Gun Control Research Articles

An Appraisal Analysis on Joe Biden’s Rhetoric of Gun Control

The recurring gun violence in the U.S. has been a prevailing issue for a long period. To tackle these, the government has implemented various policies and regulations. However, a transformation is nowhere to be seen. Having advocated for a change is Joe Biden, the president of the United States. In the light of recent unfortunate occurrences, Biden delivered a public speech that addressed this issue. This study aims to understand and thoroughly comprehend Biden’s speech using appraisal analysis, in which the elements of appraisal are used to classify the terms within Biden’s speech. This research uses qualitative methods, and it is concluded that it is clear from the performed research and supplementary data in the preceding sentence that Biden's speech contains a total of 37 evaluative items. 19 of these appraising items are positive, while 18 are negative. 19 of these appraising items are positive. This study found 12 findings for each of the appraisal parts of affect and appreciation, 7 findings of Judgment-social esteem and 6 findings of judgment-social sanction. Upon analyzing, it is found that Biden’s speech contains numerous meanings, some of which are how he is saddened by the unfortunate event, and subsequently advocates transformation on gun regulation in the future years. In conclusion, Biden’s position on gun issues as president of the U.S. is that the owner and the regulation, not the gun, are the issue.

The effects of mass shootings on gun sales: Motivations, mechanisms, policies and regulations

Surges in firearm sales after mass shootings have been well documented in the United States. This study presents three main findings regarding the impact of mass shootings on firearm demand and the moderating roles played by political and regulatory climates. First, mass shootings led to an immediate but temporary increase in gun sales. This effect continued for approximately 3–6 months after the incidents and was larger for shootings with a greater number of fatalities. Second, the association between mass shootings and gun sales was significant only under Democratic presidents. The party affiliation of the state legislature and state-level gun control did not moderate this association. Third, the increased firearm sales after mass shootings did not result in a higher level of firearm ownership. It appeared most purchases were made by current gun owners stockpiling additional firearms, thus indicating the fear of stricter gun control as a likely motivation. This study offers the following policy implications: (a) the public debates concerning gun violence could have the unintended consequence of raising gun demand among current owners, (b) the message of tightening gun control could increase the total stock of firearms in circulation, and (c) the regulations to prevent future mass shootings may be better addressed by the state government as a state-level regulation does not trigger demand response among potential consumers.

Biden administration provides more resources, supports for school MH needs

The field recently witnessed promising investments in school‐based mental health, including more than $300 million, via awards and grants, for health professionals in schools and in emergency departments (EDs). The bulk of the funding would be provided through the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act (BSCA), a firearm regulation and mental health bill that was passed this summer by Congress and signed into law by President Biden.

모의총포 및 사제폭발물에 의한 테러 발생 위험성에 관한 연구

On July 8, 2022, the world was shocked when the former Prime Minister of Japan was shot and killed by a homemade gun. In recent years, accidents by simulated guns or homemade explosives have occurred one after another. In Korea, where the management of firearms and explosives is relatively strict, firearms are being converted and traded illegally, and gun control, such as the death of a police officer due to a simulated gun, is at a dangerous level. Therefore, we will analyze the current state of management of simulated guns and homemade explosives, as well as improving the problems of the current Act on the Safety Management of Guns, Swords, and Explosives (hereafter, the Gunpowder Act). In addition, this study was conducted for the purpose of examining the possibility of being used in crimes and terrorism by unspecified majority and suggesting countermeasures. For this purpose, literature research and a case study were conducted as a research method. For the literature study, we reviewed academic journals, contributions, and government agency research reports for related prior research papers to derive areas that need improvement in reality by examining the regulations of the Guns and Explosives Act related corporations. In addition, we searched for publications published by newspapers or the National Police Agency, police white papers, and related data published by the National Assembly member's office, confirmed objective facts, and studied representative domestic and foreign cases that have occurred so far. As a result of this study, problems such as gun licensing, gun management, illegal possession/modification and smuggling of guns, education issues when obtaining permission to possess firearms, and non-compliance with safety rules were derived under the Guns and Explosives Act. There were also loopholes in gun management using 3D printers. As revealed in the case, these vulnerabilities can be used not only for simple crimes in the future, but also for terrorism. Therefore, as a further measure, it is necessary to establish and practically operate legal and institutional measures, measures of related institutions, administrative agencies, and legislative branches, and cooperative governance between the public, private, military, police and academia. In Korea, guns and explosives that can actually be used as weapons, such as guns, swords, explosives, gas sprayers, electroshock weapons, and crossbows, are thoroughly managed under the Guns and Explosives Act based on a relatively stable state of security, so accidents are rare. However, there are legal and institutional problems that control this, and there are constant exposure to illegal activities, such as crimes caused by simulated guns and homemade explosives, which are not stipulated in the relevant laws. There is a possibility that these vulnerabilities may be used by domestic autonomous terrorist groups or groups linked to international terrorist organizations for terrorism targeting an unspecified majority. Therefore, in order to maintain the current state of security, it is necessary to prepare practical measures such as supplementation of legal and institutional devices such as the Guns and Firearms Act.

How colleges should lead on climate.

How colleges should lead on climate.

2020 Measures to Address Violence and Unrest in a Time of COVID-19

COVID-19 had a severe impact on the lives of South Africans. Despite lockdown measures, unrest and violence continued unabated. The South African Police Services’ crime statistics reveal that, in some instances, less violent crimes were committed. Inquiries into taxi, police, and defence force violence during lockdown were also conducted. The Khosa v Minister of Defence case is dealt with in more detail in this regard. Violent protests continued despite lockdown measures. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s assistance to victims of apartheid in relation to basic and higher education was increased. The Department of Correctional Services had to reassess its parole system to ensure that violent criminals released on parole do not commit additional crimes. Despite this, numerous prisoners were released to lessen the pressure on prisons in a time of COVID-19. The Constitutional Court also addressed the Judicial Inspectorate’s lack of resources to conduct its work properly. The establishment of a National Security Council and its functions is addressed. The Firearms Control Regulations’ amendments include provisions on the training and retraining of employees of official institutions in the handling of firearms. The note also discusses several cases in relation to the use of firearms. The provisions of the Victim Support Services Bill of 2019 published in 2020 are also investigated. The note also refers to lists of entities that the United Nationals Security Council identified in terms of the Protection of Constitutional Democracy against Terrorist and Related Activities Act. The note concludes that unrest and violence (institutionalised or not) still underpin the South African society. The COVID-19 lockdown revealed more of these transgressions and limitations within the systems of the police, defence force, and correctional services. This note focuses on the most important 2020 measures and is a continuation of the annual reporting in this regard.

THE ROLE OF NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SPORTS-SHOOTING, HUNTING AND COLLECTORS ORGANISATIONS IN TERMS OF THE FIREARMS CONTROL ACT 60 OF 2000

The aim of this note is to examine the role of national and international sports-shooting, hunting and collectors organisations in the application of the Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000, as distinguished from the accredited organisations referred to in that Act.The Firearms Control Act finally came into operation on 1 July 2004 (Proc 28 in GG 26374 of 2004-05-28). The regulations made by the Minister of Safety and Security under section 145 of the Act came into operation on the same date (reg 114; GN R345 in GG 26156 of 2004-03-26).Some provisions of the Act and some regulations made under it, particularly those relating to accreditation (see par 3 2 below), had already come into operation on 1 July 2003 (R52 and R957 in GG 25153 of 2003-06-30).The Act repeals the whole of the Arms and Ammunition Act 75 of 1969 which previously regulated the possession of arms and ammunition. The new Act introduces an intricate scheme for the control of firearms quite unlike that provided for by the previous Act. The introduction of the new Act was accompanied by some controversy (and not a little drama). The Act attracted the attention of the High Court even before it came into operation. In South African Gun Owners Association v State President of the Republic of South Africa (TPD 2004-06-30 case number 16620/04) a seemingly ill-advised application by seven firearms-related organisations to interdict the new Act from coming into operation a few days before it was set to do so, was dismissed with attorney-and-client costs.The new Act and the regulations issued in terms thereof raise many new questions, some of them likely to remain unanswered for some time.

How combinations of state firearm laws link to low firearm suicide and homicide rates: A configurational analysis

Firearm violence, including both homicide and suicide, is a major public health problem in the United States (US). To decrease firearm mortality, US states have implemented laws to restrict firearm availability. We evaluated ten state firearm laws using configurational comparative methods (CCMs) designed to uncover how multiple factors are linked to a given outcome. We applied coincidence analysis, a novel CCM, to ten firearm laws in US states in 2016, to assess how different combinations of firearm laws distinguished states with low firearm homicide or suicide rates from those states with higher rates. The suicide analysis included all 50 US states; the homicide analysis involved the 47 US states with homicide rates reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in 2016. For low firearm suicide rates, we identified three solution pathways - the presence of universal background checks OR the presence of under 21 firearm possession restrictions OR the presence of junk gun bans - which were sufficient for low firearm suicide rates with high consistency (0.87) and coverage (0.76). For low firearm homicide rates, we identified three solution pathways - presence of under 21 firearm possession restrictions OR the presence of universal background checks together with the absence of trafficking prohibited laws OR membership in the Northern Great Plains -which were sufficient for low firearm homicide rates with high consistency (0.87) and coverage (0.81). We conclude that CCM analysis can add new insights to how multiple firearm laws work together to reduce firearm violence.

Publisher’s note

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

Identifying Root Causes: Evaluation of a Program to Engage Youth in a Social Justice Approach to Tobacco Control.

Movements designed to engage youth in tobacco control have been an important part of tobacco prevention for decades. Today, young people are increasingly diverse, and their primary issues of concern are gun control, racism, mental health, and climate change. To engage today's young people, tobacco control programs need to draw connections between youth's identities, top issues, and tobacco. UpRISE is a social justice youth tobacco control movement that engages diverse youth in identifying the root causes of youth nicotine use. In 2018-2019, 21 youth-serving organizations and schools hosted youth coalitions. Coalitions engaged in a six-session workbook called "Getting to the root cause," and adults were provided training and reflective supervision. Pre/post surveys with youth participants (n = 180) and end-of-year interviews with adult facilitators (n = 22) were used to assess outcomes. The primary outcomes were supportive adult relationships, youth voice in decision-making, anti-tobacco industry attitudes and beliefs, psychological empowerment, critical consciousness, and global belief in a just world. Quantitative measures of supportive adult relationships, youth voice in decision-making, psychological empowerment, and anti-tobacco industry attitudes and beliefs all increased significantly over time (p < .0001, p < .0001, p < .0001, p = .0034, respectively). Critical consciousness and global belief in a just world did not change significantly. During interviews, adults reported learning how: to engage in youth-adult partnerships, the tobacco industry abused its power, to engage in critical reflection about power. Adults also felt empowered. UpRISE may be a promising approach to increase racially diverse youth's engagement in social justice-oriented tobacco control efforts that advance equity.

The effects of CEO activism: Partisan consumer behavior and its duration

AbstractResearch SummaryCEOs increasingly engage in activism on controversial social and political issues that do not directly affect their core business. Simultaneously, the general public is increasingly politically polarized. We examine how CEOs' support for gun control after two mass shootings differentially affected the behavior of liberal and conservative consumers and the persistence of these effects. Using mobile phone location data to measure store‐level visits, we find (a) consumer visits to stores decreased by 3%; (b) this decrease was asymmetric: visits in the most conservative counties decreased by about 5% but did not change in the most liberal counties; and (c) these effects dissipated within 10 weeks after activism. Our results highlight the strategic implications for executives pressured to take stances on controversial issues.Managerial SummaryWe study how consumers respond to CEO support for gun control, and how consumers' partisan views influence their behavior. Visits to the stores of several major retailers declined about 3% in the 4 weeks after their CEOs supported expanding background checks for gun purchases. In the most liberal counties, visits did not change following CEO support for gun control, while in the most conservative counties visits declined about 5%. Hence, the reaction of liberal consumers did not counteract the reaction of conservative consumers. We find, however, that these effects dissipated within 10 weeks; as a result, retailers whose CEOs supported gun control did not experience any long‐term, net decrease in sales despite the short‐term sales decrease in conservative counties.

What's Important: Dealing with Gun Violence.

As orthopaedic surgeons, we have been deeply saddened, horrified, and angered by the recent shootings of 2 physicians, an employee, and a patient at a Tulsa health-care clinic. This closely followed the shootings at a Buffalo supermarket and the Uvalde elementary school. While we are not going to list all of the tragic shootings in these past months, we do want to reiterate some of the facts of gun violence. There were 12,393 deaths from guns in the United States in 2021; over half of them were suicides1. There are 434 million firearms in the United States (of which 19.8 million are AR-15s), and 150 million have a “large-capacity” magazine capable of holding at least 10 rounds2. It has been estimated that 40% of households in the United States possess at least 1 firearm3. It is no secret that this country is deeply polarized about how we should respond to the tragedies of gun deaths and injuries. In this essay, we want to present our own views of how we can address problems that urgently need our attention and can actually be fixed. Some of these steps can be taken immediately and some require enormous societal changes. First, we believe that eliminating all guns in the United States or abolishing the 2nd Amendment is impossible. Also, we do not think that our country should outlaw large-capacity magazines as that would make semiautomatic handguns and rifles, which don’t accept smaller magazines, nonfunctional and could turn tens of millions of Americans who own these weapons into criminals. What we can do is increase the age for any firearm purchase from 18 to 21 years, a proposal for which there is widespread agreement. The argument has been raised that 18-year-olds can serve in the military, where they use handguns and assault weapons, but soldiers are highly vetted for service and trained in the proper use of weapons—unlike ordinary 18 to 21-year-olds. Exceptions might be made for young people hunting on their own family’s properties and ranches. This entire issue can also be revisited after data have been collected. There are other measures that merit serious discussion. These include “red flag” regulations that would allow law enforcement to take away firearms from those who have displayed serious mental illness and prior disturbing behaviors. (In fact, this issue was included in the gun safety legislation recently passed by Congress, which provided funding to incentivize states to enact such measures.) In addition, perhaps a 3-day waiting period from the purchase to the pick-up of a weapon should be considered? Could more effort be made to “harden” soft targets (schools, houses of worship, medical facilities, and shopping malls) with properly trained onsite staff members? Could there be more police officers on the streets? We ourselves believe in the importance of the family in stemming gun violence. Parents need to take responsibility for guiding the decisions and actions of their children and teenagers. They must instill, through education and example, a sense of individual responsibility, personal awareness, and pride in community. Those who include religion in their children’s upbringing should stress the tenets that forbid the taking of life (“Thou shalt not kill” according to the 5th commandment of the Judeo-Christian faith traditions). All children and teenagers who show signs suggesting current or future violent behavior toward others or themselves should be referred to health professionals for counseling and treatment as soon as possible. In the long term, perhaps we can focus more on the person pulling the trigger. The news outlets, social media, and we ourselves need to stress the importance of the family (especially fathers for boys and young men), morality, and religious beliefs (the 5th Commandment, “Thou shalt not kill”) to hopefully restore individual responsibility and personal awareness. Parents should be held responsible for the moral actions of their children and teenagers. Pride and responsibility in country and community could be restored through education and example. Children and teenagers with disturbing behavior and “mental illness” should be referred to health professionals for counseling and treatment at an earlier stage. Maybe the time is now to come together and take some incremental steps to decrease gun violence. No one denies that addressing gun violence in the United States is difficult. We are a nation in which life and freedom are both revered. However, the time is now to come together and take incremental steps.

Gun Control Policies And The Right To Bear Arms In America: A Utilitarian Perspective

The purpose of this study is to utilize Bentham’s Utilitarianism model to explain gun control policies and the right to bear arms in the United States of America. Meanwhile the literature and available evidence from mass shooting revealed that gun control advocates and gun rights advocate alike appear to be firmly rooted in their respective positions. Perhaps the quintessential question is this – Who’s right and who’s wrong. In an attempt to answer the question above, the researcher utilized the narrative research approach and the application of Utilitarian principles to explain the gun control policies, and gun rights of citizens to inform criminal justice reforms. It is evidenced in this study that in many ways, Bentham and his successors’ writings, discussions and arguments for the application of the principle of utility can be felt in contemporary society, like the USA when it comes to issues like gun control. The United States is a Representative Republic and though not direct but a form of democracy. The study revealed that even though, the structure of the U.S. government is such that certain levels of accountability or checks and balances are in place to hold those in authority of governance accountable, but the system have failed to adequately enact and enforce laws to control the issues of homicides, and gun control to protect the lives of citizens. This finding aligns with Bentham’s proposition in the literature that those who hold the “operative power” in government, administration, and judiciary are, like everyone else, motivated by personal interest but not for the greater good. Therefore, this study recommend that it is imperative to devise mechanisms that will ensure that only by acting in the public interest could they promote their own interests. KEYWORDS: Utilitarian, gun control, gun rights, policy, firearms, assault rifles, Second Amendment. DOI: 10.7176/JLPG/123-09 Publication date: August 31 st 2022

A CASE OF MISFIRING? Lazarides v The Chairman of the Firearms Appeal Board 2005 JDR 0584 (T)

No person may possess a firearm unless he holds a licence issued by the Commissioner of Police (Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000 (s 3); (now repealed) Arms and Ammunition Act 75 of 1969 (s 2)). Where an application for a licence is refused, the applicant may appeal to the Appeal Board (Firearms Control Act (s 133)). Under the Arms and Ammunition Act the appeal lay to the Minister of Law and Order, who could delegate this function to the Appeal Board (s 3(2) read with s 14A and 44(1)). The applicant in the Lazarides case applied for the review and setting aside of a refusal of a firearm licence. It is not clear from the judgment who all the respondents were. It appears that the Appeal Board (FAB) was the second respondent, the Central Firearms Registrar (sic) (CFR) the fourth respondent (being a department within the police which is responsible for the administration of firearm licences), and the Deputy Minister of Safety andSecurity the fifth respondent. It is likely that the other two respondents were the Commissioner of Police and the Minister of Safety and Security. The references to the parties in the judgment are somewhat confusing. The application for the licence had been made under the Arms and Ammunition Act 75 of 1969 which was then still in operation. The Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000 subsequently replaced the 1969 Act on 1 July 2004 (see South African Gun Owners Association v State President of the Republic of South Africa (TPD) 2004-06-30 case number 16620/04 and the discussion by Van der Berg “The Role of National and International Sportshooting, Hunting and Collectors Organisations in Terms of the Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000” 2004 25(2) Obiter 468. The intention with the adoption of the 2000 Act was to control firearms more comprehensively and effectively (see long title of the 2000 Act), and further, to give effect to SouthAfrica’s international obligations in terms of the United Nations’ Convention against Transnational Organised Crime; see in this regard Vrancken and Van der Berg “The South African Regulation of the Conveyance of Munitions at Sea” 2005 30 SAYIL 147).The judgment was marked not reportable. That is both strange and regrettable in view of the public and academic interest in the topic of firearm licensing (to the extent that a number of organisations representing large numbers of individuals unsuccessfully applied to interdict the new (2000) Act from coming into operation; see Van der Berg 2004 Obiter 468; see also Carnelley and Van der Berg “Reasons for Refusal of Firearm Licences” 2003 Obiter 555 and Vrancken and Van der Berg 2005 30 SAYIL 147, as well asnumerous reports in the news and popular media). There is a lack of reported case law on the subject. Very little information has beenforthcoming from the state authorities as regards considerations taken into account by the state authorities in the determination of applications for firearm licences. This leaves the public and the legal fraternity to a large extent in the dark regarding the prospects of success of firearm licence applications. It is almost impossible to judge when an application for a firearm licence is likely to be successful, and when not. It would be in the public interest to report whatever court decisions become available on the topic. (The judgment has since also been reported at 2006 1 All SA 396 (T).)

Low Torque High Precision Automatic Backlash Measuring System for Aircraft Machine Gun Control Reducer

Low Torque High Precision Automatic Backlash Measuring System for Aircraft Machine Gun Control Reducer

Self Defense is Killing Us

Much of the gun violence prevention debate has been around gun control and personal responsibility when the focus should be on the hidden power and influence of the gun industry that has shaped the narrative in order to maximize profit and stay in business. This article unmasks the gun industry’s marketing strategy so that we can begin to have a different conversation around what actually makes us safe and take action to end gun violence.

미국 수정헌법 제2조의 무기소지권과 총기규제

On May 24, 2022, an 18-year-old young man fatally shot nineteen students and two teachers, and wounded seventeen other people, at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, in the United States. After that, according to a survey, 70% of Americans supports gun control. However, some groups of American people are against the gun control based on their constitutional right, the right to keep and bear arms in the Second Amendment of U.S. Constitution. This paper aims at exploring the interpretations on the Second Amendment based on its text and history and the concerned precedents of U.S. Supreme Court, and revealing the legal principles of the judicial review on gun control laws so far concerned with the Second Amendment right. To achieve this aim, I will examine the text and the historical background of the Second Amendment, the two opposite interpretations on the Second Amendment, major decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court on the Second Amendment right such as District of Columbia v. Heller in 2008 and McDonald v. City of Chicago in 2010 and analyze and reveal the legal principles of the judicial review on gun control laws so far concerned with the Second Amendment right.

Improved modeling and active disturbance rejection control of tank gun control system

In order to improve the stability control performance of the tank barrel at high speed, a new 2-degree-of-freedom nonlinear dynamics model of yaw and pitch bodies is established, taking into account the 6-degree-of-freedom motion of the tank chassis. By analyzing the direction of the tank barrel in space, the barrel stability control scheme for the tank gun control system with the arbitrary motion of the tank chassis in space is realized. The new dynamics equations of the tank gun control system are established by analytical mechanics. It effectively solves the problem of modeling methods for the tank gun control system in azimuth and elevation when considering the 6-degree-of-freedom motion of tank chassis. Then, an improved active disturbance rejection control strategy for tank gun control system is proposed. A smooth nonlinear function faln(·) is constructed to avoid the switching problem of the function fal(·) at the piecewise points. Next, an improved extended state observer is designed based on the deviation principle by means of the deviation between each state variable and its observation. Afterwards, the stability of the system is analyzed by constructing a Lyapunov function. Simulations were carried out with different input signals to verify the reliability of the dynamics model and control algorithm. The improved active disturbance rejection control has a faster response speed and smaller steady state error. The results show that the stability and tracking performance of the tank gun control system has been improved using the proposed method.

Portrayals of gun violence victimization and public support for firearm policies: an experimental analysis.

This study examines how characteristics of victims and types of incidents described in a media account of gun violence affect public support for three categories of policies that regulate firearms. A randomized experiment with a sample of US public (N = 3410). Victim race, particularly if the victim was Black, was a strong predictor of less public support for all tested categories of firearm regulation. Respondents were less supportive of policies to address gun suicide or accidents and more supportive of policy solutions to mass shootings, compared to street-level gun homicides. Depictions of victim gender, mental illness, prior incarceration, and age were less salient to support across categories of firearm regulation, compared to race and type of incident. Media coverage of gun violence has heterogenous effects on public support for firearm regulation and may influence support for policies aimed at reducing specific types of gun violence.

AIMING FOR SUCCESS

Despite the popularity of the Evidence-Based Policy Making paradigm, scholarly evidence often fails to have an impact in emotional or value-laden policy debates. Consequently, changes to Canada’s gun control laws in recent years have often failed to incorporate scholarly research. This is problematic given that the forces of path dependence impose costs on policy makers who seek to reverse established policies, even if they are dysfunctional. This article lays the theoretical foundations for a Firearms Policy Evaluation Framework, which can be used by scholars, policy makers, advocates, and the public to conduct preliminary evaluations of proposed firearms policies before they become law. The utility of the framework is then demonstrated with an evaluation of the 2020 assault-style weapons ban in Canada, which includes a systematic scoping review of the literature on the impact of assault-weapons bans.