Muslim Groups Research Articles

Urbanization, relational space, and practicing Muslim ethnicity in Western China

ABSTRACT In recent decades, market reforms, inter-regional mobility, and urbanization have shaped Muslim groups’ social practices, simultaneously encouraging the development of Islamic places (and reinforcing Muslim identity), promoting intermingling with other ethnic groups (and promoting assimilation), and occasionally creating inter-ethnic class solidarity and mutual respect. By the mid-2010s, in western China’s Xining City, the resulting social fluidity stemming from these transformations was being constrained by both community social pressures and state security practices. Furthermore, Sinocentric urbanization discourse was influencing intra-group debates about what, and how, Muslim practices could belong in the city. This discourse affected mundane boundary-marking practices; its relative devaluation of ethnic urban spaces shaped what Muslims considered excessively ‘traditional’ or acceptably modern. Drawing from theories in urban geography, I argue that analyses of relational spaces that include mobility, urban redevelopment, and lived experiences are key to understanding how urban Muslims are adapting to contemporary PRC governance strategies.

Muslim Political Dynamics Post-Tahkim: A Case Study of the Shiffin War

The Shiffin War, a battle that took place between the Ali bin Abi Talib group and the Mu'awiyah, was a war whose negative impact was felt by Muslims. In fact, in the view of historians, it has resulted in divisions among large groups of Muslims. Although it ended with him which was intended as an attempt to arbitrate between Muslims who were in conflict, it turned out that the effort just stared at the dissatisfaction between them, so three religious-political groups emerged that are still suspected to exist today as a continuation of the phenomenon of division at that time. The rise of Shi'a, Khawarij, and Sunni groups is understood by historians as the impact of the war. Because the awareness of ukhuwah among Muslims has not yet flourished, the division is still felt and there are no significant enough signs to subside, let alone leading to the awakening of ukhuwah consciousness which is marked by the desire to build a dialogue that is built with awareness to bridge the rift that occurs among Muslims, especially from their leaders. Especially for interest groups who see that the tension between Muslims will give them political benefits. In fact, with the right spirit of ukhuwwah, the problem of division between Muslims can be solved.

Conservative Muslim and textual interpretation of the hadiths in polygamy propaganda in Indonesia

The pro-polygamy movement in Indonesia demonstrates not only Islamic doctrine and identity but also the rise of conservative Islam which is legitimized by an understanding of particular hadiths. This article aims to describe polygamy propaganda carried out by conservative Muslim groups on social media which is based on a literal textual understanding of religious texts. This qualitative research used gender analysis to investigate male dominance in polygamous propaganda employing hadith to recruit polygamous class participants. Data for the study were gathered from social media platforms (Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube) as well as online news about polygamy mentoring programs. The polygamous traditions employed by two mentorship communities in Indonesia such as Dauroh Poligami Indonesia (DPI) and Forum Poligami Indonesia (FPI), were used in this study. Polygamy traditions have been selected and interpreted to support polygamy, viewed as mandatory for men, with conservative narratives that support the propaganda of how to marry four wives. It is regarded as a symbol of individual piety and an Islamic lifestyle, inextricably linked to the materialization of religion, which provides polygamy with social and spiritual bliss. Therefore, polygamy propaganda initiated debate among Muslim feminist movements to advocate for gender equality and women's empowerment in modern Indonesia.

Representation of Popular Islamic Movements on Social Media: A Study of the Hashtag #LogIndiCloseTheDoor

This article an discusses the Ramadan podcast series Hashtag #LogIndiCloseTheDoor as an example of the Popular Islamic Movement on social media. The series was a huge hit even though it dealt with a delicate subject. It is impossible to consider this truth to be a phenomenon deserving of the widespread success of social media material. This article is a qualitative study employing Talal Asad's Islamic Anthropology method. According to the article's conclusion, the Popular Islam Movement is a group of middle-class Muslims, particularly those in their millennial years, who are using modern and popular culture as a means of self-actualization and self-study. The media portrays him in two ways: dakwahtainment and religiotainment. Ramadan's audio series #LogIndiCloseTheDoor is one of them. The Islamic pretext Raḥmatan lil 'Ālamīn (a mercy to all creation) serves as the basis for the television show. The discussion that goes along with this series focuses on inclusivism in religion as well as the commoditization and commodification of religion. These discourses were communicated and developed into a new religious paradigm by way of the power relations network that Deddy Corbuzier, Habib Ja'far Hussein, and Leonardo da Vinci constructed. This essay contends that the #LogIndiCloseTheDoor Ramadan Hashtag audio series, which combines modern and Islamic ideals, transforms the initially conservative, restrictive, and inflexible perception of Islam into one that is inclusive, tolerant, and dynamic.

Who Will Be Saved: The Right or the Upright?

There is a growing body of literature on the Islamic theology and philosophy of salvation. This literature can be loosely grouped into three main groups: there are those that link the right path of salvation to a specific Muslim group, others that link it to believing in the Prophet Muhammad regardless of the theological group that a Muslim may follow, and there are those that link it to the belief in God and doing good. Despite this variety, what largely unites those various interpretations is that they all emphasize the “rightness” of one’s theological path, i.e., asking the question, what is the “right” track to God? However, what received scant attention so far is the question of “uprightness” as opposed to “rightness”, i.e., Is salvation primarily about being “right” (muḥiqq), or rather about being “upright” (ṣādiq/mukhliṣ)? Drawing on Q. 5:116-119, which presents a conflict between “rightness” and “uprightness” embodied in Jesus’ conversation with God regarding the fate of those who did not have the right theology, and taking its cues from Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) who attempted to rejuvenate Islamic theology through spirituality, this article takes “uprightness” as the primary requisite for one to attain salvation and argues that the Quran, despite the emphasis it places on pursuing the “right” path, gives primacy to the “uprightness” of one’s position instead. Uprightness in the article is used in reference to the quality of being honest, responsible, and moral, as opposed to being merely “right” or “correct” theologically.

The Taliban Are Coming! How Intra-Oligarchic Conflict Proliferates Computational Propaganda in Indonesia

ABSTRACT This study examines online propaganda against fifty-seven former employees of the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK). This propaganda, which centered on false allegations that these employees were radical Muslims similar to the Taliban, was used as a pretext to fire them after they had failed a controversial compulsory civics test. Using Gramscian concepts of civil society and the political economy of communication, this study argues that the rise of computational propaganda in Indonesia reflects fundamental conflicts over state power and economic resources within the spheres of civil and political society. The campaign to portray KPK employees as Taliban members was the digital corollary of a political struggle among oligarchic elites over control of the anti-corruption agency as an instrument to advance their political aims. This article showcases how intra-oligarchic struggles have shaped the formation of public opinion about the KPK, a key aspect of reform, and examines their longstanding attempt to enforce oligarchic hegemony. It challenges existing studies on computational propaganda that foreground the nature of the state, or regime type, and the state’s adaptability to information technology.

An Overlooked Jewish Community: The Jews of Rodoscuk in the 17th Century

This article addresses the intercommunal relations between the 17th century Jewish community of Rodoscuk and other social groups. It examines the community’s social structure, housing distribution and economic activities, placing particular emphasis on its interactions with Muslims in areas like trade, religious practices and social dynamics. By drawing on local court records, particularly the Qadi Registers, this article reveals how these interactions were shaped by the legal and social frameworks of their day, highlighting the complexities of coexistence in those contexts. In doing so, it evidences not only that Rodoscuk’s Jewish community took part in vibrant economic exchanges with its Muslim neighbors but also that it engaged with common social and religious contexts. Via a detailed analysis of these records, this study offers new insights into the nature of intercommunal relations in Rodoscuk. It challenges the often-assumed narrative of segregation and conflict in Ottoman society by testing existing claims in the literature through the case of the Jews of Rodoscuk. It concludes that Jews in this region in fact lived in relative harmony with Muslims and other groups in their vicinity.

Changes and Challenges Amid a Global Crisis: A Case Study of Chinese International Students in the United States During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Although numerous textbooks and scholarly articles illustrate the racial discrimination against black Americans, few research studies examine other minority groups who also experience injustice during significant crises. Major global crises like a war or a pandemic put certain minority groups in jeopardy, such as Japanese Americans during World War II, Muslim groups during the 9/11 crisis, and Chinese and other Asian groups during the COVID-19 crisis. Using the ongoing Coronavirus crisis (COVID-19) as a case study, this paper illustrates Chinese international experiences’ of racial discrimination. Drawing on a qualitative study among ten Chinese international students in X University, this study shows: 1) Chinese students became a stigmatized group and suffered physical and mental assaults; 2) US mass media reacted to negative images of Chinese people following the COVID-19 outbreak; 3) numerous Chinese international students changed their job orientation due to the economic setbacks and COVID-19 trauma.

Intergroup revenge and forgiveness as reactions to negative reciprocity

PurposeThis study aims to understand factors that explain the use of revenge and forgiveness by Hindu and Muslim group members in reaction to the rival group’s negative reciprocal behaviour based on norms of negative reciprocity.Design/methodology/approachParticipants from Hindu (n = 175) and Muslim (n = 134) groups in India were presented with two norm-violating situations. Situation 1 involved an intergroup episode and Situation 2 involved an inter-community episode. Their own group members had engaged in the violation of the norms of the other group to which the rival group members had responded negatively. Participants anticipated the likelihood of their group members using revenge or forgiveness in response to the other group’s negative reaction. These reactions were predicted by religious, political and cultural identities, fraternalistic relative deprivation (FRD), relative power, anger and hate, and perception of the appropriateness of their reaction.FindingsSocial identities predicted intergroup revenge and forgiveness differently for the two groups in the two situations. The stronger religious identity of Muslims, not of Hindus, reduced the likelihood of their using revenge but increased it for forgiveness in both situations. Political identity associated positively with forgiveness in Situation 2 for both groups. Cultural identity predicted the likelihood of Muslims opting for forgiveness in both situations. FRD was not a significant predictor of revenge or forgiveness for Muslims. In the case of Hindus, it reduced the likelihood of their engaging in forgiveness in Situation 2. Relative power associated positively with the likelihood of Muslims, not Hindus, using revenge in both situations. Anger increased the possibility of Hindus reacting in revenge, as well as, forgiveness in the two situations. Anger did not predict revenge for Muslims but it related negatively with forgiveness in the two situations. Stronger hate was associated with revenge for Muslims. The choice of using revenge or forgiveness by own group members was positively predicted by the norms of negative reciprocity for both Hindus and Muslims.Research limitations/implicationsThe study used a convenience sample of young people which reduces the generalizability of the findings.Social implicationsThe findings of this study have implications for designing interventions for resolving intergroup conflicts in various social settings.Originality/valueThe paper adds to the norm violation theory of intergroup relations by focusing on counter-reactions and the understanding of the dynamics of intergroup conflicts.

From Transmitting Authority to Quiet Adaptation: Social Change and the Translation of Islamic Knowledge in Norway

Abstract This article explores the transmission of textual Islamic knowledge in Norway—a context in which Muslims form a religious minority—using a pioneering method: studying the translation of texts. Many Muslims in Norway either came from another country themselves or have progenitors who did. Important texts relating to Islam have mostly been available in languages other than Norwegian. This makes it possible to use translation as a lens for understanding how Islamic knowledge is transmitted. I identify two tendencies in the transmission of Islamic knowledge through translation. Translation often cements the status of established and canonized texts and authors. But translation activities also show an adaptation to norms in Norwegian society. Texts pertaining to politically charged issues have sometimes been avoided altogether, and the wording of charged sections has in some instances been subtly changed. I label this process quiet adaptation. Many of the translated texts espouse a normativity that is more palatable to Norwegian society at large, and which Muslims living in Norway can more easily identify with. I conclude by discussing how the study of translation can be used as a way to explore social change in Muslim and other diaspora groups in Europe.

Nationalism and Economic Development in Lebanon: Challenges and Opportunities for Unity and Integration

Lebanon is a small country on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, known as a country with a strategic position geographically and politically. It was a divided country full of endless conflicts. This paper analyses the obstacles and opportunities to build Lebanese nationalism to realize the nation's integrity. Lebanon's main obstacles are the heterogeneity of society, foreign interference, and intergroup affiliations with other countries. At the same time, the foremost opportunity to build Lebanese nationalism is that they have the same language and culture, namely Arabic. Strong nationalism is the capital to build lasting political stability. This research is qualitative research that will collect specific qualitative data to create generalizations. Arabic as a language, identity, and culture is the most vital cohesive factor that unites the country and originates Lebanese nationalism. The problem of building Lebanese nationalism is mainly dependent on a strong government that can control the people. The challenge is that the ruling government comes from a minority religion, namely Maronite Christians dealing with Sunni and Shia Muslims and other Christian groups. Hence, a strategy is needed to create common interests that can be accepted by all groups, namely economic development amid the current Lebanese financial crisis. Received: 20 March 2024 / Accepted: 30 June 2024 / Published: 02 July 2024

INTERNALIZING INCLUSIVE ISLAMIC VALUES AT MUSLIM OI BURA: A COUNSELING CONCEPTUAL

Islam openly accepts differences in human beliefs on this earth. According to Islam, diversity is considered a necessity, so differences in beliefs are also normal. However, the social reality that occurs is that there are still practices of religious discrimination in society, such as the case of religious discrimination carried out by a group of Muslims in Tambora against local Hindus. This article aims to develop the concept of counseling as an effort to handle problems. The research method used is a literature study with data collection techniques from books and journal articles. This research produces the concept of a counseling group approach using the REBT technique as an alternative to eliminating negative prejudices that hinder the birth of tolerance. The REBT technique used also adopts Islamic values. This step aims to suppress irrational beliefs by refreshing the meaning of inclusive Islam. In the process, it is hoped that it will be able to support the formation of an attitude of tolerance in the Muslim community in Tambora.

TEOLOGI KERUKUNAN: BUYA SYAKUR DAN GAGASAN PENANGGULANGAN RADIKALISME BERAGAMA

Religious radicalism is a serious problem because it can trigger conflicts between believers. This problem comes from certain religious groups that claim their beliefs are the most correct, such as radical Muslims. Negative behaviors such as the phenomena of blaming others, violence, and even terrorism, occur due to religious radicalism. This research discusses the thoughts of a Muslim scholar named Buya Syakur about the theology of harmony as an effort to overcome religious radicalism. This type of research is a document research with descriptive-analytical method. The primary sources are two videos of Buya Syakur's lectures, Moderasi Beragama Merajut Nasionalisme & Toleransi Beragama and Dialog Kerukunan Islam–Buddha, as well as two of his works entitled Merawat Pluralitas and Berbagi Kebahagiaan: Mengenal Maqom-Maqom Tasawuf. The research findings showed that the concept of theology of harmony perspective of Buya Syakur is divided into three aspects, reviewing the concept of kafir and taqwa, looking critically through the life history of the Prophet Muhammad, and the importance of maintaining plurality and cooperation between religious communities.

Fiqh Contestation on Women's Public Leadership in Indonesia and Malaysia: Reproducing Qur'anic and Hadith Interpretations

This paper discusses the contestation of women's public leadership discourse among feminist activists in Indonesia and Malaysia and how the reproduction of fiqh on women's public leadership in both countries takes place. This research is a field study with data collection through interviews and direct interaction with women activists in both countries and documenting their works. Using the Islamic activism approach, it was found that: 1) The issue of women leaders in Indonesia and Malaysia is complex. Women are often held back by culture, religion and politics. Muslim feminist groups face resistance from conservative groups when they try to challenge gender inequality. Furthermore, some sharia law make it harder for women to get legal protection and justice. More legal rights and support for women are therefore required to make politics more equal. 2) Feminist activists in Indonesia and Malaysia have reinterpreted Islamic texts to promote gender equality. They offer gender-responsive interpretation of the Qur'an and Hadith deemed to be fairer while supporting support social justice and gender equality. 3) The fiqh product of leadership concludes that the moral ideal in the Qur'an and hadith is for leaders to be competent (qawwām). People who fit this profile are well-suited to lead, particularly in a country that adheres to democratic principles.

Multiculturalism, Islamophobia and the Muslim Minority in Australia: A Reflection

Australia’s approach to multiculturalism has been a journey of evolving policies and societal shifts. The country’s immigration policies in the 1960s marked a significant departure from the restrictive ‘White Australia’ policy, leading to a more diverse cultural, ethnic, and religious population. Recognizing the potential for value and norm conflicts, the Australian government adopted multiculturalism as a state ideology, aiming to foster social cohesion and reduce inter-community conflicts. This policy has been largely successful in managing conflicts, as evidenced by the relatively low incidence of political, ethnic, and religious violence, including terrorism, compared to other nations. The positive impact of multiculturalism is evident in the thriving Australian Muslim communities, which, along with other ethnic and religious groups, have been able to preserve their cultural heritage. These communities contribute significantly to the social and economic fabric of the nation. However, despite the overarching success of multiculturalism, challenges persist. The Muslim minority in Australia has faced Islamophobia, manifesting in both overt attacks and subtle forms of discrimination. This has been a complex issue, with some Muslim groups maintaining a degree of exclusivity and engaging in identity politics, while also recognizing and embracing the broader multicultural ethos that has become an integral part of Australia’s identity. The Australian government has continued to refine its multicultural policies, with initiatives aimed at promoting anti-racism, access, and equity since 2010. These efforts are part of a broader commitment to diversity, belonging, and inclusion, which encompasses Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as well. The policy landscape is complemented by state and territory policies that further support multiculturalism. Despite the progress, the experiences of Australian Muslims highlight the ongoing need for vigilance against discrimination. Reports indicate that Australian Muslims are a diverse group, facing stereotypes and prejudice that can perpetuate social tensions. The Australian Human Rights Commission has emphasized the importance of sharing the stories of Australian Muslims to foster understanding and address Islamophobia. The Commission’s findings underscore the need for a national anti-racism framework and strong leadership to combat discrimination and support social cohesion. While Australia’s multicultural policy has been a beacon of successful integration and social harmony, it is clear that the journey is not complete. The nation continues to grapple with the dual realities of a celebrated multicultural society and the undercurrents of intolerance that challenge it. The experiences of the Australian Muslim community serve as a reminder of the work that remains to be done in ensuring that multiculturalism is not just a state ideology but a lived reality for all Australians. The path forward lies in education, awareness, and institutional change that upholds the values of diversity and inclusion for every individual in the nation.

Global Hindutva and the Palestinian Cause

A lot of attention has been paid within academic and journalistic literature to how India’s relationship with Israel has improved under the rule of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Looking beyond this, the objective of this article is to assess the position of Palestine and its liberation struggle within the Global Hindu Nationalist imaginary. The study’s main argument, therefore, is that the broader Palestinian liberation struggle, in its pluralism, its global scope, and its interconnectivity with various struggles over the course of its history, implicitly represents a refutation of the core ideological mechanisms that underpin the Hindu Nationalist Project, including but not limited to its othering of Muslims and other non-Hindu groups as well as its more recent embrace of neoliberal capitalism. More explicitly, the articles argues that the way Hindu Nationalists construct Indian Muslim and Palestinian subjectivities as being analogous and connected through tropes of them as invaders and terrorists – in line with broader imperialist constructions of Muslim subjectivities – is a key feature of Global Hindutva’s globality. To make this argument, this article first examines the literature on the historical relationship between Hindu Nationalism and Zionist settler colonialism. After this, the article analyses the overlap between Indian state and Hindutva positions on the Palestine Question before exploring practical tensions between the Hindutva outlook and the Palestinian liberation struggle. The final section of the article explores how Global Hindutva’s historic and strategic alignment against the Palestinian liberation struggle manifests in both Indian foreign and domestic policy and in Hindu Nationalist mobilisations across the world.

British Colonial Education in the Indian Subcontinent (1757-1858): Attitude of Muslims

This article investigates the British colonial education imparted in the Indian Subcontinent during the priod 1757-1858, keeping in view the Muslim perspective. The objective is to comprehend the complex and diverse ways in which Muslims responded to British education throughout the colonial era, which were influenced by revolutionary and reactionary movements ignited by British domination. Muslims developed a complicated relationship with colonial education as a result of tensions heightened by the repression of indigenous concerns and the disregard for the acquisition of Islamic values. This study aims to comprehend the purpose of British education in the Indian subcontinent, analyses competing Muslim ideologies surrounding colonial education, uncovers factors influencing Muslim attitudes toward education during the British rule, and also analyses the differences in how different groups of Muslims responded to British education throughout British colonialism. For this purpose, this study uses a qualitative research methodology to investigate historical sources and determine the factors contributing to the hostile and defensive views of Indian Muslims regarding colonial education. The findings demonstrate the complex effects of British colonial policies, underlining the conflicts brought about by the disregard for Islamic knowledge and the fallout from the Sepoy Revolution. The study depicts varying responses to western education and competing ideologies among Muslims in India and underscores the significance of placing Muslim views in the larger sociopolitical context of colonial India. It also emphasises how critical it is to comprehend Muslim viewpoints on colonial education to dispel myths and promote a nuanced awareness of the historical legacies that continue to influence educational practices in post-colonial cultures.

Sharia as Revelation with Sharia as the Result of Thoughts: Comparative Analysis of Vertical, Horizontal and Diagonal

This paper discusses the difference between sharia as revelation and sharia as a product / result of thought and the relevance between the two. The massive development of the times gave birth to Muslim groups that have different opinions in understanding sharia as revelation and sharia as the result of thought. Differences in understanding of both often lead to conflict and debate to fanaticism. The type of research in this article is library research using a normative approach and using comparative vertical, horizontal, and diagonal analysis. The results of this paper found that there are differences between sharia as revelation and sharia as a result of thought. Sharia as a revelation is in the form of the Qur'an and sunnah while sharia as a result of thought is the result of ijtihad of the mujtahids in interpreting the texts of the Qur'an and sunnah in the form of fiqh, fatwa, and jurisprudence

Self-fulfilling Prophecy and Muslim Radicalization: Cases of France and the United States

This paper investigates the relationship between radicalization and self-fulfilling prophecy, focusing on the Western contexts with case studies from France and the United States. In France, historical marginalization and "symbolic ghettoization" of Muslim immigrants created an "in-group" versus "out-group" dynamic, intensified by political actions and media portrayals, leading to alienation and radicalization among young Muslim men. Similarly, in the United States, conservative media narratives post-9/11 have portrayed Muslims as threats, influencing public opinion and policy decisions, and setting the stage for potential future radicalization. The paper emphasizes the formation of these restrictive identities pushes marginalized individuals towards radicalism, underscoring the need to reject prejudices for effective radicalization mitigation. It warns of the dangers of symbolic segregation, highlighting the importance of understanding and addressing self-fulfilling prophecies in political and media discourse to combat radicalization in contemporary societies.

RESISTANCE OF NU AND AUMA RELATIONS IN PAMEKASAN REGENCY

Abstract: Looking at the fact that there is a practice of intolerance with violence that occurred in Pamekasan shows that there is polarization of Muslim groups in Pamekasan with the growth of right-wing groups such as AUMA. This research aims to reveal the resistance of AUMA and NU Pamekasan using a qualitative phenomenological approach, data collection was carried out using interviews, observation and documentation. This research utilizes Gilin's relationship theory, namely whether the relationship between NU and AUMA carries out compromise, mediation, conciliation, restraint and court proceedings. The results of this research show that AUMA has a very dominant influence in cases of violence in the name of religion in Pamekasan. This occurs because of AUMA and NU's resistance to several religious thoughts that are not in line, AUMA does not agree with NU regarding Indonesian Islam, women leaders and several issues. other. Cases such as the burning of tourist land and the siege of officials' houses are forms of resistance between the two. The results of this research are also in sharp contrast to Hamdi's research. Where Hamdi found that the relationship between NU and the former FPI in Bangkalan was very good, so that there was a leadership merger between the former FPI and used this good relationship as a force to reduce acts of intolerance. One of the factors that strengthened the AUMA Effect in Pamekasan was the existence of an idea or regional regulation regarding Pintusalam where Islamism in Pamekasan became the embryo of AUMA religious thought.