Grassroots Members Research Articles

THE AUTHORITY OF FEELING IN MID-TWENTIETH-CENTURY ENGLISH CONSERVATISM

AbstractConservatism claims to be a philosophy of common sense and everyday experience, in which sensation takes priority over reason. This article asks how this was understood by both Conservative thinkers and grassroots members in mid-twentieth-century England, and how it sat alongside other ways of understanding the feelings and experiences of ordinary people, in a period in which these came to be regarded as a privileged form of political authority. The article shows that the Conservative everyday was rooted in individual sensory experiences, but always underpinned by the collective evocation of reverence, majesty, and awe. It traces understandings of the everyday and the awesome through political texts and grassroots publications, showing that the tension between them is what gives Conservatism its distinctive character. This is conceptualized in Burkean terms as the beautiful and the sublime. The latter guarantees order, hierarchy, and allegiance, while the former works to soften and socialize power – making it seem a matter of custom and common sense. The article suggests that this combination enabled Conservatism to adapt to the challenges of mass democracy but became ever harder to sustain in the emotional culture of post-war England, when feelings became a marker of personal authenticity, rather than cultural authority.

United in diversity? Europarties and their individual members’ rights

ABSTRACTAt a time when most national parties in Europe are losing members, parties at the European level, or Europarties, have introduced membership for individuals. This article is the first to investigate, compare, and explain the individual membership of Europarties. It focuses on the rights of the individual members to participate in the formulation of policies and the selection of leadership candidates. For this purpose, the article develops an index that charts the participatory rights. In doing so, it highlights a high degree of variation between the Europarties. It argues that these differences can be explained through a combination of four factors: the Europarties’ electoral successes; the attitudes of the national member parties towards individual membership; the motivation and activism of the individual members; and Europarty funding rules. The article argues that if Europarties want to be seen as ‘real’ parties, they should grant their grassroots members real participatory powers.

Intra-party democracy from members’ viewpoint: the case of left-wing parties in Portugal

Focusing on the Portuguese case, this article aims to examine how members evaluate items of intra-party democracy and the ways in which their evaluations vary significantly across parties and key individual-level factors. It uses data from online surveys conducted in 2014 to grassroots members of three left-wing parties that differ in their organisational and participative profiles: the centre-left Socialist Party and the radical left Left Bloc and Livre. The results reveal more positive evaluations among members of radical left parties and for those featuring higher levels of activism and ideological congruence with the party. However, appraisals tend to be more negative when there are higher expectations of influencing the candidate selection process and of gaining professional benefits through membership. The findings suggest that democratising reforms may be a double-edged sword by attracting members who value this kind of change but at the same time fostering critical appraisals.

Why Did They Die? On Combahee and the Serialization of Black Death

Between January and May of 1979, twelve similarly situated black women were murdered in Boston, Massachusetts. Just two years past the writing of what would become their canonical feminist statement, the Combahee River Collective (CRC) mobilized around the series of deaths along with other grassroots organizations and members of the local community. The CRC’s most significant intervention in that crisis was the creation and circulation of a pamphlet that was initially titled, “Six Black Women: Why Did They Die?” that was meant to (1) help women within the affected area know how to better protect themselves, (2) name the conditions that had produced the women’s deaths and the city’s subsequent failure to acknowledge or contend with their deaths in any meaningful way, and (3) evince the value of black women’s lives. The serial murders of black women have continued on unabated since 1979, and this article uses the occasion of the Boston murders to discuss how the CRC’s writing and activism enable a theorization of the serialization of black death that expands meaningfully on the scholarship around serial murder.

Challenges of political participation and intra-party democracy: Bittersweet symphony from party membership and primary elections in Italy

In this article, we explore the impact of intra-party democratization processes on party membership. We analyze the opinions and attitudes of enrolled members on intra-party democracy instruments and on the use of open primaries. We investigate, with original data sets on Italy, the relationship between primaries and party members. How do enrolled members perceive internal democratization and primaries? Which factors contribute to explaining grassroots members’ opinion on primaries? We use the case of the Italian Democratic Party (PD) to argue that different subsets of the party membership (divided into new-style and old-style members, on the basis of their relationship with the party and their participatory style) have different views on primaries. Quantitative analysis of survey data on party members reveals two main findings. Our first result is that members approve and positively assess the adoption of new procedures of intra-party democracy. Second, membership style matters: old-style members react to the adoption of primary elections differently than new-style members. Indeed, old-style members understand primaries as a renovated chance of participating in the party’s activities, whereas for new-style members primaries give the opportunity for a new mode of participation. Our findings contribute to the existing empirical research on intra-party democracy and party membership, and have important implications for the triangular link between parties, members and primaries.

‘All mouth and no trousers?’ How many Conservative Party members voted for UKIP in 2015 – and why did they do so?

A survey of ordinary members of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party carried out in 2013 revealed that nearly 30% of them would seriously consider voting for the country’s radical right wing populist party (United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP)). However, we show that at the general election in 2015, only a very small proportion of them – around 5% of Tory grassroots members – actually did so, driven it seems mainly by alienation from the leadership and David Cameron in particular, as well as, perhaps, by concerns about the Conservative-led government’s austerity policies. However, those party members who did eventually vote for UKIP were still much more likely to have expressed a propensity to vote for it in 2013 than those who did not. Since the Conservative Party has not experienced the same increase in membership as some of its competitors, and since members are an important part of parties’ electoral campaigning, they should avoid alienating those members they do have – something of which Theresa May appears to be aware.

Neo-liberalism and the Nordic welfare model: a study of the Liberal Alliance and ideological adaptation in Denmark

This article explores whether and how the neo-liberal ideology has adapted to the Nordic welfare model by studying the attitudes of voters and grass-roots members of the Danish party Liberal Alliance towards the welfare state. This inquiry into one of the key issues for the neo-liberal ideology is inspired by theory on how an ideology will adapt to its context. The expectation outlined in the article is for the neo-liberals of this party to favour features that make the Nordic welfare model distinctive – extensive governmental responsibility, especially for children and the elderly, and a universalistic approach to providing welfare. I have explored this question using a mixed-methods approach, where I analyse a survey of voters and interviews with grass-roots members of the party. Combined this shows that the neo-liberals in Liberal Alliance do support a role for the welfare state that extends beyond a minimum welfare state, especially for the care of children, but they view old age and retirement mostly as a problem each individual must deal with. Regarding the universalistic approach to providing welfare, the neo-liberals seem torn between two different tendencies, one being a perception of a fair way to provide welfare and the other the idea of a selective welfare state as a neo-liberal core idea, which leads to ambivalent attitudes. I argue that this results in a form of the neo-liberal ideology that has adapted to the Nordic welfare model.

Neo-liberalism and the Nordic welfare model: a study of the Liberal Alliance and ideological adaptation in Denmark

This article explores whether and how the neo-liberal ideology has adapted to the Nordic welfare model by studying the attitudes of voters and grass-roots members of the Danish party Liberal Alliance towards the welfare state. This inquiry into one of the key issues for the neo-liberal ideology is inspired by theory on how an ideology will adapt to its context. The expectation outlined in the article is for the neo-liberals of this party to favour features that make the Nordic welfare model distinctive – extensive governmental responsibility, especially for children and the elderly, and a universalistic approach to providing welfare. I have explored this question using a mixed-methods approach, where I analyse a survey of voters and interviews with grass-roots members of the party. Combined this shows that the neo-liberals in Liberal Alliance do support a role for the welfare state that extends beyond a minimum welfare state, especially for the care of children, but they view old age and retirement mostly as a problem each individual must deal with. Regarding the universalistic approach to providing welfare, the neo-liberals seem torn between two different tendencies, one being a perception of a fair way to provide welfare and the other the idea of a selective welfare state as a neo-liberal core idea, which leads to ambivalent attitudes. I argue that this results in a form of the neo-liberal ideology that has adapted to the Nordic welfare model.

The Politics of Leadership Selection and Party Discipline in Parliamentary Democracies

Internal party democracy and the opening up of candidate and leadership selection processes to broad selectorates tends to be seen as a normative good. However, empirical evidence regarding the consequences of political parties allowing grassroots members and non-members to participate in selecting their candidates for public office is mixed. Highly participatory candidate nomination processes have been shown to lead to less inclusive and representative legislative institutions and highly undisciplined political parties. This paper argues that the democratisation of leadership selection is likely to produce a similar effect as far as party discipline is concerned. To be successful in party primary contests, candidates for party leadership and executive positions need to move closer to the overall median voter, moving away from the median voter of their own party. Thus, the more inclusive the selectorate for party leadership selection, the more accountable the leader becomes to the wider selectorate and the more likely to neglect the ideological preferences of extreme factions among local activists and backbenchers once elected. These dynamics are likely to fuel the legislators’ use of dissent as a means of communicating their policy stances to voters. To test these expectations, a dataset containing the preferences expressed by backbenchers during the open primary contest organised by the French Socialist Party to select their 2012 presidential candidate was collected. The quantitative analysis finds evidence that the dissenting behaviour among the Socialist Party’s backbenchers during the 2012-2017 legislature followed from the ideological preferences expressed during the 2011 primary.

Populists in PowerDanieleAlbertazzi and DuncanMcDonnellLondon & New York, Routledge (2015), XII‐204 p. (Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy), ISBN 978‐0‐415‐60097‐2

Populists in PowerDanieleAlbertazzi and DuncanMcDonnellLondon & New York, Routledge (2015), XII‐204 p. (Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy), ISBN 978‐0‐415‐60097‐2

Stakeholder governance and Irish sport

Within global sport it appears the effective management of the interdependency of national governing bodies, individual clubs and a network of stakeholder interests has never been more widely discussed. It points to a requirement for all sporting organizations to remain sensitive to what is an ever-growing dichotomy between sporting volunteers and professional salaried staff, their competing interests and objectives. It is by no means a straightforward undertaking and is particularly foregrounded in a sporting environment that attaches significance to the preservation of an amateur ideal. As many sports clubs are now faced with the challenge of offering an adequate forum through which to reflect the views of their grassroots members, whilst simultaneously facilitating greater commercial interest in their affairs, the fundamental changes facing Ireland’s largest sporting body, the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), offers cause for timely reflection. This article argues that only through the introduction of a meaningful stakeholder model can the governance of an organization like the GAA, a social and cultural touchstone unmatched within Irish sporting life, begin to respond to these mounting and competing agendas.

Improving the Health of Cambodian Americans: Grassroots Approaches and Root Causes.

Cambodian Americans experience great disparities in health compared to other Americans, yet may be underserved by conventional healthcare systems. Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is a means to engage underserved communities in health research and programming. We describe results of our efforts to engage the Cambodian grassroots members as well as formal leaders in Oakland, California. In addition to a community advisory group, we convened a Community Work Group (CWG), composed of 10 grassroots community women of varying ages and backgrounds. The project aimed to leverage the lived experiences of these women and their understandings of health and wellness in identifying specific health issues and developing culturally resonant strategies. The CWG met weekly with staff facilitators using methods for collective analysis including theater, body mapping, and other expressive arts. The approach proved logistically challenging, but resulted in novel analyses and strategies. The group identified trauma, along with poor access to education, unemployment and underemployment, social isolation, and generation gap, together with community violence, as root causes of key behavioral health issues, namely, alcohol abuse, gambling, prescription drug misuse, and domestic violence. Strategies proposed and implemented by the group and project staff were a community garden, Cambodian New Year's celebrations, and a museum exhibit on the Cambodian refugee experiences. Grassroots community engagement can support projects in identifying social determinants of health and developing the capacities of community members to conduct research and actions to improve health.

New environmentalism and Transition Pittsburgh

‘New environmentalism’ refers to efforts to create social and economic sustainability in local communities, emphasizing ‘Green entrepreneurship’ as a means of achieving its goals. New environmentalism is the type of diffuse, fluid movement not typically studied by social movement researchers. As a worldwide network of groups aiming to create sustainable communities, Transition exemplifies new environmentalism. This study examines the local Transition initiative in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, using participant observation and in-depth interviews. We argue that the group’s fluid structure attracts grass-roots members, but may ultimately undermine its efficacy in mobilizing a social movement to achieve collective goals. Transition Pittsburgh’s entrepreneurial orientation and commitment to the open space model of organizing support a fluid movement, but limit its capacity to devise strategies and grow as an organization.

Sense or sensibility? Political attitudes and voting behaviour of party members, voters, and supporters of the Italian centre-left

We consider the effect of primary elections on party membership and electoral behaviour. Direct democracy instruments trigger significant changes in the role and behaviour of grassroots members. The case of the Italian centre-left parties, and particularly the Democratic Party, is in this sense relevant, as for over a decade these parties have been reaching out to supporters in order to include them into decision-making processes, such as the selection of party leaders and candidates to legislative and executive offices. The distinction between members and supporters has blurred. The article focuses on voting behaviour and party attachment of three different groups of primary voters – namely, party members, supporters, and external voters. What is the difference between these three groups with regard to voting behaviour and motivations in primary elections? And what is the difference with regard to voting intentions in general elections? We examine these issues using original survey data collected in 2012 during the centre-left coalition’s primary elections. We highlight the consequences of the differences between members and supporters with regard to their voting behaviour and motivations.

Populist Leaders and Coterie Charisma

Is the relationship between populist leaders and those in their parties always charismatic? Although many scholars of populism assume this, the attribution of ‘charisma’ is invariably based on how leaders present themselves rather than how purported followers within parties perceive them. In line with the literature on charisma, this article takes the latter approach, using interviews conducted between 2009 and 2011 with 111 elected representatives and grassroots members (i.e. ‘the coterie’) to examine how three European populist leaders regularly termed ‘charismatic’ – Silvio Berlusconi, Christoph Blocher and Umberto Bossi – were viewed within their parties. The article finds evidence of three different leadership types, with Bossi very clearly satisfying the conditions for coterie charisma, Berlusconi largely (but not entirely) fulfilling them, and Blocher only partially doing so. Finally, it presents new data showing the very damaging effects of Bossi’s subsequent downfall on his party’s organisation.

‘What kind of hell is this!’ Understanding the Mungiki movement's power of mobilisation

There is a flourishing of collective actors such as vigilante groups, militias and gangs that could be termed ‘uncivil society’. These actors often have a ‘Janus faced’ nature and slide between roles as legitimate providers of social services and oppressors of communities. A potent channel for the articulation of grievances of underprivileged youths in particular, due to their illegality or militancy these actors are often disqualified from participation in formal political arenas. A case in point is the Mungiki movement in Kenya. How exactly Mungiki attains its capacity to mobilise thousands, if not millions, of members requires more nuanced explanations for why young men in particular are attracted to the movement and what effect this has on their lives. A ‘framing-based’ analysis from social movement studies is used to interpret empirical findings that draw on in-depth interviews with grassroots members. The article finds mobilisation a response to both social and personal crisis but with attendant programmatic responses that empower members.

Determinants of Grassroots’ Influence in Development Programmes in Sub-Saharan African

This study examines the factors that affect the grass roots influence in the formulation and implementation of development programmes and policies using data from six communities in across three countries – Cameroon, Nigeria and South Africa. The analyses in the paper are based Oil descriptive and OLS regression techniques. The results of the study indicate that gender, age and employment status of grassroots are important factors determining their influence of development efforts in their communities. On the other hands, grassroots members’ level of education is found not to be significant in the determination of their influence in the design, formulation and implementation of development programmes affecting their communities.

A constituição do menemismo na província de Buenos Aires

A vitória de Carlos Menem no processo interno do partido peronista para escolha do candidato presidencial possibilita entender como uma seleção orientada por princípios democráticos e que, segundo projeções de alguns "renovadores", tinha que resultar na substituição definitiva dos elementos tradicionais do partido, acabou na restauração destes. Portanto, reconstruímos o avanço progressivo de Menem na provincial de Buenos Aires - o bastião peronista - entre janeiro de 1986 e julho de 1988. Resumimos o desempenho obtido nas eleições para a escolha de autoridades e candidatos a cargos governamentais. Também abordamos as razões para esse avanço eleitoral, enfatizando práticas e atores políticos em termos de: (a) a cooptação concertada de lideranças, que resultou na construção de um alicerce político capaz de mobilizar a adesão de membros de base, (b) o uso instrumental de aspectos formais inerentes ao processo eleitoral e (c) a campanha pré-eleitoral, que apresentou o "menemismo" como o autêntico peronismo - popular, personalista, em contato com as massas, capaz de reivindicar seus mitos - com impacto positivo sobre os filiados em tempos de crise social e política profunda. Essa crise foi atribuída ao governo nacional, ao qual o governador da província de Buenos Aires - seu principal oponente - era considerado demasiado próximo.

From Sandals to Suits: Professionalisation, Coalition and the Liberal Democrats

The Liberal Democrats have traditionally been viewed as a ‘bottom-up’ party with a relatively high degree of influence open to grass-roots members and party activists. However, following the dramatic increase in the number of Liberal Democrat MPs at the 1997 election the party has increasingly tried to professionalise its operation, leading to a more top-down approach. This article argues that the professionalisation process has not only changed the dynamics within and between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary party, but has also paved the way for the party, more usually identified as being on the centre-left of British politics, to enter into coalition government with the Conservatives. Analysing changes to the federal conference structure and to policy-making processes, the article explores the ways in which the party has professionalised, both within the parliamentary party and at party headquarters, and assesses the potential impact that this may have upon the role of the party's grass roots.

Re-centering: culture and knowledge in conflict resolution practice

At its core, the field of conflict resolution is about relationships and ways of approaching methods for problem solving. These relationships and approaches vary greatly depending on the individual, society, and historical background. Cultural perspective is thus fundamental to any dispute intervention. Re-Centering Culture and Knowledge in Conflict Resolution Practice is a collection of essays by scholars and practitioners of conflict resolution and grassroots members of communities whose contributions are not commonly recognized.The volume offers a sampling of the cultural voices essential to effective practice yet often considered marginal in the discourse of conflict resolution. The authors explore the role of culture, race, and oppression in resolving disputes. Drawing on firsthand experience and sound research, the authors address such issues as culturally sensitive mediation practices, the diversity of perspectives in conflict resolution literature, and power dynamics. The first anthology of its kind, this book combines personal narratives with formal scholarship. By melding these varied approaches, the authors seek to inspire activism for social justice in today's multicultural society.