Hasmonean Research Articles

The Changing Ideology of Hasmonean Family

Makedonyalı Büyük İskender’in, günümüz Filistin, İsrail ve Ürdün topraklarının bir kısmından ibaret olan Yahudiye’yi MÖ 332 yılında fethetmesiyle bölge Yahudileri, Helenistik hâkimiyetin altına girmiştir. Büyük İskender’in ölümünün ardındansa geride bıraktığı devasa imparatorluk üzerinde generalleri birbiriyle mücadele etmeye başlamış ve nihayetinde çeşitli Helenistik krallıklar kurulmuştur. Yahudiye, MÖ 301 yılında bahsi geçen Helenistik devletlerden Ptolemaios Devleti hâkimiyeti altında kalmışsa da devam eden mücadeleler kapsamında MÖ 200 yılında bir diğer Helenistik Devlet olan Seleukoslara tabi hâle gelmiştir. Seleukos hâkimiyetinin başlangıcı itibariyle dinî ve idari anlamda nispeten rahat bir ortama sahip olan Yahudi ahali, ilerleyen dönemde özellikle dinî ve idari bazı yaptırımlara maruz kalacaktır. Bahse konu yaptırımlar sebebiyle bölgede Modeinli Mattathias ve beş oğlu önderliğinde literatürde Makkabi İsyanı olarak bilinen isyan hareketi başlamıştır. Hareketi yürüten aile Haşmonayim Ailesi veya Makkabiler olarak bilinmektedir. Haşmonayim adı, ailenin kaynaklarda varlığı tespit edilebilen büyük atasından ötürü kullanılmaktadır. Makkabi adı ise esasen, Mattathias’ın oğlu Ioudas Makkabaios’un epitheti olup, onun gösterdiği başarılar sebebiyle hem isyanı hem de aileyi anmak için kullanılır hâle gelmiştir. Haşmonayim veya Makkabiler olarak bilinen aile ilk olarak MÖ 167 yılında, Seleukos idaresi altında bulunan Yahudilerin dönemin kralı IV. Antiokhos Epiphanes’in dinî dayatmalarına karşı Mattathias tarafından başlatılan isyan hareketiyle tarih sahnesine çıkmıştır. Mattathias’ın ölümünün ardından hareket, geride kalan beş oğlu ve sonrasında ise torunları tarafından devam ettirilmiştir. Başlangıç itibariyle yerel bir isyan hüviyetinde olan hareket, zaman içerisinde ailenin bir hanedanlığa dönüşmesine yol açmıştır. Hanedanlık olarak mücadelesini sürdüren Haşmonayim Ailesi, Seleukoslar karşısında çeşitli vesilelerle elde ettikleri kazanımlarla önce vassal bir yapıya ve nihayetinde ise bağımsız bir siyasi yapıya sahip olmuştur. Aile hakkında birincil kaynak niteliğindeki bilgiler genel itibariyle apokrif Makabeler Kitapları ile Yahudi tarihçi Flavius Iosephus’un eserlerinden edinilmektedir. Mevcut bilgiler doğrultusunda MÖ 167 ile MÖ 63 yılları aralığını kapsayan ailenin faaliyet dönemi üzerine özellikle yabancı literatürde, ailenin ve hareketin siyasi tarihi ile dinler tarihi özellikle Yahudilik açısından önemi ve etkileri hususunda çeşitli incelemeler yapılmıştır. Ancak ailenin faaliyetlerini yürütürken benimsediği hareket motivasyonu ile meşruiyet kazandıkları dayanak noktaları üzerine pek fazla çalışma bulunmamaktadır. Hâlbuki ailenin tarihi seyri takip edilirken sahip oldukları hareket ideolojisinin, mücadele gerekçelerinin ve meşruiyet dayanaklarının süreklilik arz edecek şekilde değişiklik gösterdiği ve güncellendiği dikkat çekmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Haşmonayim Hanedanlığının siyasi tarihi ve bir din olarak Yahudiliğe ifade ettiği anlamdan ziyade, ailenin tarih sahnesine çıkışından sahip oldukları bağımsız devletin yıkılışına kadar geçen süre içerisindeki ideolojisi, meşruiyet dayanakları ve bahse konu ögeler üzerinde meydana gelen değişiklikler sebepleriyle beraber incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. İncelemeler neticesinde meydana gelen değişimlerin özellikle ailenin hareket kapsamında edindiği kazanımlara ve mevcut siyasi konjonktüre göre gerçekleştiği belirlenmiştir. Ailenin hareket ideolojisi üzerinde gerçekleşen değişimler belli hadiseler neticesinde meydana gelmiştir. Bu yönüyle ailenin hareket motivasyonunu isyan dönemi ideolojisi, hanedanlık dönemi ideolojisi ve devlet dönemi ideolojisi olmak üzere üç kısımda incelemek mümkündür. Hareket henüz isyan dönemindeyken ailenin ideolojisi millilikten oldukça uzaktır ve din temelli bir zeminde bulunmaktadır. Aile hareket meşruiyetini, aynı ideolojisi gibi, bu dönemde dinî dayanaklardan almaktadır. Makkabi İsyanı’nın hedeflerinin başarıya ulaştığı sonraki hanedanlık döneminde ailenin ideolojisi ve meşruiyet zemini büyük bir değişime uğramıştır. Artık ortada dinî bir hedef kalmaması sebebiyle aile milli bir ideolojiyle hareket ederek siyasi bağımsızlık hedefleri güder hâle gelmiştir. Siyasi bağımsızlığın tesis edildiği devlet döneminde ise artık siyasi bağımsızlık gibi bir hedef mevcut olmadığı için hanedanlığın bekasını koruma ve kişisel iktidar güdüsüyle hareket edildiği dikkat çekmektedir.

Concerning the Aquatic-Bovine Dimension to YHWH Worship and Its Relation to the Double Cornucopia on Jewish Coinage

Why is the image of the double cornucopia so utterly pervasive on Judaean coinage of the Hasmonean Dynasty? Is it a mere decorative motif, perhaps mimicking Seleukid or other Greek types also featuring a cornucopia, or is there a deeper, authentically Jewish religious dimension to the iconography? A few numismatists have offered cursory explanations for its appearance but none of the explanations are particularly satisfying, largely because they leave much of the earlier history of Jewish cult outside of the interpretation. Meshorer, in his essay, claimed that, although the cornucopia was a near-universal symbol in antiquity, the double cornucopia was a Greek iconographic development that was adopted by the Jews and assimilated into their culture.

The Literary Growth of the Song of Songs during the Hasmonean and Early-Herodian Periods, written by Torleif Elgvin

The Literary Growth of the Song of Songs during the Hasmonean and Early-Herodian Periods, written by Torleif Elgvin

The Literary Growth of the Song of Songs during the Hasmonean and Early-Herodian Periods, written by Torleif Elgvin

The Literary Growth of the Song of Songs during the Hasmonean and Early-Herodian Periods, written by Torleif Elgvin

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty Between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy, written by Kathell Berthelot

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty Between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy, written by Kathell Berthelot

Katell Berthelot. In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy. Translated by Margaret Rigaud. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. 494 pp.

Reviewed by: In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy by Katell Berthelot Robert Doran Katell Berthelot. In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy. Translated by Margaret Rigaud. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. 494 pp. doi:10.1017/S036400941900014X Katell Bertholet investigates the bases for the claim by many twentieth-century scholars that the Hasmoneans had intended to reclaim the land promised by God to Israel or to reinstate the kingdom of David and Solomon. In her introductory chapter, Berthelot provides a succinct overview of historical scholarship on the Hasmonean period from 1850 to 1950, which supported the view that the Hasmoneans had set out to reclaim the Promised Land of Israel. She notes the dissident voices that have downplayed the biblical models for Hasmonean [End Page 206] action and preferred a more "secular" model for the dynasty's aims. The author points to problems in seeking biblical models to explain the Hasmonean policies: (a) there are several borders given in the Bible for the Promised Land; (b) it was not clear how long the commandment to conquer the Promised Land was to endure; (c) there is no biblical precedent for the forced conversion of non-Jews. She emphasizes that one must be cautious in speaking of the Hasmoneans as a whole, and that each ruler must be studied separately. After this introductory chapter, the work is divided into three parts. Part 1 concentrates on the account of the actions of Judas, Jonathan, and Simon in 1 Maccabees. The author first provides an analysis of 1 Maccabees, and looks at 2 Maccabees and the parallel accounts in Josephus's War and Antiquities. She finds that: "1) the author of 1 Maccabees could have made the land (even if only the Judean territory) into a much more explicit motivation for the Maccabean revolt, but he did not do so; 2) the reconquest of the promised land is not listed among the objectives of the revolt in either 2 Maccabees or the writings of Josephus" (91). She further concludes that "the conquest of parcels of land within and outside Judea did however constitute a major economic, demographic, political and military incentive for the Hasmoneans" (93). As for biblical models, she finds that Joshua and the war against the nations of Canaan do not play a major role in 1 Maccabees, but rather that the primary biblical touchstones are royal figures—David, Solomon—who provide legitimation for the rule of the Hasmoneans. She finds no mention of the purification of the land as a goal. Her analysis of the response of Simon to the threat of Antiochus VII at 1 Maccabees 15:33—"We have neither taken foreign land nor seized foreign property, but only the inheritance of our ancestors, which at one time had been unjustly taken by our enemies"—shows how Simon here does not base his answer on the notion that the land had been given to Israel as a divine gift, but grounds it on the juridical category of ancestral ownership, an argument found in other territorial disputes in the Hellenistic world. In part 2, Berthelot examines the Judean territorial expansion from John Hyrcanus to Aristobulus II. She shows by her analysis of the sources that the territorial expansion from Simon on was made possible by a specific set of historical and political circumstances: the Seleucid Empire was becoming weaker, and the Romans did not interfere until the reigns of Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II. "Besides these historical circumstances and geopolitical factors, the sources suggest that the Hasmonean wars were motivated by questions of strategy and national security, as well as by political and economic concerns. Demographic issues may also have played a role" (282). She discusses the role of "forced conversions" (283–324) and sees this policy as a means not only to exclude idolatrous practices but also to consolidate Hasmonean power through the fiscal demands of the temple in Jerusalem. These "conversions," therefore, were linked to the political and economic interests of the Hasmoneans and considerably enriched Judea. As for the use of mercenaries, "their presence...

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy by Katell Berthelot

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy by Katell Berthelot

Katell Berthelot, In search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean dynasty between biblical models and Hellenistic diplomacy

Les Hasmoneens, dans la construction de leur Etat, sont-ils guides par l’idee d’un programme biblique ou ne font-ils que profiter de facon opportuniste des occasions offertes pour construire un nouvel Etat hellenistique ? La question est loin d’etre sans importance car, comme le montre l’expose bibliographique qui sert d’introduction a l’ouvrage, qu’elle ait ete ou non posee en ces termes, elle ne cesse d’orienter les travaux des chercheurs. De Nahman Krochmal au debut du xixe siecle aux trav...

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic DiplomacyBerthelotKatell In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24Vandenhoeck & RuprechtGöttingen, 2018, 494, £95.49ISBN 978-3-525-55252-0

In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic DiplomacyBerthelotKatell <i>In Search of the Promised Land? The Hasmonean Dynasty between Biblical Models and Hellenistic Diplomacy</i> Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements 24Vandenhoeck &amp; RuprechtGöttingen, 2018, 494, £95.49ISBN 978-3-525-55252-0

Marriage Prohibitions in the Hasmoneans’ Dynastic Politics

The article describes the marriage prohibitions in the Hasmonean state’s dynastic policy (II–I centuries BC). The Jewish rulers had a very strict approach in choosing a partner. The main criteria were ritual purity and good origin (by the Judaic norms), as well as belonging to the Jewish elite. During the last rulers of an independent state of the Hasmoneans (Aristobul II and Hyrkanus II) there was a transition to consanguineous marriages. One of the reasons is the influence of the Hellenistic tradition, in which such marriages are normal. In Judaism there are prohibitions on incest, but the Hasmoneans were able to meet the standards of Judaism (marriage with a cousin). Such a policy is an excellent example of the specificity of the Hasmonean dynasty: to follow the norms of Judaism, while being in the context of the common Hellenistic paradigm.

The expansion of Judah in II Chronicles: Territorial legitimation for the Hasmoneans?

Abstract: The article deals with the descriptions of Judah’s territorial expansion in sections of II Chronicles that do not appear in Kings. It suggests that these accounts, which represent a central theme in Chronicles, were written in order to legitimize Hasmonean territorial expansion. More precisely, the article focuses the spotlight on the days of John Hyrcanus, in the late 2nd century BCE.Zusammenfassung: Der Artikel befasst sich mit der Beschreibung von Judas territorialer Expansion in jenen Passagen in II Chronik, die keine Parallele in den Königebüchern haben. Die These lautet, dass diese Erzählungen, die ein zentrales Thema der Chronikbücher repräsentieren, zur Legitimation der territorialen Expansion unter den Hasmonäern verfasst wurden. Genauer: der Artikel konzentriert sich auf die Zeit des Johannes Hyrkanos, also auf das späte 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr.Résumé: L’article traite la question de la description de l’expansion territoriale de Juda dans les passages de 2 Chroniques, passages qui n’ont pas de parallèles dans les livres des Rois. La thèse est que ces narrations, qui représentent un thème central dans les Chroniques, ont été rédigées pour légitimer l’expansion territoriale sous les Hasmonéens. Plus précisément, l’article s’intéresse à l’époque de Jean Hyrcan, c’est-à-dire à la fin du 2ème siècle av. J.-C.

Sabbath Observance, Sabbath Innovation: The Hasmoneans and Their Legacy as Interpreters of the Law

Both 1 Maccabees and 2 Maccabees portray the Sabbath law as a central point of contention during the struggle over Judean law and tradition in the second century bce (e.g., 1 Macc 1:41-50; 2 Macc 6:4-6). The Hasmonean family in particular is at times highlighted as holding the Sabbath in high regard (2 Macc 5:27). In every available source, there is no question of the commitment to the inherited traditions concerning the Sabbath. However, in two passages, 1 Macc 2:29-41 and 9:43-53, the Hasmoneans are portrayed as acting in a way supported by few extant writings associated with Judean legal tradition: they engage in battle on the Sabbath. First Maccabees presents this as innovation on the part of the Hasmoneans. Josephus, who summarizes these events based upon 1 Maccabees, even recognizes this decision as the basis for normative practice (Ant. 12.272-277). As several scholars (e.g., Bar Kochva, Weiss, Scolnic) have pointed out, this event could hardly have been the first time in Judean history the issue arose. They argue against this reading of the sources. This paper contends that the plain reading of the texts is correct and 1 Maccabees is being used as the basis for legal practice in Josephus’ writings.

King Herod in Ardashir's Court: The Rabbinic Story of Herod (B. Bava Batra 3b–4a) in Light of Persian Sources

The Bavli's story of Herod's rise to power, murder of the Hasmonean family and of the rabbis, encounter with Bava b. Buta, and construction of the temple, found at Bava Batra 3b-4a, has long puzzled scholars. Many aspects of this story diverge from Josephus's account, our main source for historical knowledge of Herod's life and deeds. This paper argues that the storyteller has been influenced by Persian sources from the Sasanian period. Important elements of the Bavli story were modeled on the account of the rise of Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, as recounted in a Sasanian text known as theKarnamag i Ardashir i Pabagan, “The Book of the Deeds of Ardashir son of Pabag.” The rabbis understood the transition from the Hasmonean to Herodian dynasties through the prism of the transition from the Parthian to Sasanian dynasties. They identified Herod with Ardashir, and constructed a story of Herod's usurpation and rise to power on the basis of Ardashir's usurpation and rise to power as recounted in Sasanian sources.

Reclaiming the Land (1 Maccabees 15:28–36): Hasmonean Discourse between Biblical Tradition and Seleucid Rhetoric

The First Book of Maccabees (15:28–36) records a diplomatic exchange over disputed cities and territories between Simon, Judas Maccabeus’s brother, and the Seleucid king Antiochus VII. In vv. 33–34, Simon argues that the Jews/Judeans have not seized foreign lands that belonged to others but have simply taken back “the heritage of our fathers.” Many scholars have interpreted Simon’s reply as a self-evident indication that the Hasmonean dynasty saw itself as reconquering the promised land. However, a closer analysis of the text shows that this claim is exaggerated. Moreover, scholars refer to this passage alone in support of such a theory. Through the analysis of the literary construction of the passage and of its connections with biblical traditions, with Seleucid rhetoric as presented in 1 Maccabees itself, and with Hellenistic arguments used in cases of territorial strife, I argue that “the heritage of our fathers” refers to Judea alone, and that Simon’s discourse cannot be interpreted solely through the lens of biblical intertextuality but rather needs to be compared with the ways of arguing about one’s legitimate right to possess a territory in the Hellenistic world at large.

Reclaiming the Land (1 Maccabees 15:28–36): Hasmonean Discourse between Biblical Tradition and Seleucid Rhetoric

The First Book of Maccabees (15:28–36) records a diplomatic exchange over disputed cities and territories between Simon, Judas Maccabeus's brother, and the Seleucid king Antiochus VII. In vv. 33–34, Simon argues that the Jews/Judeans have not seized foreign lands that belonged to others but have simply taken back “the heritage of our fathers.” Many scholars have interpreted Simon's reply as a self-evident indication that the Hasmonean dynasty saw itself as reconquering the promised land. However, a closer analysis of the text shows that this claim is exaggerated. Moreover, scholars refer to this passage alone in support of such a theory. Through the analysis of the literary construction of the passage and of its connections with biblical traditions, with Seleucid rhetoric as presented in 1 Maccabees itself, and with Hellenistic arguments used in cases of territorial strife, I argue that “the heritage of our fathers” refers to Judea alone, and that Simon's discourse cannot be interpreted solely through the lens of biblical intertextuality but rather needs to be compared with the ways of arguing about one's legitimate right to possess a territory in the Hellenistic world at large.

Current Viewpoints on Ancient Jewish Coinage: A Bibliographic Essay

This article presents a survey of recent research in pre-coinage currency of Judaea, coins of the Persian period (Philistia, Edom, Samaria, and Judaea), the Hasmonean dynasty, the Herodian dynasty, the Jewish War against Rome and the Bar Kokhba revolt. Books, articles, presentations and dissertations have added significantly to the literature; it is the author’s goal to assist the non-specialist in keeping up with the latest information and opinions.

A Hasmonean Edition of MT Genesis?: The Implications of the Editions of the Chronology in Genesis 5

A Hasmonean Edition of MT Genesis?: The Implications of the Editions of the Chronology in Genesis 5

A Brief History of the Second Temple Period Name ‘Hyrcanus’

The late Israelite / early Jewish name ‘Hyrcanus’ has proven an enigma to ancient and modern historians of Judaism, especially in terms of its etymology. With the introduction of a possible Aramaic occurence of the name among the Dead Sea Genesis Apocryphon, ‘Hyrcanus’ is now beset by further complications; some scholars suggesting that the Aramaic form is altogether different than the Greek name, while others assume a direct correspondence. Drawing on a wide array of etymological and historical data, this essay seeks to lay out clearly the various problems and previously proposed solutions in the debate over the name, examining the strengths and weaknesses of each. The result of the study is a new thesis that groups all of the name’s variant morphologies under a single, Egyptian theophore, and thereby sheds light on its employment in Judaism—especially in connection with the Hasmonean dynasty.

Mattathias and the Jewish Man of Modein

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.) According to 1 Maccabees 2, the Maccabean revolution begins with one crucial moment, Mattathias's act of defiance in Modein. When the father of the Hasmonean dynasty kills the Seleucid official and Jewish man who is willing to participate in pagan rite, he attempts to rally those of his people who are still faithful to their God and religion to take history into their own hands. This famous story is the subject of brilliant reading by Shaye J. D. Cohen, who argues that the religious and cultural identity indicated by Jewishness was not yet present in 1 Maccabees and that Mattathias's victim was not Jewish but Judean.1 This interpretation fits with Cohen's overarching theory that the Greek term Ioudaioi had geographical (Judean) but not religious or cultural (Jewish) dimension before the late second century b.c.e. Since the scholarly consensus is that both 1 and 2 Maccabees were written in that era, these works may provide evidence of this shift.2 Cohen offers 1 Macc 2:15-26 as parade example of his theory that there was no Jewishness in 1 Maccabees and that it existed only as of the writing of 2 Maccabees; thus it is fair to begin with this case before dealing with the general proposition that there is no Jewishness in the book. I will argue that Cohen's interpretation of this passage is quite problematic and that the person whom Mattathias kills is Jewish man of Modein; that Modein is in Judea; that 1 Maccabees does use the term ... (Ioudaioi) for Jews, adherents of the Jewish religion, and not merely for Judeans; and that the concept of Jewishness as delineated by Cohen begins at least as early as the writing of this book. I. THE INCIDENT AT MODEIN (1 MACCABEES 2:15-26) I will review the text before outlining Cohen's arguments and responding at length. The king's officials in charge of enforcing apostasy came to the town of Modein to make them sacrifice. Many Israelites came up to meet them, and Mattathias and his sons were brought into the gathering. The king's officials addressed Mattathias as follows, You are respected and distinguished leader in this town, supported by sons and kinsmen. Now the first to come and obey the command of the king as the gentiles have done, as well as the people of Judah and those who have been allowed to remain in Jerusalem. In return, you and your sons will raised to the rank of the Friends of the King, and you and your sons will honored by grants of silver and gold and many gifts. (1 Macc 2:15- 18)3 Seleucid officials involved in the persecution of the Jewish religion come to the town of Modein. Since the townspeople seem to unwilling to participate in the pagan rite, or because the officials have met this kind of resistance in other towns, they attempt to bribe the priest Mattathias to set an example and be the first to come forward and obey the king's command; the townspeople will certainly follow their leader. When Mattathias defiantly and eloquently refused, Jewish man came in the sight of to offer sacrifice upon the altar in Modein in accordance with the king's decree. When Mattathias saw this, he was filled with zeal and trembled with rage and let his anger rise, as was fitting; he ran and slew him upon the altar. At the same time he also killed the king's official in charge of enforcing sacrifices, and he destroyed the altar. (2:23-25) In explaining his position that Mattathias's victim was not Jewish, Cohen argues the following points: 1. Modein was outside of Judea;4 when the officials state that all the gentiles . . . as well as the people of Judah [...] and those who have been allowed to remain in Jerusalem (1 Macc 2:18), they imply that of Judea has already submitted to the persecution. 2. The usual translation of ... cited above, that the worshiper is a Jewish man, is incorrect; instead, he is Judean man. …

PsSal 17, die Hasmonäer und der Herodompeius

AbstractThe Psalms of Solomon are an important source for reconstructing Jewish attitudes towards the major political shift that occurred in 63 BCE. The end of the Hasmonean dynasty and the beginning of Roman rule are often said to have pleased at least some contemporary Jewish groups because they perceived the Hasmoneans as illegitimate rulers. The analysis seeks to show that the only contemporary evidence for this view is PsSol 17:1-10, and that this part of the PsSol does not speak of Pompey, but of Herod the Great. Some attitudes towards the Hasmonean dynasty assumed to be contemporary by scholars have to be seen against the background of the Herodian, not the Hasmonean period.