profile of a structuring and decomposing factor of relationships, although formally it is abstract. In the second, it acts as an element that blocks the recognition of social classes, their relationships, training processes and labor hierarchies. Thus, biologicalism is a vehicle through which the interests of the hegemonic classes are promoted, and which results in the recreation and perpetuation of capitalist social relations of production.

Singapore GE2020: the beginning of a new-old order?

ABSTRACT The principle of consent is an essential factor for Gramsci’s conception of ideological hegemony. For Gramsci, there must be consensus between the dominant and subordinated groups for the successful maintenance of ideological hegemony. Of note, consensus for Gramsci is a dynamic and continuous process of readjustment to altering conditions. Hence, an exchange is required between rulers and ruled as norm-making for hegemony, rather than coercion alone or at all. This article argues that the ideological hegemony necessary for continued PAP dominance of politics and governance in Singapore may be fraying as the General Elections of 2020 show how the consensus required between the hegemonic class and polity may be weakening. However, the article concludes by holding that these results while challenging may not herald the end of its hegemony as consensus may be retrieved among the broad electorate by addressing several key issues that arose during the elections.

Hegemonía y Carnaval: Apropiación Cultural Del Carnaval Panameño a Inicio de la República

The purpose of the writing is to analyze the appropriation process of the most deeply rooted popular festival in Panamanian society; I mean the carnival. To this end, the mechanism used by the hegemonic class to take over the almost exclusive celebration of the popular sectors is described. The function of the new celebration model imposed by the elite and the role of the dispossessed are explained. The research has focused on the iconographic analysis (photos of the coronation of queens, parades, allegorical cars) literary (poems) and advertising sources (newspapers, magazines, memoirs and gazette of the time).

CONCURSO PÚBLICO PARA JUÍZES NO BRASIL: A RADIOGRAFIA DE UM SISTEMA

The present work problematizes the model of public competition in Brazil, especially for the category of magistrates. The interest is justified by the existence of a hegemonic class that participates in important decisions for the direction of the country. For this reason, we believe that an analytical and detailed study of the elements that go through these selections called public tenders and how they unfold in practice is of relevance. Issues such as representativeness, the leading role of the judiciary, the profile of the national judiciary, and meritocracy are concerns that are made explicit throughout the article. For that, we use the work methodology based on the analysis of the discourse and on the literature, review already substantiated on the theme.

From Progressive Radicalism to Democratic Degeneration: The Trajectory of John Locke's Political Theory

As an organic intellectual of the emerging propertied class in 17th century England, John Locke has made an enduring contribution to the prevailing ideas shaping the socio-political order in Western societies and beyond. Through invoking the law of nature and natural rights which were nothing more than what he had abstracted from the socio-economic conditions of the seventeenth century and had projected back into the state of nature, Locke assiduously embarked on justifying the separation of civil society from the state, naturalizing class inequalities identifying the preservation of property as the fundamental function of the state, and rationalizing the subordination of propertyless classes to the emerging liberal democratic political order geared to preserve the interests of economically hegemonic classes.

A city without a hero: Joker and rethinking hegemony

ABSTRACT The relationship between Batman and the Joker is usually presented as one of opposites: good vs. evil, justice vs. crime, order vs. chaos. Batman has been described as a fictional agent of hegemony, enforcing societal rules and preserving norms, and this role as a defender of the status quo is never more obvious than when he is battling the Joker’s lethal form of anarchy. The recent Joker movie details his origin in a Gotham City before Batman existed, thus eliminating half of the balance. This article argues that the absence of Gotham’s iconic hero recontextualizes the way ideas of hegemony are presented in Joker. The film inverts the typical narrative of the Batman story and reveals the failings of hegemony set in a more realistic environment. The sympathetic focus on the Joker positions him as an hero for the subaltern, a champion of chaos, rather than the traditional valorization of Batman as a enforcer of the status quo. Joker’s twist on the Batman/Joker relationship introduces a different perspective on the superhero genre that questions (and leads viewers to question) the hegemonic class agenda that lays beneath what is framed as an innocent fantasy of caped crusaders.

Archetypal Motherhood and the National Agenda: The Case of the Indian Muslim Women

The grand narratives of Mother India posit women’s emancipation as the central concern, insisting on her public participation in the educational and economic sectors. The relegation of the archetypal motherhood to the national periphery is strictly rooted in the Hindu traditional culture. The schisms of caste, class, and religion in contemporary society are normalised whilst the gendered undercurrents of domestic violence, chauvinism and religious sensibilities are ignored. Such polished idealisms are, in fact, far from the living reality of most women and girls across all spheres in the country. By reviewing notable texts from past and present, this research problematises the position of Muslim women in India, specifically during the nationalistic discourse and post-independent era. The national freedom struggle movement assured a democratic constitution, which primed Mother India as the figurative Indian woman encrypting ideologies from socio-religious discourses. The grand narratives often become instrumental in politicising the vested interest of the hegemonic class. The struggles of Muslim women were foregrounded not only in the gendered disparity of the religious domain but also in the socio-cultural disparities which excluded them from the domain of Indian womanhood. Mainstream history, literature and even women development organisations deliberately typified Muslim women along with the religious discourse. Briefly, in this paper, we infer that Muslim women were rendered invisible in the limelight of the archetypal Mother India, denying their social, political, cultural and literary participation. They were thus subjected to constitutional othering by the mainstream socio-political entities (who subjected them) at the onset of nationalism, which continues to exist in post-colonial discourses where women are expected to constantly negotiate their religious identity over their national identity.

BNCC – Caminhos e (Im)possibilidades para gênero: porque a educação escanteou as mulheres e seus corpos?

This article is part of a master’s dissertation that aims to discuss the presence of women in the production of scientific knowledge in elementary education textbooks and offers dialogue with the current political scenario marked by intolerance, violence and prejudice against individuals who differ from the European hegemonic standard white, heterosexual, christian and middle class male, especially women. We present considerations and (re)checking of the theme from the decolonial epistemological framework, which constitutes of discussion methods and unfinished trials in a process of elucidating contributions and the participation of women in science, culture and education. Recebido em: 13/01/2020Aprovado em: 22/01/2020

Pemertahanan Kelas Hegemonik dalam Pertunjukan Ngadu Domba Garut

Sheepfight (Ngadu Domba) as one of the performances highly favored by the people has many changes especially from the performance issues. The sheepfight is not an activity only for fun. It is more as the means for raising the living standard of the people especially of the sheepfight farmer. The research applies qualitative method. The data are obtained through observation, interview, literature study, and documentation. Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory is applied to analyze the issues in this study. The research question in this study is how HPDKI organization maintain its power as hegemonic class in Garut sheepfight performance. The regulation of HPDKI stabilize its position as hegemonic class. HPDKI has its own strength by consistently approaching and negotiating with the people during certain time. Keywords: Ngadu Domba Garut, Hegemonic, Performance

The Social Sentiments of Workers of Ural Region in the Mid-1920s (with Reference to Information Bulletins of JSPD)

Referring to information reports of the Joint State Political Directorate ( Rus . OGPU), this article examines the social sentiments of workers of Ural Region and their causes and manifestations in the mid-1920s in the conditions of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The paper illustrates the main causes of negative sentiments among workers (high production rates, low wages, protective clothing, housing issues, etc.). Among important factors for the workers’ discontent were their tense relations with the factory administration provoked by its rudeness, as well as the inaction of trade union organisations, which often led to strikes. The period faced a steady increase in the number of strikes in Ural Region. In 1926, the number of strikes tripled compared to 1925. A large number of conflicts that led to strikes had an economic basis, i.e. they arose from failure of the administration to fulfil its obligations. The defiant, demonstrative behaviour of the administration of factories and specialists and their malpractice fueled the workers’ dissatisfaction. Workers compared the situation in the factories with the times of the tsar. As a result, political discontent and anti-Soviet and anti-Communist moods began to arise among industrial workers of the Urals. Thus, the social and economic situation of workers had little to do with the official status of the working class as a hegemonic class in Soviet Russia. At the same time, most workers were loyal to the Soviet government which they considered “their own”. The workers were more concerned about the economic aspects of their daily existence. Social unrest could become more widespread in case of deterioration of economic situation in the country but could hardly develop into political unrest.

COMUNIDADE E POLÍTICA / COMMUNITIE AND POLITICS

A comunidade é construída a partir da integração e das diferentes trocas entre coletividades. Como forma humana de agrupamento, são caracterizadas por dois elementos centrais: a política e o espaço. Com a modernidade, a dependência do que há fora delas se sobrepõe ao que há dentro delas, onde os atores hegemônicos renovam as relações sociais, os meios de produção e o próprio entendimento sobre esses espaços. As ciências humanas também são responsáveis por propagar diferentes concepções sobre o conceito de comunidade e suas aplicações. No Brasil, as relações políticas, na conformação das sociedades, se sobressaem. O autoritarismo das classes hegemônicas imposto na convivência e o discurso produzido com base no local, escondem os conflitos vividos nas comunidades e impedem a ação política interna e externa da população. Este artigo discute estas questões a partir de revisão teórica de autores que trabalham o tema e o que o utiliza para explicar uma certa realidade local. Ressalta-se a necessidade de uma leitura política e histórica acerca da forma como as comunidades se espacializam, sua dinâmica e transformações.

From Customs to Fashion: Ideologies, Trends, Social Hierarchies

Over the course of history what are the clothes that, in the societies of the Old Regime, differentiate individuals from each other? What styles and colors choose the hegemonic classes to represent and mark the status differences between them, the emerging classes and the common people? What are the signs and symbols that the sources testify as a political, ethical, aesthetic language? This essay tries to answer these and other questions, an essay conducted on the red thread of change in European countries, political, economic, social change that marks the rhythm through FASHION showing how this represents in a real and symbolic way the role of the dominant classes in power. In the course of history, clothing is transformed according to the new ideas that are affirmed and the different perception of which individuals are aware, so the representation of the self - social and individual - becomes an exclusive or additional language, confirming its expressive validity and the content necessary to decline human typologies, to express them, and even to impose them. Fashion contains history and society, art and harmony of forms, religious principles and moral rules, past present, continuity and discontinuity, in short, the life of human beings of yesterday and today, perhaps even of tomorrow.

Symbolic Distinctions in Traditional Palestinian Toponymy: Class, Gender, and Village Prestige in Palestinian Space in Israel

This article analyzes the Arabic toponymy of Palestine, based on folk tales and memories of Palestinians living in Israel. The discussion is interpretative and has a dual purpose. First, it aims to shed light on class and gender power relations and the issue of the village's image. Second, it examines the differential relation of Palestinian society to the landscape, as reflected in names of places versus natural features. The starting point is the assumption that toponymy is the result of two parallel processes: names articulate reality and identity, but at the same time, they are also profoundly influenced by the approach of the naming culture to its space. The reading of Palestinian names is a tactic that gives space to popular and peripheral knowledge categories, exposing the limitations of toponymical research in Israel that has tended to focus on the names recently imposed top-down by Zionism, to the neglect of Palestinian spatial constructions. Finally, it empowers the indigenous population by giving voice to their perception of space. The names evoking this perception testify to the ideological and cultural uses of place names, as opposed to the names of natural features used by Palestinian society. The system for naming was a complex system of spatial distinctions and classifications that privileged hegemonic class and gender values by marginalizing feminine or lower-class images.

Criticism of the ideal and idols of humanism

The paper critically considers the ideology of humanism, which is different from the humanism known to religion and philosophy. The institutions that provide the narratives of this new humanism seek to regulate the lives and ideals of human beings and do so by emphasizing populist values. The ideology and propaganda of this humanism are hidden under an institutional and populist philanthropic rhetoric, spectacular actions of charity, and manipulative political invitations. The important aim of the ideology of humanism is to construct autonomous subjects-individuals who voluntarily serve in the spectacle of illusory grace. This essentially differs from the Renaissance idea of studia humanitatis, from Hegel’s "Studium der Humaniora”, from the result of analyzing Arendt’s “The Human Condition”, from various groups of cultural diversity that empower the dignity, autonomy, and critical thinking of human beings. This paper maintains that contemporary forms of philanthropic humanism are just means used by the hegemonic class of bureaucracy under the contemporary conditions of neoliberalism. Humanism is an instrument of social engineering, of collaboration between big corporations and the state to suppress the significance of dignity, harmony, and other ideals, and to win mass support. It has nothing to do with education in human dignity by philosophy, art, and literature. The spread of humanistic instrumentalities is incompatible with the principles of humanitas and helps explain the paradoxical situation when with the ever greater dominance, locally and worldwide, of humanistic rhetoric less and less attention is devoted to critical studies and the study of the humanities.

Динамика и структура денежных расходов семей советских рабочих и служащих в 1946—1991 гг. (на материалах Свердловской области)

The article is devoted to the interesting subject relatively little developed in the national historiography. The study is conducted on the material of several archives: State Archive of Sverdlovsk Region, Archive of the Territorial body of Federal State Statistics Service and the Center of documentation of public organizations of Sverdlovsk region. This allowed the author to develop and present his own concept of the research topic. The topic urgency is due to its high relevance to the social siences, primarily to history, economics, sociology and political science. Scientific novelty of the work is seen in the fact that the new material discovered by the author in these archives is introduced into scientific usage. It is stated that the analysis of money expenses of citizens is an important direction of research in the sphere of material conditions of their lives. It is alleged that during the whole researched period, the leading role in the structure of costs of family budgets of the population of Sverdlovsk oblast played the costs of purchasing food, and expenditures on the acquisition of clothes and shoes were the second in importance. It is proved that the expenditure on cultural and educational needs during this period were negligible in the workers and employees. It is emphasized that the highest level of expenditure (and income) had families of engineering-technical workers of the regional center. It is declared that the class of industrial workers officially positioned in the country as hegemonic class according to its actual position in the USSR actually was not a class of such kind, judging by the level of its expenditures.

Growth and Distribution Regimes in India after Independence

The Indian economy has witnessed four qualitatively different regimes of capitalist growth and distribution since independence. The first two regimes in the period (1951–80) operated under the hegemony of the Indian state, the third one under the mixed hegemony of the state and private capital (1980–91), and the last one under the hegemony of private capital (1991–2012). These four regimes are associated with very different growth and distributional dynamics, roles of the state, and ended with crises of diverse kinds that then ushered in new regimes. This paper attempts to show how Indian political economic history after independence is a patchwork of periods of short-lived stability that were in turn shaped and produced by various crises and contingencies. It is certainly the case that through this entire period, even as economic growth was achieved, there was an unmistakable emergence of private capital and professional classes as the dominant (without being hegemonic) classes that have become adept at using markets and the state to further their own interests. The authors argue that this dominance itself has come about through a series of contingent outcomes.

A EDUCAÇÃO MATEMÁTICA E O PODER: UMA HISTÓRIA A CONTRAPELO

O presente artigo é resultado de uma pesquisa teórica, que busca compreender a educação matemática como processo sociocultural construído na historicidade dos sujeitos. Tendo por base a abordagem qualitativa, os procedimentos utilizados para o estudo compreendem a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, com o objetivo de adentrar os mecanismos de poder, presentes na matemática, como processo educacional institucionalizado. Nesse contexto, são exploradas construções históricas da matemática escolar, considerando-se os instrumentos que classificam e adjetivam os sujeitos pautados pelo domínio do conhecimento matemático e legitimados pela classe hegemônica. Os resultados indicam que a educação matemática institucionalizada nas escolas não se desvincula da sociedade, pelo contrário, a ela responde, reafirmando a necessidade de questionar ideologias e analisar o papel da educação matemática como construção social, considerando-se os efeitos de controle e poder que perpassam os processos educacionais.

One with the underdogs?

While punk was officially declared ‘dead’ by mainstream media in 1979, it revived with the emergence of the harder and more militant hardcore scene. Initially hardcore punk came about as a reaction to the domestication and commercialisation of punk, which had supposedly lost its ideological edge. This article studies the contemporary Dutch hardcore scene in light of sociological theories about subcultures and their presumed stylistic resistance against hegemonic class structures. It is shown how specific stylistic practices that hardcore punks engage in, like moshing, stage-diving and wearing band shirts, merge individual with collective expression. Not all hardcore punks are in the scene for the same reasons. Some subcultural consumers are in it for ‘the fun’ and do not relate much to a collective (class) ideology, while they do embrace the collective style. Their engagement with hardcore punk is contrasted by the commitment of ultimate insiders who feel a strong connection to the collective ideology, while they reject the collective style as it is worn by non-ideologists. In between these two positions we also find the tolerant insiders who are also very committed to hardcore, but do not consider it to be ‘a way of life’.