Emergence Of Democracy Research Articles

Кризисы модернизации 1990-х годов в контексте исторических циклов России

The article compares the reckless socio-political dynamics in Russia in the 1990s, manifested in a series of crises and turning events, with the concept of mechanisms of the Russian historical cycles. The paper lists the main stages of dynamics — complexes of interrelated events that change the balance of power, structural conditions and the direction of subsequent processes. The author also lists the main actors and social groups involved in the political dynamics of that time period: supreme power, reformers, insiders, oligarchs, representatives of special services, “pro-soviet” and democratic opposition, urban educated class, workers and miners’ movements, “ordinary people”. The author concludes that the rapid sweeping changes in the politics of the 1990s took place, as they did before, in the parametric space with the axes of “state success” and “freedom”. Transitions occurred between the phases that were typical for much longer cycles of the Russian historical past — “crisis”, “liberalization”, “authoritarian rollback”, “state collapse”, “military-political triumph”. At the same time, the mechanism of the general democratic backsliding trend and the growth of authoritarian tendencies calls for clarification. The authors propose a phase model that explains this change through the patterns of response strategies of the supreme power to challenges and threats under different conditions. Weakness and failures of the state policy coupled with a shortage of resources led to mass disillusionment, delegitimization of the supreme power and reform policy, which manifested itself in elections and inspired the adherents of the restoration. The increase in the corresponding threats placed a premium on administrative and violent measures. Once sufficient resources were accumulated, those measures were becoming successful and received positive reinforcement. With each crisis, the supreme power took an upper hand, while the collegial separation of powers was reduced, and the reforms lost their original focus on economic freedom, the rise of small and medium-sized businesses, and the growth of democracy. As a result, the opportunities for the political modernization were missed, giving way to the authoritarian trends.

Democracy Doesn't Always Happen Over Night: Regime Change in Stages and Economic Growth

Abstract How substantial are the economic benefits from democratic regime change? We argue that democratisation is often not a discrete event but a two-stage process: autocracies enter into ‘episodes’ of political liberalisation which eventually culminate in regime change or not. To account for this chronology and the implicit counterfactual groups, we introduce a repeated-treatment difference-in-difference implementation capturing non-parallel trends and selection into treatment. We find that modelling regime change in two stages rather than a single event yields stronger long-run growth effects. Among democratizers, experiencing repeated episodes without regime change reduces growth in democracy whereas length of episode does not.

Gender Equality in Indonesian Democracy amidst Islamic Conservatism and Islamic Populism

The growth of democracy in Indonesia from 1999 to 2019 was significantly hampered by Islamic populist forces, conservatives, and politicians who discriminated against women. This article aims to explore the challenges facing Indonesian political democracy after the 2014 and 2019 elections, using qualitative methods and interviews with party officials. The study uses the theories of Islamic populism, conservation, and discrimination against women. The article finds that the most dangerous challenges include the presence of populist and conservative Islamic forces that use religious sentiment in elections, political party elites that use women as men's political friends, and women seen as a threat to male politicians. This article emphasizes the importance of considering factors outside the electoral political process, such as religious beliefs and understanding, especially in the Indonesian context.

Decentralization as a global trend of democracy development

This research examines the process of decentralization of power as a global trend of democratization. The concept of decentralization of power is revealed and the process of implementation of the reform of decentralization of power in some European countries is highlighted. The relationship between the course of decentralization reform and the index of democracy in countries has been studied. The aim of the research is to identify and analyze the essence, features and experience of decentralization as a global trend of democratization. The realization of the goal requires the solution of the next task - to analyze the experience of decentralization in the context of the development of democracy in the European Union. The solution of research problems became possible due to the use of a complex of general scientific and special research methods. This analytical essay is based on documentary sources. Аnalyzing the principles and results of decentralization of power in European countries in the study we see the growth of democracy. Decentralization causes a global shift in power, as the distance between citizens and government institutions is reduced.

Political Parties and Democracy: How Influential Have Political Parties Been in the Growth of Democracy in Africa?

Political Parties and Democracy: How Influential Have Political Parties Been in the Growth of Democracy in Africa?

Corruption and growth: Historical evidence, 1790–2010

We use a newly assembled indicator of corruption from Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) to examine the effects of corruption on economic growth. The V-Dem indicator is coded for almost all contemporary and historical polities since the year 1900 and, for some countries, since the French Revolution. This global dataset allows us to exploit long-run, slow-moving variation within countries for identification, circumventing many of the difficulties faced by previous studies based on cross-section data or short panels. We present robust evidence of a negative effect of corruption on steady-state growth. Yet, we find that corruption interacts with political regime type, giving rise to heterogeneous effects. In particular, corruption is found to be significantly more deleterious for growth in democracies than in autocracies. Since corruption tends to be decentralised in democracies and centralised in autocracies, these findings are in line with theories of the ‘industrial organisation’ of corruption. We find little to no evidence that institutional weaknesses along other dimensions (state capacity, regulatory quality, property rights protection) make corruption any less harmful for growth, casting doubt on the thesis that corruption may ‘grease the wheels’ of dysfunctional institutions. Our findings provide a rationale to target anti-corruption efforts to young democracies.

Process Design and Sustainable Development—A European Perspective

This paper describes the state of the art and future opportunities for process design and sustainable development. In the Introduction, the main global megatrends and the European Union’s response to two of them, the European Green Deal, are presented. The organization of professionals in the field, their conferences, and their publications support the two topics. A brief analysis of the published documents in the two most popular databases shows that the environmental dimension predominates, followed by the economic one, while the social pillar of sustainable development is undervalued. The main design tools for sustainability are described. As an important practical case, the European chemical and process industries are analyzed, and their achievements in sustainable development are highlighted; in particular, their strategies are presented in more detail. The conclusions cover the most urgent future development areas of (i) process industries and carbon capture with utilization or storage; (ii) process analysis, simulation, synthesis, and optimization tools, and (iii) zero waste, circular economy, and resource efficiency. While these developments are essential, more profound changes will be needed in the coming decades, such as shifting away from growth with changes in habits, lifestyles, and business models. Lifelong education for sustainable development will play a very important role in the growth of democracy and happiness instead of consumerism and neoliberalism.

Consolidating the Gains and Reshaping the Future of Democracy in Nigeria

Nigeria has practiced uninterrupted democracy from 1999 to date. She has however, little to show for this long practice of what was hitherto perceived as the harbinger of good things. This paper argues that the slow growth of democracy in Nigeria, has nothing to do with a defect in democracy itself, but with the nature of Nigerians. Democracy viewed on its own is good, but the way it is practiced in Nigeria has made it not to flourish. The paper recommends steps to be taken by all Nigerians, in order to consolidate democracy and to reposition it for future dividend delivery.

Consolidating the Gains and Reshaping the Future of Democracy in Nigeria

Nigeria has practiced uninterrupted democracy from 1999 to date. She has however, little to show for this long practice of what was hitherto perceived as the harbinger of good things. This paper argues that the slow growth of democracy in Nigeria, has nothing to do with a defect in democracy itself, but with the nature of Nigerians. Democracy viewed on its own is good, but the way it is practiced in Nigeria has made it not to flourish. The paper recommends steps to be taken by all Nigerians, in order to consolidate democracy and to reposition it for future dividend delivery.

The Comparative Analysis of the Industrial Policy Impact on Export Performance in the Military and Democratic Regime of Pakistan

Since independence, the economy has always suffered from the power struggle between democracy and autocracy, which significantly damaged the economy and gave birth to different economic issues, the export sector being one of the top most affected. Once titled among Asian Tigers, the country’s export overseas yields even to Bangladesh. The current study attempts to analyse the impact of industrial policy on export performance under democracy and autocracy. Many authors and past studies have argued that Pakistan lacks the long-term farsighted industrial policy. The paper considers the industrial policy instruments, import tariff, export subsidy, export rebate, R&D expenditures, industrial expenditures and export processing zone, while export sophistication, export diversification and export competitiveness are used as indicators of export performance from 1980 till 2018. The result of the study indicates that the democracy type of a regime promotes industrialization with expanding export base and competitiveness, while the autocratic type of a regime is helpful in producing sophisticated goods. The analysis is focused on the descriptive basis by comparing the changes and growth in democracy and autocracy, while the Error Correction Model has been applied to see the adjustment of shocks and structural changes. Export sophistication and export diversification show a significant convergent effect, while export competitiveness demonstrates a divergent relation with our independent variables. The findings suggest that it is of sheer necessary to have a long-term farsighted industrial policy under conditions of stability to attract more and more investment in the economy to sophisticate, diversify and promote competitiveness.

Reproliferation of Islamist Movement in Surakarta: Trajectory and Strategy in The Post Democratization Indonesia

Islamist movement has been proliferating in line with the historical trajectory of Indonesia's political journey; starting from the colonial regime, in the beginning of independence, New Order regime and today’s Era Reformasi. The process of Democratization and modernization lead the ideology of Islamism to a new phase of religious movement. Along with the growth of democracy in Indonesia, Islamist movement precisely shows its existence intensely in public sphere. The opening canals of freedom in the Reformation Era became a new space for ideology of Islamism to evolve and adapt some strategies to survive amidst the onslaught democratization in Indonesia. This article aims at looking to what extent the proliferation of Islamist movements after the collapse of Soeharto’s authoritarian regime in Indonesia. In this case, Surakarta becomes important to observe because it’s historical context as an embryo in giving birth to earlier Islamist movements, as well as a city famous for the proliferation of ideology of Islamism in Indonesia. Using political sociology approach, this study attempts to understand the path of proliferation of Islamist movements and its various interplayed strategies to the socio-political conditions that occur; either on a global or local scale. This article argues that the development of democracy in Indonesia continues to alter the route map of the Islamist movement. Finally, the results of this study reveal that the proliferation of the current Islamist movement plays a new strategy that appropriated with the development of democracy and technological advancements to gain more public sphere by Indonesian people.

PERSONAL SELF-GOVERNANCE AND SELF-PERFECTION AS MEANS OF INDIVIDUALITY DEVELOPMENT

Problem setting . Social and cultural processes taking place in Ukraine at the beginning of the 21-st century are associated not only with the growth of democracy and market economy emergence, but at the same time with searching for the spiritual foundations of further social and cultural development. A new society construction is impossible with the orientation towards outdated rational-pragmatic principles, since such a direction of human activity will lead to the destruction of value-content and moral components of an individual spiritual world. In modern Ukrainian society new paradigms of consciousness, self-consciousness, and thinking are being formed and they should contribute to the fact that members of the society can acquire not only knowledge and skills in a certain sphere of activity, but also the ability to communicate and to exist together. Recent research and publications analysis . Modern philosophers, both domestic and foreign, comprehend differently the problems of individual conscious self-development, taking different sets of values into their mechanisms foundation. An individual self-perfection is defined by the majority of domestic researchers as the highest form of conscious self-development manifested in personal continuous inner work in order to achieve an appropriate level of own personal development in accordance with humanistic spiritual values, as a way to constant inner world formation in accordance with the universal (humanistic) ideal, while English-speaking researchers are concentrated mainly on the utilitarian-pragmatic approach to individual self-perfection and put the problems of spirituality to the background, considering only those self-improvement mechanisms which help to achieve a certain goal. Paper aim. The purpose of the article is studying the phenomena of personal self-education and self-improvement as individuality formation and deployment means. Paper results and discussion . A personality self-development is an individual creative activity determined by personal qualities and aimed at “building”; the way of person’s being, at the development of what is not inherited. It is understood as an individual history, a way of a person’s attitude to reality, the content of which defines an individual way of thinking (consciousness, self-consciousness), which manifests itself in the form of a real action of the subject able to build and create himself. Needs, values and interests within self-development can be both general and functional, when they express a person’s direction to the activity final result or its process. Activity to satisfy internal needs (biological, social, spiritual) is an internal impulse of self-development in general, self-education and self-improvement in particular, providing their activity essence, although the nature of this activity will obviously be different in relation to various conscious forms of self-development of the individual – self-education and self-improvement. The integrity of the individual can not be reduced to a simple joining of separate functions into a single system, we must speak about the spiritual and moral integrity, the main thing of which is the content connecting its components. The basis for self-improvement is spiritual and moral core, which fills all person’s functional activity manifestations with moral content. The individualization is the process of a person’s self-identification and personification, the allocation from the community, the design of the isolation and uniqueness. The personality that has become an individuality is an original person, active and creative. Different particles, different dimensions of spiritual essence are recorded in « personality » and “individuality” concepts. The very personality is able to self-improvement - as a person capable to self-knowledge, self-examination, self-control, self-regulation and self-education. Conclusion . It is necessary to create such a human cohabitation project, in which universal values or, rather, «every-human» values must undoubtedly remain their priority, and all others might be everyone’s respected private affair. The very life and accordingly the desire for its fullness, happiness are obviously and necessarily considered to be such universal values; a human being needs to be healthy, have a support and extend the life in descendants; it is important to maintain life-saving requirements of good-neighbourhood, where «a shaky peace is better than a good quarrel». It is individual’s freedom inseparable from the idea of full reasonable life, compatible with the same social life freedom of any other person, freedom to think in his or her own way, to confess his or her own values, freedom of conscience, the right to own some property. Such principle of human existence as love can be the answer to the question how this value system can be reconciled between many members of the human community.

Evaluating the potential of Protestant Christianity to stimulate democracy and good governance in sub-Saharan Africa through the valuing of the individual

ABSTRACTThe global distribution of Christians is expected to change by 2050, with the largest proportion of Christians – more than a billion – residing in sub-Saharan Africa. Historical and empirical studies have argued for a positive relationship between the proportion of Christians – Protestants in particular – and the development of liberal democracy. A key explanation for this positive influence is cultural, namely the valuing of the individual. Could the growth in Christianity have the potential to influence democratic development and good governance in the sub-Saharan region? To test our hypotheses – (1) sub-Saharan states with proportionally larger Protestant populations are more likely to have higher levels of democracy and good governance, and (2) sub-Saharan states with growing Protestant populations are more likely to have increasing levels of democracy and good governance – we employ a longitudinal and cross-sectional study (a panel of data) using data from the World Christian Database, Polity IV and the International Country Risk Guide. Our data show that the population share of Protestants is positively related with both levels of and growth in democracy and good governance. With the spread of Protestantism we could expect the future improvement of democracy and governance in the region.

Where colour comes from, the secret lives of fish and growth in democracies: Books in brief

Barbara Kiser reviews five of the week's best science picks. Barbara Kiser reviews five of the week's best science picks.

Women, Demography, and Politics: How Lower Fertility Rates Lead to Democracy.

Where connections between demography and politics are examined in the literature, it is largely in the context of the effects of male aspects of demography on phenomena such as political violence. This project aims to place the study of demographic variables' influence on politics, particularly on democracy, squarely within the scope of political and social sciences, and to focus on the effects of woman-related demographics-namely, fertility rate. I test the hypothesis that demographic variables-female-related predictors, in particular-have an independent effect on political structure. Comparing countries over time, this study finds a growth in democracy when fertility rates decline. In the theoretical framework developed, it is family structure as well as the economic and political status of women that account for this change at the macro and micro levels. Findings based on data for more than 140 countries over three decades are robust when controlling not only for alternative effects but also for reverse causality and data limitations.

Comic Democracies: From Ancient Athens to the American Republic by Angus Fletcher

Reviewed by: Comic Democracies: From Ancient Athens to the American Republic by Angus Fletcher Robert Danisch Fletcher, Angus. Comic Democracies: From Ancient Athens to the American Republic. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2016. Pp. 224. Modern democracy is a complex and contested idea. We can view it as a system of government that loosely describes most of the institutions of politics in the West, or we can view it as a way of life defined by the pursuit of freedom and equality. Both views may, in our moment, be under assault by various forms of demagoguery. We, in the West, seem to agree that whatever our view of democracy happens to be, its origins are in ancient Athens, and that the idea itself may need some revitalization in order to continue to meet the demands of our ever-changing sociopolitical landscape. Angus Fletcher's Comic Democracies is both a look back at the historical origins of thinking about democracy and a set of suggestions for how we might best cultivate and improve our current democratic practices. This book begins with the contention that the origin of democracy is tied to the origin of comedy and that these ties require us to ask why the two developed together and what contemporary uses might be made of the connection between the two. To begin to develop a narrative that will answer those two questions, Fletcher makes a careful distinction between ancient and modern democracy that informs the argument of the book. He claims that modern democracy is "more principled" in its attempts to actively promote human rights and freedoms, while ancient democracy is "more pragmatic" in its attempts to alleviate hunger, poverty, and misery (3). In order, therefore, to promote modern democracy, we can borrow some of the ancient pragmatic techniques embodied in comedy to address some of the issues of our current predicament. [End Page 328] To develop the distinction between ancient and modern democracy, Fletcher describes a "liberal-electoral model" that originates in Enlightenment philosophy yet seems incapable of effectively responding to the current setbacks that have plagued so-called "free-market liberal democracy" (4). In response to the limitations of this liberal model, Fletcher argues that old comedies can "actively support" the growth of democracy through examples of the ways in which "pluralist, problem-based, and empirical approaches" (8) to decision making and public life have succeeded. Ancient democracy was empirical in that it was inductive and used a "feedback-driven logic," pragmatic in that it was driven by the search for practical responses to material problems, and pluralist in that it actively changed course and engaged multiple alternatives whenever situations demanded. The characteristics of pluralism, pragmatism, and empiricism were the underlying values of comedy as well. Fletcher covers a catalogue of authors that contain an "eclectic variety of comic practices for encouraging flexible, cooperative, and inclusive societies. These practices thus provided an effective (if unintentional) resource for cultivating demokratia" (13) and a "crudely empirical way of measuring" (13) the success of comedy to promote democracy. The first chapter offers a thoughtful reading of Aristophanes and the support that his trilogy offered to "the less perfect and more pragmatic dynamics of Athenian populism" (26). One of the ways in which Frogs, for example, helped the development of ancient democracy was by acknowledging and demonstrating the ways in which the citizens of Athens and the gods themselves were "ludicrous" and thus these plays showed us that we ought to "recognize that every authority has its limits" (26). Fletcher goes on to claim that "[t]he best that could be said about any political course was that […] it answered the crises of the times, making it wise to hold onto alternatives that might prove their worth tomorrow" (28). The plays also equate Athenian civic problems with hunger, indigestion, and sexual pain, which meant that Aristophanes focused the attention of his audience on material concerns. The whole movement of the plays, therefore, was to turn people's attention to the practical logic of worldly problem solving. From the perspective of this trilogy, democracy is not the search for the universal ideal of freedom, but is instead the "discovery that diversity is...

HATE SPEECH AND THE 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

Elections in the world are not taken with levity as it is one of the major determinants of what would become of the certain country in some years to come. During the 2015 general election in Nigeria, the political environment was intensified with the proliferation of adverts, political innuendos and propaganda messages. Media organisations in Nigeria, as always, became vehicles and channels of expressions and propaganda. A significant number of these messages had elements of hate speeches which were targeted at ridiculing opponents and opposition parties. Nigeria has witnessed several elections and campaigns with the intention of securing the people’s vote, however, the political environment of Nigeria is not which that can be describe as conducive with candidates attacking personalities and political parties. Questions are being raised as citizens want to find out the role hate speeches plays in election campaigns and how it affects voter’s choice of candidate with their perception about such candidate before, during and after the election. The essence of the hate speech is to ridicule and lower the esteem of others before well-meaning voters. This paper evaluated the extent at which hate speeches were used during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. This paper was anchored on the social responsibility theory, which explains how media should ideally operate in a given society of social values and it is the standard against which the public judges. The paper concluded that many hate speeches were used across all the mass media during the 2015 general elections in Nigeria but as none of these people who uttered the hate speeches were not punished. The paper recommended that political actors that engage in the use of hate speeches during electioneering should be punished according to the electoral laws of the country. Furthermore, stringent punitive measures should be meted to media outlets that publish or broadcast hate speeches as a form of deterrent for the growth of democracy in Nigeria.

Women, Demography and Politics: How Lower Fertility Rates Lead to Democracy

Where connections between demography and politics are examined in the literature, it is largely in the context of the effects of male aspects of demography on phenomena such as political violence. This project aims to place the study of demographic variables’ influence on politics, particularly on democracy, squarely within the scope of political and social sciences—and—to focus on the effects of woman-related demographics, namely fertility rates. I test the hypothesis that demographic variables—female-related predictors in particular—have an independent effect on political structure. Comparing different countries over time, when fertility rates decline, we observe a growth in democracy. In the theoretical framework developed, it is family structure, and the economic and political status of women that account for this change at the macro and micro levels. Findings based on data for over 140 countries over 3 decades are robust when controlling not only for alternative effects, but also for reverse causality and data limitations.

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.

Classical Greek Oligarchy: A Political History by Matthew Simonton

400 PHOENIX elsewhere instead of leading unwary students astray with this distorted teleological account of the interpretation of myth.3 Bryn Mawr College Radcliffe Edmonds Classical Greek Oligarchy: A Political History. By Matthew Simonton. Princeton, New Jersey, and Oxford: Princeton University Press. 2017. Pp. xvi, 355, 1 map. The work under review is the first full-length monograph on the subject of Greek oligarchy since the publication of Leonard Whibley’s Greek Oligarchies in 1896. The subtitle reveals that the historical phenomenon of ancient Greek oligarchy will be examined through the lens of modern political science theory. The long first chapter, “Problem, Background, Method” (1–74), lays the groundwork for the rest of the book in a series of sections. Section 1.0 looks at the “Problem of Oligarchy,” asking first why it has been neglected and misunderstood by historians. Then, rejecting the view that oligarchy was inevitable, the author instead advances the opinion that it was exceptional, a manifestation of authoritarianism that evolved as a specific response to demokratia. He states that it was not designed to be popular with the masses, which leads him to the question why in that case it succeeded for so long in the classical and Hellenistic Greek world, which, in his view, became steadily more and more democratic. His answer is that it survived through institutions, which he will examine through the recent political science theory of “New Institutionalism.” This theory holds that effectively designed institutions enable unpopular authoritarian regimes to coerce and control unsympathetic populations. Sections 1.1, “From Archaic Regimes to Classical Oligarchy,” and 1.1.1, “Elite and Demos in Archaic Sources,” put forward the view that classical oligarchy was different from the elite (he prefers this label over aristocratic) regimes of the archaic period. He argues that, while classical oligarchy was an attack upon the participation of the demos, archaic regimes had complex constitutional structures of councils, magistrates and assemblies, in which the demos, although dominated by the elite, did have a function. Only when the growth of democracy in the late sixth and early fifth centuries signaled an increased role for the demos in political affairs, did the elite feel threatened and oligarchia result. Section 1.1.2, “The Emergence of Democracy,” analyses the three conditions for the breakdown of elite regimes in the archaic period and the emergence of democracy: 1) the times were bad enough for the demos to risk attempting a change; 2) members of the elite were for one reason or another alienated enough from their fellows that they were prepared to break ranks and lead the revolution; 3) members of the demos felt ready for a mass movement, as a result of increased wealth and urbanization. Section 1.1.3, “Early Elite Reactions to Demokratia,” argues against the view that oligarchia was a late fifth-century concept, and reinforces the author’s argument (stated 3 Perhaps L. Brisson, “Aristotle and the Beginnings of Allegorical Exegesis,” in id., How Philosophers Saved Myths: Allegorical Interpretation and Classical Mythology (tr. C. Tihanyi; Chicago 2004) 29–40. BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 401 above) about how and when it evolved. Unlike the elite regimes of the archaic period, which tolerated the demos and allowed it some space, the new phenomenon of oligarchia, out of hatred of the people, aimed to cut the demos out of political activity altogether. The next four sections (1.2–1.2.4) treat the “World of Classical Oligarchic Politics.” Rejecting Aristotle’s “hyper-analytical” classification of four types of oligarchies, the author believes that there are common characteristics to all ancient oligarchies. In the first place (section 1.2.1) all oligarchs were elites from the class of the leisured wealthy, “the horse-owning upper crust” (37). These were the men eligible for election to the magistracies in the assembly. Provocatively, the author argues that classical oligarchies, like those of Phokion and Demetrios of Phaleron, “retained a popular assembly open to all free adult males” (40, argued in more detail at 121–133), asserting that all those who were disfranchised under those constitutions were not excluded from the assembly. Section 1.2.2, “The Myth of the ‘Hoplite Republic’,” explores the possibility that...