Grave Monument Research Articles

On the Attributions of the Grave Monument of the Jagić Family in Varaždin

On the Attributions of the Grave Monument of the Jagić Family in Varaždin

A Roman Fleet Soldier’s Gravestone from Scarbantia (TRHR 38)

In his paper the author deals with a funerary verse epitaph from Scarbantia (Sopron) published by him earlier (TRHR 38). Based on his new restoration, the gravestone (stela) was erected to a veteran by his wife who served earlier as fleet soldier. He was most probably called Britto. Several vulgar Latin phenomena can be observed in the inscription that was erected in the second half of the third century or at the very beginning of fourth c. The type of the metrical formula resiste viator et lege can be found in several Pannonian verse inscriptions. Based on the pieces of information given in the problematical parts of lines 2 and 3 that concern the wife, at least one line is missing at the beginning of the text and she erected the grave monument and the funerary epitaph to herself as well.

In search for the grave monument of the Professorsurgeon E.G. Salischev (part 3)

The paper was prepared according to archival and published documents, the study and systematization of which made it possible to find out how the monument was installed and then lost on the grave of the outstanding professor E.G. Salishchev at the cemetery of the Ioanno-Predtechensky (John the Baptist) Tomsk Convent in Tomsk. According to the materials of the newspaper “Sibirskaya zhizn'” (“Siberian Life”) it was revealed that Professor E.G. Salishchev, who died in June 1901, was buried in the professorial section of the monastery cemetery. Two years after the funeral, a monument made in St. Petersburg was erected on his grave. The newspaper “Sibirskaya zhizn'” published a photograph of the monument, taken on the day of its consecration on November 10, 1903. The newspaper report and the inscription on the monument, copied in 1910 by the abbess of the convent Zinaida (Kotelnikova), provide reliable information about the tombstone. Subsequently, this information was distorted, and the monument was destroyed. After the revolutions of 1917, anti-church sentiments were whipped up in society, liturgical churches were closed, and clergy and parishioners were persecuted. In 1920 the nunnery in Tomsk was closed, in 1927 burials at the monastery cemetery were prohibited. In the same year, the buildings of the monastery were transferred to the Siberian Technological Institute (modern Tomsk Polytechnic University) for student hostels. And in 1930, under the pretext that the campus, located in a former convent, needed “places for walking”, the Tomsk City Council decided to liquidate the cemetery and use gravestones as building material. Attempts by the head of the Tomsk Regional Museum M.B. Shatilov to save the professorial section of the monastery cemetery from destruction were unsuccessful. In the mid 1950s on the cemetery site, construction began on a 4-storey residential building (modern Uchebnaya st., 42). In the course of work on the paper, it turned out that along with reliable information about the monastery cemetery and the monument on the grave of E.G. Salishchev, there are quite a lot of distortions. The most important of them is the decision of the executive committee of the Tomsk Regional Council of Working People's Deputies dated July 25, 1961 No. 242 “On the further improvement of the protection of cultural monuments in the region”. In the appendix to this document, in addition to all other information, “the grave of the famous Russian scientist surgeon Prof. E.G. Salishchev. Location – campus of the Tomsk Polytechnic Institute. Unverified and unconfirmed data on the burial of Salishchev at the long-destroyed monastery cemetery were included in 2017 in the unified state register of objects of cultural heritage of the peoples of the Russian Federation, and even the address of the nonexistent monument was indicated: 39/2, Vershinin st., Tomsk. It was found out that the chapel in the name of St. Domna Tomskaya is located at this address. Completing the search for a grave monument, the authors of the paper express confidence that the memory of the surgeon E.G. Salishchev will survive all the losses and distortions and will be eternal.

ЖИВОПИСЕЦ ВАСИЛИЙ НЕФЕДОВ В БИОГРАФИИ И ТВОРЧЕСТВЕ СКУЛЬПТОРА СТЕПАНА ЭРЬЗИ (НЕФЕДОВА)

The relevance of the topic is due to the need for a comprehensive study of the creative personality of an outstanding sculptor of the 20th century Stepan Dmitrievich Erzya (Nefyodov, 1876–1959). Object of the article: biography and creative (including art-pedagogical) activities of sculptor S.D. Erzia; subject of the article: creative, mentoring relationship of the sculptor with his nephew, the painter Vasily Ivanovich Nefyodov (1890–1918). The study is of a historical and cultural nature; it uses comparative-historical and biographical methods. The sources of the study are the works of S.D. Erzia and V.I. Nefyodov (both located in museums and archives of the Russian Federation, including the Republic of Mordovia, and not preserved, known only from photo reproductions), press materials of the first third of the 20th century, archival documents. The author reconstructs the biography of V.I. Nefyodov, reveals the role of S.D. Erzia in his creative development. As a result of the study, it has been proved that a number of surviving paintings, which are considered by researchers as the works of S.D. Erzia, actually had been created by his nephew. The author attributes the photo of V.I. Nefyodov, made in the suburbs of Paris Seaux in 1912, sculptural portraits of V.I. Nefyodov created by S.D. Erzia and other works dedicated to him. It is proved that the unpreserved statue “Prayer for a Chalice” made in the Urals, which some researchers (for example, the Ural archivist E.V. Shimonek) call “an unknown creation of Erzia”, is a grave monument for V.I. Nefyodov, made exactly from this photo.

In search for the grave monument of the Professor-surgeon E. G. Salischev (part 2)

Reliance on authentic sources and the latest research allows the authors of the paper to characterize the Ioanno-Predtechensky Convent and the conventual cemetery. They write about most prominent citizens of Tomsk of the end 19th – beginning 20th century, including Professors of Imperial Tomsk University E.G. Salishchev, P.S. Klimentov, D.I. Timofeyevsky, who were buried in convent. According to the Decree on Freedom of Conscience, Church and Religious Societies, adopted by the Council of People's Commissars of Soviet Russia in 1918, the convent was closed, and the creation of a campus (studgorodok) began on its territory. In 1930, the local authorities decided to destroy the cemetery, and use the grave monuments for new construction. The authors found out that in mid-1950s a large 4-storey house was built on the cemetery site. Not a single burial or grave monument, except for Potanin’s ash, could be preserved. The authors believe that the monument to all those buried in the convent is the chapel of St. Domna Tomskaya, consecrated in 1996.

In search for the grave monument of the professor-surgeon E.G. Salishchev (part I)

The paper was prepared by the authors of the two-volume edition “Scientific heritage of E.G. Salishchev”. It is dedicated to the first results of the search for the grave monument of Professor E.G. Salishchev on the site of the cemetery of John the Baptist Convent destroyed in the 30s of the last century. A large volume of archival research was carried out with the involvement of specialists from the State Archives of the Tomsk Region, the Center for Documentation of the Contemporary History of the Tomsk Region and the analysis of scientific research works of the Tomsk Regional Museum of Local Lore named after M.B. Shatilov on this topic. Some discrepancies between archival information and official information were revealed.

Wer ließ in der Grabinschrift I.Milet VI 2,570 sieben Zeilen eradieren?

Abstract Who got seven lines erased in the funeral inscription I.Milet VI 2.570? In a funeral inscription from Miletus, well known since 1843, two passages have been neatly erased already in Antiquity. Recently they were carefully reconstructed by Praust and Wiedergut. This contribution aims to deepen the social and legal meaning of the text being not fully grasped by the authors. Surprisingly, among the persons entitled to be buried the owner of the grave monument did not mention his wife, and he restricted his sons to being sheer participants in the grave. On the other hand, he entrusted an outsider woman and her children (probably his own offspring) with power of disposal over the grave. Because of this woman his wife might have quitted the wedlock and claimed her dowry. After the owner’s death the dispute was settled resulting in the two erasures: the younger son, objecting the compromise, had been completely excluded and the former wife finally was admitted being buried in the monument.

PLINY, TACITUS AND THE MONUMENTS OF PALLAS

AbstractThis article is a discussion of Plin.Ep. 7.29 andEp. 8.6, in which he presents his reaction to seeing the grave monument of Marcus Antonius Pallas, the freedman and minister of the Emperor Claudius, beside the Via Tiburtina. The monument records a senatorial vote of thanks to Pallas, and Pliny expresses intense indignation at the Senate's subservience and at the power and influence wielded by a freedman. This article compares Pliny's letters with Tacitus’ account of the senatorial vote of thanks to Pallas atAnn. 12.52–3 and explores the differences between the ways in which the two authors encourage readers to relate to past events. It is noted that the Pallas letters are unusual amongst Pliny's letters for their treatment of material unconnected with the life and career of Pliny and his friends, and argued that inEp. 7.29 Pliny uses language and attitudes drawn from satire to evoke the past.Ep. 8.6 is read as an idiosyncratic piece of historical enquiry, considering Pliny's use of citation and his anonymization of historical individuals. Both letters are considered in the context of the surrounding letters, and a hypothesis is offered regarding the identity of their addressee Montanus, considering evidence from Tacitus’HistoriesandAnnals. Discussion of Tac.Ann.12.52–3 focusses on the use of irony. Pliny's evocation ofenargeia(‘vividness’) is compared with that of Tacitus. The article concludes with comparison of the historical accounts offered by Pliny and Tacitus through reflection on Juvenal,Satire1.

Dört Kardeş, Bir mezar: I.Milet VI 2, 783 için Tamamlama ve Yorum

The article deals with the grave inscription of the two brothers Eubulion and Demetrios, sons of Theopompos, written on a small stele from Imperial times. As is obvious at first glance, the inscription has been heavily tampered with: While the lines 6–14 show a consistent type face, the lines 1–5 diverge significantly and have partially been written on an erased surface. Furthermore, the lines 15–16 are clearly secondary and appear as a non-professional addendum altogether. A revision of the inscription’s squeeze made possible a reconstruction of most of the erased parts in lines 4–5, revealing that the grave monument was, in fact, not meant for two, but for four brothers, two of which have been scratched off. After an epigraphic analysis and the reconstruction of the erased parts in ll.4–6 (section I), the article deals with the following topics: Section II addresses the secondary text in ll.1–6 and delivers a detailed analysis of the verb διαφέρειν „belong to“ (g. „gehören“, fr. „appartenir à“) in Imperial grave texts from Asia Minor, showing that the term typically appears in cases where an already established grave monument comes into the hands of new owners. Section III deals with the beginning of the original text and discusses the implications of the erasure of two brothers (and their respective wives, children and grandchildren) from a family grave monument.

Touch and Remembrance in Greek Funerary Art

What makes a grave monument effective? How can objects, incapable of thought, help the living to remember the dead? The variety of memorials in ancient Greece betrays that here, as elsewhere, no si...

Ramus poeticus. Zu den lateinischen Grabgedichten auf dem Sarkophag von Thomas Ramm in der Tallinner Domkirche

Ramus poeticus. The Latin Sepulchral Epigram on the Sarcophagus of Thomas Ramm in St Mary’s Cathedral in TallinnAmong the versified sepulchral epigrams in Estonian churches, the six elegiac distichs on the side slabs and the seven hexameter lines of verses on the cover of the sarcophagus of Thomas Ramm (1564–1631), a grave monument built in 1634 in the Tallinn Cathedral, have not been identified as the poems until now. The main reasons are that the verses are written in continuo, not in the traditional manner, and are difficult to read. Therefore, the other poetical features were also overlooked. In our article we edit the poems as a facsimile and in a modernized way, translate them into German and Estonian, and comment on the impact of other well-known texts from European culture on this sepulchral epigram. Although the main sources for the composition of early modern sepulchral epigrams are here the name and profession of the deceased (locus notationis and locus generis), the anonymous author of the poem in elegiac distich follows a very contemporary poem In idem sacrum canticum (Epigr. 39) written and published by Mathias Casimirus Sarbiewski 1632, the famous Jesuit poet from Vilna. The use of a Jesuit’s poem in memorial culture in Protestant Tallinn seems unexpected, but it is a creative and contrastive way of imitating Christian and Classical culture that lies behind it. The hexameter poem on the cover of the sarcophagus has no such direct contemporary models and, with its memento mori topic and rhetorical question about the future at the end of the poem, is a rather traditional Neo-Latin epicedium.

From Bishop's Grave to Holy Grave: The Construction of Strasbourg Cathedral's St. Catherine Chapel

The St. Catherine Chapel of Strasbourg Cathedral, erected about 1340-49, has traditionally been accepted as an expression of the religious devotion of its founder, Bishop Berthold II. The incorporation of innovative architectural forms in this chapel situates its construction within a larger context of political tension with the city council and clergy. The initial conception of the monument was crafted in a way that emphasized the episcopal presence, expressed through the use of modern forms (such as star vaults and syncopated fenestration) that challenged the architectural sovereignty of the imposing citizen-supported west front campaign at the cathedral. As the bishop's political situation altered, so did the forms and purpose of his chapel. After a brutal political struggle with the cathedral chapter, Berthold converted his projected tomb into a Holy Grave monument. This introduced into the chapel a program of liturgical Easter sculpture in a sepulchral context, for the benefit of the lay congregation. The new Holy Grave type thus developed must be seen not only in light of its significant formal impact on later sculpture of the region but also as an important tool in the diplomatic exchange between bishop, city, and chapter.

墓廟IIIの遺構概要 : 古代ギリシア都市メッセネの建築調査(1)

Messene was an ancient Greek city which was built by Epaminondas in 369 B.C. The authors surveyed a Hellenistic tomb called Grave Monument III on its Stadion area in 1998 and 1999. This monument had a unique roof in concave conical form and unusually located on main street in the city wall. This field research gave numerical and visual information for the studies of reconstruction and architectural technique. In this paper, the authors describe its architectural remains as were excavated, and show briefly the results of the study.

'Reading' Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period (review)

Reviewed by: ‘Reading’ Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period Joseph W. Day and Leslie Preston Day Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood. ‘Reading’ Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. xiv + 489 pp. 11 pls. Cloth, $79. This important book contributes much to the growing, though divided, scholarship on Greek mortuary practice as a system of behavior that reflected and constructed eschatological, religious, and socio-political attitudes and ideologies. Distancing herself strongly from I. Morris’ historical analysis of mortuary data (Burial in Ancient Society [1987]; Death-Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiquity [1992]), with its rejection of what he sees as limiting text- and object-based approaches, S-I derives cultural attitudes from texts like Homer and artifacts like the archaic grave monument. Her approach to this conventional material is hardly conventional, however, nor are its results. Chapter 1, which most classicists could read with benefit, explains S-I’s reader-oriented method; but methodology is foregrounded throughout, especially the semiological principle that no element of a text or artifact, independent of its context, has a fixed meaning for readers. S-I recreates ancient readings of grave monuments, epitaphs, literary texts, and other artifacts accordingly, by reconstructing the cultural lenses through which contemporaries would have interpreted such an artifact (that is, their attitudes to death, expectations about relevant genres, and other aspects of their cultural repertoire). To alleviate the dangers of circularity inherent in such approaches, S-I constructs, and criticizes others for failing to construct, several independent arguments to support each point. Though “very idiosyncratic post-structuralist” (113), S-I’s method can be compared to recent semiological, cultural, and functional approaches to literary and artistic “texts” (e.g., C. Dougherty and L. Kurke, Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece [1993]) and inscriptions (e.g., D. T. Steiner, The Tyrant’s Writ [1994]). Chapter 2 deals with views of the afterlife in the Homeric poems and with beliefs about the dead from the Late Bronze Age to the seventh century. For S-I, Homer represents the culture of eighth-century Ionia, and she uses the poems to show later eighth-century attitudes toward death. This is too facile a solution to complex Homeric problems, and while her analysis of the beliefs reflected in the poems is excellent, she does not apply archaeological evidence to demonstrate that this analysis is relevant to eighth-century Greece. She sees two attitudes in the poems: the predominant belief that “everyone must die,” a simple statement of the inevitability of death without any idea of reward and punishment, and the nascent idea that a few individuals can achieve happiness and even immortality after death. She debunks the theory that this latter concept of Elysion comes from Minoan Crete. What she does not do is use archaeological evidence to support her hypotheses. As she rightly points out, reconstructing “belief systems on the basis of archaeological data is a complex and problematic enterprise” (90); [End Page 645] but given the hundreds of burials excavated all over the Greek world from this period, it seems amazing that she refers to them so little. S-I is not unfamiliar with archaeological evidence and uses it to good account in discussing Minoan and Mycenaean burial practices, and she makes excellent use of sculpture and vase painting in chapters 3 and 5; but she chooses not to use actual burial data for Homeric beliefs, perhaps partly in response to Morris. Chapter 2 supplies a useful background for the study of archaic grave markers, but the unwary classicist should know that a methodologically rigorous archaeologist, in particular, will have trouble with it, as with Morris, although for different reasons. Morris and his methodology come under heavy attack in the lengthy Appendix. While some find Morris’ model-building methodology problematic, it is widely accepted by anthropologists looking for an objective method akin to scientific hypothesis testing. S-I opposes this methodology because of its a priori assumptions, yet no methodology is free of cultural bias. We need a variety of approaches, and archaeology must be allowed to give its evidence without either being forced into Morris’ a priori models or S-I’s (and the traditional...

Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum (review)

Reviewed by: Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum Kent J. Rigsby Hasan Malay . Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum. Vienna, 1994. 192 pp. 99 plates. (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften 237, Ergänzungsbande zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 19) For well over a century, inscriptions found in the Hermus Valley in Lydia have been making their way to the museum at Manisa. Hasan Malay presents here a full inventory of this rich collection, stones deriving from the great cities (Sardes, Philadelphia, Daldis, Hierocaesarea, etc.) and from the numerous villages [End Page 167] within their territories. Malay has himself contributed substantially to the building of this collection through his explorations, and his familiarity with the region and its monuments is an essential component of this catalogue. In recent years the inscriptions of Lydia have received work of very high quality which is readily available to readers, and Malay has made the laudable decision to include only what must be included in order to complete the published record on the museum holdings: new texts are given description, text, commentary, and photograph; already published texts with no photograph in print have a brief description, lemma, and photograph but no text; others, only a description and up-to-date lemma without photograph or text (except where Malay has improved the readings, e.g., nos. 39, 368, 380). Malay has shown admirable discipline in not filling our libraries with redundant matter. The material is organized by type of text, except for a twenty-page addendum of stones that arrived during the year that publication was in progress. The statistics: 561 entries, of which 190 are new texts; twelve of these have been held for impending separate publication; four texts are in Lydian; there is little Latin (no. 470; bilingual, nos. 231, 520 [a new illustration of the bilingualism of Imperial freedmen; cf. Robert, Laodicée 325-26], and 523, an edict). Metrical texts are few (nos. 51, 318, 354). Dates range from the fourth century B.C. (no. 515, fragment of an Aeolic decree, nearly stoichedon) to the twelfth A.D., but are mostly Roman Imperial; for many stones the exact provenance is uncertain. The lemmas, while not genetic in form, are thorough and current; the commentaries address essentials with efficiency. Careful indexes are provided (only to the texts actually printed), also a detailed concordance to past publications, and two clear maps showing known provenances. Some of these texts will be taken up in the course of the completion of TAM V by Georg Petzl. Note that Petzl's "Beichtinschriften" (= EpigrAnat 22) appeared simultaneously; a number of those inscriptions are in the Manisa Museum, and Petzl was able to consult and cite Malay's manuscript in completing his own work. The photographs are uniformly excellent (nos. 360 and 362 have been badly cropped, cutting off some text) and constitute an important new body of evidence for the history of art in western Anatolia in the late Hellenistic and Roman periods. These mostly are reliefs (no. 161 is especially rich, and obscure owing to weathering; no. 58 is a Nike in the round; no. 336 is incised and perhaps unfinished). The volume offers pleasures for diverse agendas. New villages are attested (nos. 38 and 184, 48, 51), a known one located (no. 31); a new phratry inscription (no. 244) joins others from the northeastern part of Lydia. We have a new sundial (no. 25), and a woman who lived to be a hundred (no. 465). Foreign ethnics are few. No. 536, from Dareioukome, is a grave monument for Apollonius set up by his wife, Tyche, perhaps in the second century or earlier, ' ΤΩ[. . . ]ΔOYPHNΩ; the majuscules are properly cautious, and Malay cites Dura only in the commentary; there is scarcely space but consider Τω[βίου], whatever the likelihood of a Jew from Parthian Dura settling by the Hermus. [End Page 168] A number of new cults and divine epithets are revealed. Zeus Antigoneios (nos. 69-74, variously spelled) Malay traces to the Antigonid dynasty and Macedonian soldiers settled in Lydia in the Hellenistic period. This seems to me unlikely, in an area never under Antigonid rule even briefly, and I suspect rather that the epithet...

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAIRNS AND SETTLEMENT SITES

Summary. This article discusses the problem of how to relate a special grave construction to a particular settlement site. An example from the West Swedish Bronze Age is presented to pinpoint the difficulties of the chronological criteria and the drawbacks of using ‘nearness’ as a criterion.The idea presented is that a relationship between a grave monument and a settlement site may be reflected in areas where the building material, the stones, were picked up. Such areas can be demonstrated in a test example from West Sweden, which showed that, under special circumstances, such a link may be valuable for solving the problem of how to relate a cairn to a settlement site.

A Funerary Epigram from Latos in Crete

IN Hesperia 58, 1989, pp. 115-129, Martha W. Baldwin Bowsky has published two -W highly interesting funerary inscriptions of late Hellenistic date from AaTr'0 7rpO KaAaipat in eastern Crete.1 Both poems present delicate problems of interpretation and repay further study. This short note is concerned with the first (pp. 118-123), the text of which is the better preserved, so that most readings can be checked on the published photograph. The grave monument on which this epigram is engraved was set up in honor of a K?VqTrCVV1osg MVaa-rToKXEZOS', who, as the first editor convincingly argued, is in all probability identical with the person of the same name who served on the board of Ko00/.Ot known from two inscriptions found at Latos (ICr 1 16.26 and 32). His term of office has been plausibly dated to the year 1 16/15 B.C.2 The epigram shows that Kletonymos was a man of considerable local importance, and a close analysis provides a better understanding of his role in the civic affairs of Latos. The text proposed by the first editor is the following:

Hur Sturarnas gravmonument i Uppsala skulle göras

Summary A Design for the Tomb of the Sture Family in Uppsala Cathedral After the Reformation the medieval chapels in Uppsala Cathedral were taken into use as burial places for the royal family and the nobility. The tomb of Gustav Vasa and two of his wives was executed by the Flemish artist William Boy († 1592), who was employed in Sweden for a long time. William Boy also made a design for a grave monument for the noble family of Sture, after three of its members, fallen into singular disgrace with Erik XIV, had been murdered by his instigation and in his presence in Uppsala Castle in 1567. From a memorandum dated 1603 and written by the Privy Councillor Hogenskild Bielke († 1605), married to a member of the Sture family, we can gather how the drawing must have looked that William Boy made for a grave monument over the Sture family so suddenly afflicted. A copy of this memorandum still exists. The grave monument was to be erected in the fine chapel on the north side of the chancel, between the so‐called Finsta Chapel, where Saint Birgitta's parents are buried, and the royal Jagellonian burial chapel. On the tomb five people in full figure were to rest, four knights in armour and a lady, Märta Leijonhufvud, the wife of Svante Sture, Constable of the Realm. The tomb was to go with a sculptural wall arrangement crowned by a picture of the Saviour. The memorandum contains careful instructions as to how each detail of the monument was to be executed: the various types of stone to be used, the painting, the gilding, the way the armour, helmets and gloves were to be represented. Mention is made of putti carrying a skull and an hour‐glass, symbols that also decorate Gustav Vasa's tomb in the Vasa Chapel. The back wall was to have a stately portrayal of the Sture family with the sons in a row after the Count and the daughters behind the Countess, the whole surrounded by the coats of arms of the Sture and Leijonhufvud families. The most detailed part of Bielke's memorandum concerns cer‐tain plaques to be made in relief presenting in greatest detail situations and people at the time the murder was committed. If one takes into account the great interest these pictures would have awakened in their own time and later, it is obvious that they would have been of unique historical and iconographical value if they had been executed. But this was not to be. The wall epitaph in marble and alabaster that now adorns the west wall of the Sture Chapel was made by the master Heinrich Wilhelm and set up around the middle of the seventeenth century.

An Unpublished Grave Monument from Egypt

An Unpublished Grave Monument from Egypt

Two Funerary Statues at Cyrene

The female funerary bust, as a type of grave monument, consists of a bust or a demi-statue including hips, waist, shoulders and head. The type is unparalleled elsewhere in the history of ancient sculpture.1. This unique unpublished find (pl. 1) of the Flavian period, which is made of grained white marble and measures 50 cm. high by 34 cm. wide, was found at El-Beggara in the S. W. Cemetery at Cyrene by Mr. Ali Bu Nuw-wara on 4 November 1971. The statue portrays a draped woman in half-length bust form. The bust terminates a short way below the waist and is worked flat at the bottom. The figure is in good condition; only three fingers of the left hand are missing and some drapery ridges are chipped or broken.The figure holds her right arm, bent at the elbow, horizontally across her body; the left arm is bent up to the side of the face and holds part of her garment across the face as a veil. The figure is completely draped in a himation which both enfolds the body and covers the head. The left hand, with thumb, ring and little fingers missing, stretches a part of the himation across the eyes, nose and mouth. These features are indicated under the transparent folds of the mantle. Here the sculptor has precisely demonstrated the delicacy of the facial features through the veil, an effect produced by his controlled chisel work. The figure's forehead is graced with tightly curled hair which is massed over the brow like a short African haircut. The hair style is typical of the Flavian period and is not later than the time of Hadrian. The folds of the himation in front are rendered as sharp ridges crossing the body; the back is also carved with folds of the same type but worked in a more simplified manner. The figure wears a snake bracelet on her left arm; this type of armlet appears in many of these Cyrenean funerary busts and may have iconographic or symbolic significance.