Greater Centrality Research Articles

Max Weber: Die Leidenschaft des Denkens by Joachim Radkau (review)

256 Max Weber Studies later chapters show, the Verein did not enjoy unalloyed success, but this account of reform politics is pulled together through discussion of social insurance, the issue of East Elbian estates, and the emergent framework of 'industrial relations'. Max Weber was, of course, heavily involved in the second of these, and the degree to which this account relies upon Schmoller' s perspective is evident in the manner that the back ground to the debates of the early 1890s to agricultural protection and the Junker estates relies firstly upon Schmoller's own writings, and secondly Brentano's argu ments about tariffs and protection. This underscores the manner in which Grimmer Solem's account of social reform in the late-nineteenth century is written consistently from the standpoint of Schmoller and Brentano, irrespective of their centrality to the issues concerned. His dismissive comments about Weber's own presentation to the Verein on the rural labour question (p. 232) point this up strongly, and sit oddly with his generous reading of Schmoller as a modern liberal. Grimmer-Solem clearly has a tolerance for the writings of Schmoller that goes far beyond my own, or of anyone else in my experience. Schmoller's writings are heavily cited both from archival and published sources, as noted above in many cases using Schmoller' s own comments to introduce issues not otherwise closely associated with his work. Given the amount of effort that goes into archival research it can only be regretted that Schmoller's biography is not given greater centrality. Large swathes of Schmoller's work do not fit into the framework provided by the book, such as, for example, his contributions to the Acta Borussica project and his extensive writings on agrarian and administrative history. When, for example, Schmoller was commis sioned to lead the former project, his terms of reference limited him strictly to the period after 1713. When the first volume was published it failed to reach this date. For anyone familiar at first hand with Schmoller's historical method, this will seem all too familiar. But today Schmoller is an enigma, an academic powerhouse whose energy seems so busy, yet curiously undynamic. Keith Tribe The King's School, Worcester Joachim Radkau, Max Weber: Die Leidenschaft des Denkens (Hanser: Munich, 2005), pp. 1000. ISBN 3-446-20675-2. €45.00. Science as passion: Intimate insight and a voyeuristic attitude When Max Weber died in 1920, Karl Jaspers felt as if the German world had lost its heart. This was an emotion particularly felt amongst the younger members around Max Weber's circle, although he was actually in fact a master without pupils. After release from teaching duties, he spent most of his further lifetime as a private scholar. His worldwide fame started decades after his death. Nonetheless, he became an authority of modern social science, and the international Weber industry is growing more and more. Some twenty years ago, Lawrence Scaff predicted that whoever is successful with his own Weber interpretation may determine the further progress of the social sciences. If this is right, one can certainly say that 'Weber is power'. This is also the conclusion of historian Joachim Radkau, who examines the life and work of Max Weber in this voluminous biography. To anticipate the follow ing remarks: this book is the first biography of Weber since 1926 that really may be called a biography. All the other previous attempts were merely extracts of Marianne© Max Weber Studies 2008. Book Reviews 257 Weber's Lebensbild of Max Weber, a hagiographie widow's portrait, first published in 1926. Radkau's book offers new insights even for those who are familiar with Weber's life and work. He quotes sources from private archive material that has not been accessible up to now, especially Marianne's diaries as well as unpublished letters, including correspondence between Max and Marianne, his mother, and his two lovers. All these sources provide a deeper and more accurate understanding of Weber's life, particularly his affective life. But at the same time, these sources lead the biographer to a voyeuristic attitude that is occasionally embarrassing and detri mental to his performance. Previously, Joachim Radkau distinguished himself...

New Labour policy and school leadership in England: room for manoeuvre?

This paper investigates whether predictions about a greater centralization and control in educational policy‐making, made after New Labour's election to power in 1997, have been realized since that time, and particularly with respect to educational leadership. It also asks whether recent changes in New Labour policies are likely to provide greater freedom for head teachers in English schools. It does this by means of investigating evidence at global, national and school levels, and in particular draws upon recent interview research by the author with head teachers. The article suggests that whilst the architecture of central steerage and control is still very much in evidence, there are strands of greater policy flexibility, though these may be as much about empowering external sponsors as anything to do with greater professional discretion. However, the research suggests that, whatever happens, there will almost certainly be room for resistance and personal manoeuvre at the school level, which is ultimately dependent upon context and personality.

Up Against a Wall: Europe's Options for Regulating Biotechnology through Regulatory Anarchy

Entre les forts et les faibles, c’est la liberté qui supprime et c’est la loi qui libère François La Rochefoucauld Abstract: Based on the current state of EU law and the political sentiment surrounding Genetically Modified Organisms, this article argues that the best approach to regulating the import and export of GMOs into the Community and between Member States is by what I will call ‘regulatory anarchy’. Applied in the context of GMOs, regulatory anarchy envisions integration not coming solely from Community rules conceived by the Commission, but by Member State negotiated rules accomplished at the level of regulatory civil servants negotiating among each other. Greater centralisation will occur in the regulation of GMOs because the risk of defection in this area by an individual regulatory body imposes very high costs on other national regulators, to the point where they are willing to relinquish some of their own enforcement authority for assurances against collective action problems. As a result of the current gridlock caused by recalcitrant Member States, the GMO regime may be more effectively and efficiently handled by a system that employs regulatory anarchy; whereby 25 interested parties are initially brought to the table to approve a release (rather than one Member State), leaving less opportunities for regulatory capture by one Member State and still leaving room for Community supervision.

Global topological features of cancer proteins in the human interactome

The study of interactomes, or networks of protein-protein interactions, is increasingly providing valuable information on biological systems. Here we report a study of cancer proteins in an extensive human protein-protein interaction network constructed by computational methods. We show that human proteins translated from known cancer genes exhibit a network topology that is different from that of proteins not documented as being mutated in cancer. In particular, cancer proteins show an increase in the number of proteins they interact with. They also appear to participate in central hubs rather than peripheral ones, mirroring their greater centrality and participation in networks that form the backbone of the proteome. Moreover, we show that cancer proteins contain a high ratio of highly promiscuous structural domains, i.e., domains with a high propensity for mediating protein interactions. These observations indicate an underlying evolutionary distinction between the two groups of proteins, reflecting the central roles of proteins, whose mutations lead to cancer. paul.bates@cancer.org.uk The interactome data are available though the PIP (Potential Interactions of Proteins) web server at http://bmm.cancerresearchuk.org/servers/pip. Further additional material is available at http://bmm.cancerresearchuk.org/servers/pip/bioinformatics/

The Neo-Assyrian Royal Lion Hunt and Yahweh's Answer to Job

(ProQuest Information and Learning: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) The ancients were quite aware of contrast between center and periphery, inner versus outer territory.1 The social archaeologist Ian Hodder detects these antipodes, domus and ager, as early as neolithic European settlements.2 Agriculture is attempt domesticate ager, a culturing of Hunting and warfare, which were conceptually linked, were also an attempt effect domus by domesticating and wild. Neolithic societies sought create monumental walls and dirt around their long houses exclude wild; at same time they sought bring outside under control of cultural by hunting.3 The contrast between domus and forts (outside gate) recalls importance of city walls as a limen. So many Mesopotamian rituals of passage exploit liminality of seru, wilderness, as a place of transition. In such varied rituals as akitu, mis pi, bit rimki, maqlu, surpu, namburbi, seru can receive evil that must be disposed of away from âlu, the city, civilization (fig. Ia).4 The classic treatment of this polarity is story of civilizing of Enkidu in Gilgamesh Epic.5 In Erra Epic, when Erra wishes universalize his rule, he boasts: ina AN-e re-ma-ku ina ?ι-tim lab-ba-ku ina KUR sar-ru-ku (1:109-110) In heavens I am a wild bull; in land (ersetu) I am a lion; in homeland (matu) I am king .... The gods shared their cosmogonie control of wilderness with Assyrian king, who was delegated to expand his rule.6 As we shall see, however, such a divine-royal synergy, though at home with Priestly writer in Gen 1:27 and Psalm 8, was quite at odds with view of author of YHWH speeches in book of Job. I. THE NEO-ASSYRIAN LION HUNT By his lion hunt Neo-Assyrian king identifies himself symbiotically with his victim and thus, like Erra, becomes lion, extending his rule beyond city ersetu/seru.7 The king as identified with lion (or with wild bull) is then a creature of nature who rules over his (domesticated people), as a shepherd (Sumerian sipad; Akkadian reu).8 Because of this identification, defeated lion is never mutilated but is treated with respect, unlike fate of king's human foes.9 Until twentieth century, Panthera leo persica (the Asiatic lion) inspired both awe and fear in inhabitants of Mesopotamia.10 Now limited around 250 animals on a game preserve in northwest Indian Gir Forest, Asiatic lion is a pathetic survivor of its noble feline predecessors. From our earliest artistic and textual evidence Asiatic lion has been linked with kingship. The famed mace head of Mesilim, twenty-sixth-century B.C.E. king of KiS (AO 2340; see fig. 1), found at a possible Ningirsu shrine in Girsu, bears six intertwined lions on its sides and lion-eagle Anzu (Imdugud) on its top. Its inscription clearly links it with kingship: Mesilim king of Kis, builder of temple of God Ningirsu.... The Assyrian ruler gradually progressed from ruba'um (prince) sar kiisati (king of universe); Neo-Assyrian royal lion hunt played a role in effecting and visualizing that evolution. In this article I wish concentrate on function of well-known Neo-Assyrian royal lion hunt represented in Assurnasirpal IIs Northwest Palace at Kalhu (865 B.C.E.)12 and especially in Assurbanipal's North Palace at Nineveh (645 B.C.E.). In Assurnasirpal II's Northwest Palace lion hunt was portrayed on stone slabs in throne room (room B) side of king at sacred tree (fig. 2); below lion hunt was libation scene that completed successful hunt. As I. Winter has pointed out, basreliefs of lion hunt have far greater centrality than they are afforded in corresponding royal annals. …

Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government

Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government, Luc Bernier, Keith Brownsey and Michael Howlett, eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, for The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 2005, pp. xiii, 282.Executive Styles in Canada is a welcome addition to the literature on Canadian political leadership and provincial politics, essentially raising the question of the power of the premier, central agencies, and executive council in each of the Canadian provinces. To this end the editors have organized the book in 13 chapters. The book begins with a survey of the whole debate over “court government” raised by Donald Savoie, and the development model of Canadian cabinets advanced by Stefan Dupré and Christopher Dunn. The second chapter is given over to Savoie to make his case with respect to the federal government. His argument, by now familiar, is that by the 1990s the real power in the federal government is in the hands of the “prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers” (17). Executive dominance of the legislature in the Westminster model has given way to even greater centralization. Power flows not from ministers, but from the prime minister. While Savoie does not address the seeming anomaly of the Paul Martin minority government of 2004–05, in which the House of Commons and even the opposition parties suddenly became relevant again, one gets the sense that he would argue that this is a temporary development rather than a more durable departure from the direction of the last 30 years.

Crisis, what crisis?1

MSOR Connections Aug 2005 Vol 5 No 3 Please Note: References, notes 1-38 and appendix with data tables are at the end of this article. Mathematics in UK education has been perceived as having a long standing problem. Many people have noted that recruitment has been in apparent decline with the consequence that mathematics and related disciplines have seen an effective loss of funding, and one consequence has been closure and contraction of mathematics and related disciplines in many institutions. Whilst mathematics itself has recently shown some recovery in recruitment, the impact of greater centralisation and the lack of critical mass mean that many departments are still vulnerable. Furthermore, allied subjects such as engineering and computing continue to suffer recruitment difficulties. This has seen Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics [often referred to as STEM] becoming one of the focus groups in a recent HEFCE report [16] on subjects at risk.

Knowing Like a State: The Transformation of Political Knowledge in Swiss Archives, 1450–1770

Recent efforts to understand the political culture of early modern Europe have looked beyond the policies of rulers and the theories of intellectuals to concentrate on how government was practiced under complex and rapidly changing circumstances. Spurred by increasingly sophisticated insights into the “technologies of power” available in the medieval and early modern periods, a central realization of newer studies has been that political change resulted not simply from greater centralization and efficiency in the military, fiscal, and legal spheres but equally from a transformation of how Europeans understood the political world. Studies by medievalists on orality, literacy, and the cultures of record keeping have made it particularly clear that changes in both the nature and the amount of political knowledge available to rulers and subjects helped to determine who carried out the work of dominion and how that work was performed.1 As M. T. Clanchy puts it for the Middle Ages, authorities increas-

The Rhetorical Presidency, Propaganda, and the Cold War, 1945–1955. By Shawn J. Parry-Giles. (Westport: Praeger, 2002. xxx, 230 pp. $61.95, ISBN 0-275-97463-4.)

Shawn J. Parry-Giles has written a well-researched, carefully conceived book of interest to students of the U.S. propaganda apparatus and students of presidential rhetoric and communications strategies. Pointing to the target audience, Parry-Giles argues that study of the rhetorical presidency must include greater attention to the modern presidential orchestration of both covert and overt propaganda strategies. Centering this study “on how the Truman and Eisenhower administrations strengthened the power of the rhetorical presidency through their institutionalization of a governmental peacetime propaganda program,” the author argues that both presidents restructured use of the bully pulpit and, most significant, “increased the clandestine means by which to thwart such congressional supervision over their … Cold War policies, relying on multiple media channels to achieve such ends” (p. xviii). Parry-Giles refers to that consolidation of presidential control as a militarization of propaganda policy. The book is divided into three main sections. Part 1 explores the successes and failures of the “journalistic paradigm” shaping the Truman administration's loosely coordinated postwar propaganda policy. President Harry S. Truman's use of journalists and prestigious news sources was necessary to legitimize peacetime propaganda activities, but eventually the journalistic paradigm seemed too ineffective, inviting congressional attacks and investigations. Both Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower faced those attacks, and both countered with greater centralization—“militarization”— of propaganda policies in the Oval Office. Part 2, titled “The Period of Militarization,” contends that increased Soviet propaganda, combined with the perceived ineffectiveness of U.S. strategy, led Truman to avoid congressional control through use of covert channels, especially the cia (Central Intelligence Agency) in 1947 and the National Security Council's Psychological Warfare Board (1951). Parry-Giles argues that by 1951 most psychological warfare activity was “subject to the guidance and control of the president as commander-in-chief ” (p. 55) and was known about by very few members of Congress.

The implosion of American federalism

At a time of unprecedented national power, why do so many Americans believe that our nationhood is fragile and precarious? Why the talk-among politicians, academics, and jurists-of coups d'etat, of culture wars, of confederation, of constitutional breakdown? In this wide-ranging book, Robert Nagel proposes a surprising answer: that anxiety about national unity is caused by centralisation itself. Moreover, he proposes that this anxiety has dangerous cultural consequences that are, in an implosive cycle, pushing the country toward ever greater centralisation. Carefully examining recent landmark Supreme Court cases that protect states' rights, Nagel argues that the federal judiciary is not leading and is not likely to lead a revival of the complex system called federalism. A robust version of federalism requires appreciation for political conflict and respect for disagreement about constitutional meaning, both values that are deeply antithetical to the Court's function. That so many believe this most centralised of our Nation's institutions is protecting, even overprotecting, state power is itself a sign of the depletion of those understandings necessary to sustain the federal system. Instead of a support for federalism, Nagel finds a commitment to radical nationalism throughout the constitutional law establishment. He traces this commitment to traditionally American traits like perfectionism, optimism, individualism, and legalism. Under modern conditions of centralisation, these attractive traits are leading to unattractive social consequences, including tolerance, fearfulness, utopianism, and deceptiveness. They are degrading our political discourse. All this encourages further centralisation and further cultural deterioration. This book puts the major federalism decisions within the framework of the Court's overall record, including its record on individual rights in areas like abortion, homosexuality, and school desegregation. And, giving special attention to public debate over privacy and impeachment, it places modern constitutional law in the context of political discourse more generally.

Letter to the Health Promotion International journal--response from Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland

Health promotion has been, and remains, a cornerstone of WHO policies and actions. I made this point in Mexico (see this issue, pp. 95‐98) and repeat it here. Health promotion actions permeate all technical programs. Concerns raised about changes in the way we are organizing health promotion work in WHO should not be equated with reduced institution-wide support for health promotion. In fact, by mainstreaming health promotion, we intend to ensure that the best health promotion practices are used to improve defined health outcomes in all populations. The Ottawa Charter provided inspiration and ideas for many in public health, as has the Commission on Sustainable Development (following the 1992 UNCED conference) as well as the global movements that have recently culminated in the follow-up to the Social Summit, the Beijing Conference on Women and others. A new development paradigm is emerging that gives greater centrality to health in general. Ottawa, Rio, Beijing, Copenhagen and many other major meetings have aided this convergence. WHO’s new Macro-Economic Commission on Health, our separate cluster on Sustainable Development with its focus on poverty, crosssectoral policies and globalization, and our pathfinder projects, Roll Back Malaria and the Tobacco Free Initiative, all draw in partners from many sectors and institutions. They do so increasingly with a clear and definable purpose and focus in a rapidly changing world. Between them, this growing array of partnerships covers all major aspects of public health. The evidence that many aspects of health promotion make a difference is growing, and the difference is always measured in terms of reduced risks for disease, or for improved health outcomes, including quality of life measures. Our two biggest challenges are to continue this work at the macro determinant level with a wide range of partners and ensure that processes and interventions that reduce the burden of unnecessary suffering among the poorest communities and countries are increasingly developed. That way the aim of the Mexico meeting, to reduce inequities in health, will be achieved. I urge you all to join us and thank the International Union on Health Promotion and Education for establishing a reference group to work closely with WHO as we move ahead.

Public Sector Employment, Wage Inequality and the Gender Pay Ratio in the UK

This paper assesses the relative contributions of the different systems of pay determination in the private sector and the public sector toward the changing level of wage inequality and the gender pay ratio in the UK. The greater centralisation of pay arrangements in the public sector compared with the private sector in the UK suggests that public sector employment may have acted to offset the widening wage inequality seen in recent years, as well as making an important contribution to the increase in women's relative average earnings compared to men. This issue is addressed by drawing on unpublished occupational hourly earnings data from the New Earnings Survey and applying decomposition of the Theil index of wage inequality to analyse both static and dynamic trends. The change in wage inequality for the period 1986 to 1995 primarily reflected the change in wage dispersion within the private sector, and the narrowing of the gender pay gap among the public sector workforce was an important factor in explaining the overall improvement in women's relative earnings. The paper argues that the relatively centralised pay arrangements in the public sector, compared with the private sector, played an important role in slowing the increase in wage inequality and narrowing the gender pay gap. As such, future policies to decentralise pay determination in the UK public sector may exacerbate the increasing level of wage inequality and reverse women's recent relative pay improvements.

Decision‐making autonomy in multinational corporation subsidiaries operating in Scotland

The increasing globalisation of markets has generated new debates about the decision‐making role of MNC subsidiaries. Globalisation may be expected to result in greater centralisation of the decision‐making process. This study analyses the extent to which subsidiaries are being given control over a range of decisions. A sample of MNC subsidiaries operating in Scotland was sent questionnaires which dealt with financial, production, employment and research and development decision making. It was found that considerable authority was devolved to subsidiaries in terms of operational decisions. However, strategic decision making remained very much under the control of the parent. This indicates that the control systems being imposed on subsidiaries are selective and that the benefits created for local economies may be not be as great as it initially appears.

Gender and Networks in a Local Voluntary-Sector Elite

Focusing on gender inequality in a local community elite, we investigate the role of gender in access to and participation in networks of nonprofit trustees in Louisville, Kentucky. We examine two types of network relations: participation in the network of overlapping board memberships (the “structural network”) and interpersonal ties of collegiality and friendship (the “social network”). Asking whether the gender hierarchy found in most private and public sector organizations is mirrored in this inner circle of trustees, with men occupying the most influential positions in the structural and social networks, we find some male advantage in the structural network. Men predominate in holding most board seats, occupying multiple board seats, and in having slightly greater network centrality. By contrast, women hold the edge in the social network, with slightly greater centrality and higher levels of social integration. Women's disadvantage in the structural network is at least partly counterbalanced by their prominence in the social network of trustees in Louisville. Results indicate that the local nonprofit sector includes a small number of women (but no people of color) in leadership roles.

Trajectories of Industrial Districts: Impact of Strategic Intervention in Medical Districts

Actors employ strategic intervention to alter the trajectory of an industrial district because they are dissatisfied with an existing or expected trajectory. In this study we examine two medical industrial districts. In the Philadelphia biotechnology district, strategic intervention altered its trajectory; and in the Minneapolis biomedical technology district, the trajectory of the district has altered but no strategic intervention emerged to redirect the trajectory. The structure and functioning of social networks within each district had an impact on the strategic interventions. Philadelphia housed a larger array of powerful firms and institutions than Minneapolis, but no pharmaceutical giant dominated the spawning of spin-offs in Philadelphia comparable to the dominance of Medtronic in Minneapolis. Diverse medical facilities in Philadelphia diffuse technological information and contacts about starting firms, whereas the University of Minnesota Medical School and its research institutes create a centralized source of information and contacts. The venture-capital sector of Philadelphia draws on diverse pools of capital, with no dominant vested interest to defend sectors of biotechnology; however, in Minneapolis, a few financial actors and large firms direct that allocation of capital. Philadelphia contains numerous public-private partnerships; Minneapolis does not have that diversity. As increased FDA regulation and pressure from managed care firms create conditions that favor large firms, the Philadelphia region continues to support small firms, whereas the Minneapolis region is withdrawing support. Philadelphia’s wide-ranging social networks provide a more supportive framework for small firms than exists in Minneapolis, where the social networks have greater centralization and redundancy.

Regional Offices in the New NHS: An Analysis of the Effects and Significance of Recent Changes

This article reports on a two‐year, multi‐method, qualitative study in two regional offices in the UK National Health Service of the changing role of the regional tier from the autumn of 1994. The nature of the changes from fourteen semiautonomous regional health authorities to eight regional offices of the NHS Executive, whose staff became civil servants, are described together with the way this reorganization changed the role and relationships of NHS Executive HQ, the regional offices and the field. By the end of our research in the autumn of 1996, the change from regional health authority to regional office had gone well in the two regional offices studied; they had become smaller organizations, had established closer working with HQ and believed they had more influence over policy, while retaining good relations with health authorities. Emerging issues from the changes and some of their implications are discussed, particularly the pressures towards greater centralization and the particular forms that these have taken, despite the aim, and in part the achievement, of greater devolution, and the cultural differences between the NHS and the civil service. We conclude by assessing what the future holds for regional offices, in the light of the recent NHS White Paper (Secretary of State for Health 1997)

Taxation and Migration in a Federal System

This paper discusses how taxation may affect migration, economic efficiency and income distribution. The institutional framework is a federal system, in which local authorities are responsible for the supply of public services and the financing of these services, and where the central authorities are in charge of income redistribution. The main conclusion is that a moderate policy of income redistribution is associated with greater centralization of the work force and greater economic inefficiency than is the case with both radical and more limited policies of redistribution.

Beyond the Crystal Ball: Modelling Predictions about Quebec and Canada

Within the field of Canadian politics, intense debate over the constitution is a central and abiding concern. Given the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords, it is suitable to reflect on Canada--and especially Quebec--as a political entity in the greater setting of North America. The passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which creates economic alternatives for Quebec, (1) makes this an especially appropriate time to examine the prospects for significant (or macro) constitutional change. (2) Neither executive federalism nor popular referenda have succeeded in producing lasting agreement on basic principles of government between Quebec and the Rest of Canada (ROC). After the intense conflict over the Charlottetown referendum, while much of Canada retreated into constitutional hibernation, Quebeckers, possibly buoyed by anticipated passage of the NAFTA, boldly elected fifty-four members of the independantiste Bloc Quebecois (BQ) in the federal election of 1993, and a separatist Parti Quebecois (PQ) government in the provincial election of the following year. Given the passage of the NAFTA and the political uncertainty that still exists in post-referendum Quebec and Canada, constitutional issues promise to attain even greater centrality. Thus, the time is right for appraisal of constitutional problems and prospects within a new theoretical frame of reference. After all, one of the few apparent points of agreement about previous rounds of bargaining is that time pressure and lack of foresight are enemies of constructive change. (3) This research note introduces to the study of Canadian politics a new technique for predicting the outcome of bargaining over key issues. Although the paper's aim is modest--to describe the technique--it also outlines a more substantial research project that is currently underway and should provide insights into the outcomes of two fundamental issues facing Quebec-Canada relations in the aftermath of the 1995 referendum on sovereignty in Quebec. More specifically, the project seeks to predict the outcome of Quebec-Canada constitutional bargaining and the outcome of bargaining over a sovereign Quebec's attempt to join the NAFTA. The investigation unfolds in three stages. The first presents the Decisions Insights expected utility forecasting model. The second describes the current political and economic setting of the ROC and Quebec, and offers some predictions based upon the model as a means of presenting the outlines of a promising research program. The third and final stage encourages extension of the research project on both intellectual and practical grounds. Toward an Expected Utility Model Constitutional bargaining and negotiations among governments and interest groups can be studied in any number of ways. Conventional approaches combine (in varying degrees) empirical theory from political science and historical analysis. The result is a set of informative case studies that collectively trace the evolution of bargaining over distribution of power between the federal and provincial governments, most notably Quebec. (4) Models based on rational choice, or the application of microeconomic theory to the study of politics, are well suited to the analysis of the kind of bargaining that can be expected between Quebec, the ROC, and a range of others. These models begin with the assumption of self-interest and focus directly on how and why policies are made. The specific characteristics that link economic thought to political processes may be summarized as follows: first, methodological individualism as a point of departure; second, the assumption that individuals strive after their own interests in a rational way and try to maximize utility--this assumption may be called the fundamental behavioral hypothesis; and, third, use of methods and techniques of economic analysis. Thus, rational choice is a theoretical perspective with well-developed methods that can be applied to the integration of horizontal and vertical elite bargaining. …

Limitations on community regulation in the UK: Legal culture and multi‐level governance

Abstract The implementation of EC law in Britain is influenced by confluence between Community and national law and policy. At the same time, the trend towards greater centralization of policy and law‐making in the UK is reinforced by EC law, both through the reporting systems introduced under new approach directives and the fact that central government is ultimately responsible under EC law for implementation. The primacy of the Community‐member state axis weakens the Community system of indirect rule because it ignores the important enforcement role of local government, which in turn impedes the creation of the internal market, which itself is predicated on consistent enforcement practices throughout and between member states. The article first addresses what is meant by implementation and effectiveness before turning to a British study of implementation. It discusses the issue of confluence between the two legal orders and the nature of the relationship between national and local government in the cont...

Opportunity Realized: The Greek Catholic Union's First One Hundred Years, 1892-1992 by Cheryl Weller Beck, Michael I. Roman, Frederick M. Petro, and Basil Wahal

316 BOOK REVIEWS throughout. Also, the reader unfamiliar with the practice of taking a new name upon entering religious life might find the going a little difficult;Volume II presents both names in introducing significant characters—even this leads to some confusion. In view of changes associated with the era of the Second Vatican Council, this difficulty might have been unavoidable. Joseph G. Hubbert, CM. Niagara University Opportunity Realized: The Greek Catholic Union's First One Hundred Years, 1892-1992. By Cheryl Weiler Beck, Michael I. Roman, Frederick M. Petro, and Basil Wahal. (Beaver, Pennsylvania: Greek Catholic Union of the U.S.A. 1994. Pp. xi, 286. $28.50.) This volume is not just another jubilee album or institutional history. Professedly a "historical narrative, a history told through the achievements of its people and the principal events that molded the organization into what it is today" (p. 1), the text contains much newly-translated archival material (mostly from internal documents and the organization's newspaper Amerikansky Russkij ViestniK) and is symbolic of the "arrival" of a new generation of Rusin historical scholars. Every photograph and every illustration in this well-crafted volume provides a clue to the way of life of each generation. As the primary fraternal organization of this important Catholic immigrant group, the Greek Catholic Union served the needs of its members in a pattern that is consistent with other Catholic and Slavic immigrant groups. The G.C.U. was instrumental in the evolution of a national self-awareness that took its strongest form in the context of American pluralism beyond the restraints of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and later the nascent Czechoslovakia. Its evening schools taught English and civics as well as religion and ethnic traditions. Its insurance program provided some economic relief in time of need for the exhausting and dangerous life of miners. Its support of orphanages and gymnastics and sports showed its members' concern for the health and well-being of its young people. The group's fate was inextricably woven into the life of the Greek Catholic Church in America and provides the model for what used to be called "lay trusteeism." The amazing growth of the Greek Catholic church in the United States from 1884 to 1917 cannot be attributed simply to the large number of immigrants . Once a small community had settled, a committee of successful merchants or leaders in the community would take up a collection for the establishment of a church and then proceed to buy the land, build the church with their own labor, and pay to bring a priest from the homeland. This sort of lay initiative is typical of the foundation of almost every parish in this period. Most of those early parish committees were the foundations of local brotherhoods which had established mortuary funds and trust funds for widows and BOOK REVIEWS 317 children. In a period of great centralization and federation of religious organizations , it was not unusual that in 1892 a committee of several prominent lay leaders along with the clergy decided to unite the brotherhoods in their common interests under the name "Union of Greek Catholic Rusin Brotherhoods ." The book pushes into the background many of the issues that the noninstitutional historian would like to see treated: the complexity of the interaction of the religion, politics, and culture of the Old World as it was brought as baggage to the New World; the exportation of democracy and nation-building to a newly-emerging Czechoslovakia; the role of religion, liturgy, and doctrine on the sensibility of the ordinary worker and member and parishioner. This work is a valuable resource, nonetheless, for immigration and ethnic historians. Thomas F. Sable, SJ. University ofScranton The World's Parliament ofReligions: The East/WestEncounter, Chicago, 1893By Richard Hughes Seager. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1995. Pp. xxxi, 208. $35.00.) The World's Parliament of Religions is well known to historians. Held in Chicago during the 1893 World's Fair in a hall that was later to become the Art Institute, it brought together representatives from religious traditions throughout the world. Its goal was "to unite all religion against irreligion."As the author put it,"the Parliament was a...