Gramsci's Theory Research Articles

ETHICS AND POWER OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL MEDIA USERS: A STUDY BASED ON GRAMSCI'S THEORY OF HEGEMONY AND ELECTRONIC INFORMATION AN TRANSACTION LAW

Social media is a space for interaction for humanity in this millennial era. However, social media development is often accompanied by several phenomena such as defamation, hate speech, and bullying. In Indonesia, this latest phenomenon occurs in hate speech and bullying cases that befell Tri Risma Harini as Mayor of Surabaya. This research aims to analyze Indonesian social media users' ethics and power based on the perspective of Gramsci's theory of hegemony and electronic information and transaction (EIT) Law. The research method used in the study is a literature review, which contains reviews, summaries, and the author's thoughts on several sources of literature (articles, books, slides, information from the internet, etc.) on the topics discussed. Meanwhile, Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory and Law Number 19 of 2016 concerning EIT are used to analyze the literature-status used. The findings in this study indicate that an Indonesian citizen who uses social media cannot freely express his/her will because it is regulated in the ITE Law and local laws limit the freedom of expression of every citizen, spirit (morality), society, and order. Social and political (public order) of a democratic society as contained in article 29 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As an Indonesian citizen, the case that befell Zikria is actually an act that is not wise in using social media. Although the freedom of opinion of every citizen is guaranteed by the laws of this country, an understanding of the substance of the ITE Law must be well understood. Researchers recommend citizens in expressing their opinions must understand and be well aware of the regulations that apply in this country so that there are no negative impacts that can be obtained in the future.
 
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Lessons from International Space Law: The Role of International Relations in Governing Global Commons Regions

Drawing from an analysis of experiences in outer space law, this paper provides insights into challenges involved with managing the global common spaces of the polar regions. The literature concerning governance of the international commons regions focuses on justice and equity concerning natural resources, climate change, the speed, uncertainty and consequences stemming from key actor activity in the Polar Regions. This usually boils down to successes and failures of treaty noncompliance and enforcement mechanisms, or the lack thereof. This paper highlights a current political process aimed at dismantling agreed upon terms outer space international agreements. This offers a snapshot of a political process, likely to influence evolving polar legal norms for the rapidly melting Arctic and Antarctic regions. This is a conceptual paper borrowing theoretical and methodological approaches from political science and international relations such as a Gramscian analysis, constructivism theory and critical discourse analysis, to present several interesting ideas. The purpose is to enable people to understand and explain that future colonisation patterns are unfolding today. It calls attention to issues likely to challenge and define our world in the twenty-first century.

Energy and the Environment

Research has highlighted the relationship between production expansion and the creation of sacrifice zones in advanced capitalist economies. Yet, less attention has focused on the establishment of such regions within authoritarian, state-socialist countries. We draw theoretical and conceptual insights from treadmill of production theory and the Gramscian theory of hegemony to delineate the interaction between legitimation processes used by authoritarian states to justify the physical destruction of the environment. Our analysis focuses on the historic case of environmental destruction in Czechoslovakia’s North Bohemian coal mining region. We analyze data from various sources, including in-depth interviews with residents, state media articles, and state archival sources. We find that the interactive processes of coercion, domination, and consent were used to propel the development and legitimation of environmental exploitation in this area. We argue that these processes, and the resultant sacrifice zones, are a central component of the treadmill of production. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for further analyses of sacrifice zones.

Alternative lenses for viewing how China has built its accounting and auditing profession

PurposeThe paper reviews some theoretical approaches that have been adopted for understanding the drivers and achievements of the Chinese professional project and the challenges it faces for the future, as a complement and a contrast to previous histories of China and to studies of other developing economies.Design/methodology/approachBased mainly on evaluating the information as obtained from the interviews in mainland China, in Hong Kong and in London reported by Macve (2020), complemented by other published histories.FindingsChina remains a paradox. Since the “reform and open” policy began in 1978 it has been transformed from one of the poorest countries to one of the economically most powerful in just some 40 years. However it remains (per capita) a “developing country”/”emerging economy” and ideologically a Communist country. While the accounting profession in the USA and UK has developed “from the bottom up” over more than a century and a half, the Chinese profession has effectively been created “from the top down” in under 25 years. The paper outlines alternative theorizations of the major stages in this achievement, in the context of the continuing rapid growth of China's economy and its stock markets, and of the overseas expansion of its manufacturing and increasingly service-oriented base.Research limitations/implicationsSpace has restricted the analysis here to a general overview. Application of Gramsci's hegemony theory is argued to be inappropriate in the context of understanding China's professional project. Instead, this study is framed within the neo-institutional theory of “linked ecologies” originally developed to examine “Western” developments and extended to the emergence of glocalization, while offering a comparison with related theorization of Russia's post-Communist development. Further theoretical development outside the Western neo-liberal context is called for.Originality/valueThe paper demonstrates how accounting and auditing's development in this globally significant context has differed from that in other developing and transitional economies, reflecting in particular the proactive agency of the state. Given China's economic power, fuller understanding of the interrelated factors shaping its development is important for understanding the likely future shaping of the worldwide profession.

Diskriminasi Terhadap Etnik Tionghoa Dalam Novel Entrok Karya Okky Madasari

This research was written with the aim of describing the state discrimination against ethnic Tinghoa in the Entrok novel and describing the purpose of the State's domination of the Chinese ethnic group. The focus of this research is firstly the state's domination of the Chinese by force, secondly the purpose of the state's domination of the ethnic Chinese. This research uses Antonio Gramsci's perspective hegemony theory. The data collection method in this research uses literature study, the researcher collects and reads a number of libraries that are related to the theory and the objects used, namely Entrok novels and the study of hegemony theory with the approach of literary sociology. In general discrimination is a difference in attitude or treatment of fellow citizens based on differences in ethnicity, class, economy, skin color and religion. The existence of discrimination against ethnic Tioghoa is based on several reasons. The validity of the assimilation during the new order became an obstacle to the ethnic Chinese to live a free life, because anything was restricted in politics, economy and culture.

АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ КОНЦЕПЦИИ ДОСТИЖЕНИЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО БЛАГОПОЛУЧИЯ: ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЯ КОНЦЕПТА «МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ» В СОВРЕМЕННОМ НАУЧНОМ ДИСКУРСЕ

Актуальность исследования предопределена той научной популярностью, которую в последнее время приобрела концепция «мягкой силы», являющаяся наиболее эффективным способом властвования в современную эпоху. Цель работы – рассмотрение концепта «мягкой силы» через призму таких теоретических направлений, как конструктивизм, структурализм и культурологическая теория. Методы: аксиологический подход, дающий возможность ценностного измерения исследуемых социокультурных явлений, и конструктивистский подход, рассматривающий «мягкую силу» как каркас культурного производства определенных символических схем, конструирующих социальную реальность. Выводы: во-первых, стратегии «мягкой силы» дают возможность без видимого применения прямого и жесткого давления воздействовать на ментальные структуры массового сознания. Во-вторых, политика на современном этапе представляет собой арену конкурирующих между собой символических и культурных универсумов, стремящихся навязать различным аудиториям собственные знаковые «реальности», и именно «мягкой силе» как механизму аппликации этих «культурных кодов» принадлежит ведущая роль в политических практиках. Результатом является соотнесение теории «гегемонии» Грамши с концепцией «мягкой силы». Различие заключается в том, что «мягкая сила» – это, скорее, инструмент внешнеполитического воздействия, трансляции и продвижения собственных культурных кодов «вовне» с помощью разных способов (публичная дипломатия, телевещание, Интернет и т. д.), тогда как «гегемония» – механизм «внутреннего» сохранения власти правящей буржуазией. На основании всего вышеизложенного можно заключить, что «мягкая сила» останется важнейшим инструментом аппликации власти в современном социокультурном пространстве.

Judicialização do Direito à educação: gestão democrática em tempos da COVID-19

A Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e a Cultura - Unesco, revelou que a pandemia causada pela COVID-19 afetou mais de 90% dos estudantes do mundo devido ao fechamento temporário das escolas (Unesco, 2020). A Constituição Federal (CF) de 1988 assegura o direito de todos à educação com qualidade e o reconhece como um direito público subjetivo, conforme estabelece os artigos 205, 206 e seus incisos VI e VII, ambos da CF/88 (Brasil, 1988). O presente artigo, de natureza teórico documental, apresenta uma abordagem qualitativa e utiliza-se da teoria gramsciana (Gramsci, 1982) para analisar a gestão democrática educacional, bem como o padrão de qualidade da educação (Cabral, 2008), o que possibilitou verificar a influência da ideologia capitalista no processo educacional brasileiro. Devido ao desconhecimento dos cidadãos sobre o sistema judicial (Sadek, 2010) este estudo tem por objetivo discutir o direito à educação e apresentar a judicialização desse direito como uma ferramenta da gestão democrática (Ferreira, 2008) considerando o contexto histórico que compreende a década de 1980 até o ano de 2020, momento em que a garantia desse direito tem sido cada vez mais prejudicada em razão da crise causada pela pandemia da COVID-19. 
 Palavras-chave: Judicialização, COVID-19, Direito à Educação.
 
 Judicialization of the right to education: democratic management in times of COVID-19
 ABSTRACT. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization - Unesco, revealed that the pandemic caused by COVID-19 affected more than 90% of the world's students due to the temporary closure of schools (Unesco, 2020). The Federal Constitution of 1988 guarantees the right of all to quality education and recognizes it as a subjective public right, as established by articles 205, 206 and its items VI and VII, both of CF / 88 (Brazil, 1988). The present article, of a documental theoretical nature, presents a qualitative approach and uses the Gramscian theory (Gramsci, 1982) to analyze the democratic educational management, as well as the quality standard of education (Cabral, 2008), which made it possible to verify the influence of capitalist ideology in the Brazilian educational process. Due to the citizens' lack of knowledge about the judicial system (Sadek, 2010) this study aims to discuss the right to education and present the judicialization of that right as a tool of democratic management (Ferreira, 2008) considering the historical context that comprises the decade of 1980 to 2020, in which the guarantee of this right has been increasingly undermined due to the crisis caused by the pandemic of COVID-19.
 Keywords: Judicialization, COVID-19, Right to Education.
 
 Judicialización del derecho a la educación: gestión democrática en tiempos del COVID-19
 RESUMEN. La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura - Unesco, reveló que la pandemia provocada por el COVID-19 afectó a más del 90% de los estudiantes del mundo debido al cierre temporal de escuelas (UNESCO, 2020). La Constitución Federal de 1988 garantiza el derecho de todos a una educación de calidad y lo reconoce como un derecho público subjetivo, tal como lo establecen los artículos 205, 206 y sus incisos VI y VII, ambos del CF/88 (Brasil, 1988). El presente artículo, de carácter teórico documental, presenta un enfoque cualitativo y utiliza la teoría Gramsciana (Gramsci, 1982) para analizar la gestión educativa democrática, así como el estándar de calidad de la educación (Cabral, 2008), lo que permitió verificar la influencia de la ideología capitalista en el proceso educativo brasileño. Debido al desconocimiento de los ciudadanos sobre el sistema judicial (Sadek, 2010) este estudio tiene como objetivo discutir el derecho a la educación y presentar la judicialización de ese derecho como herramienta de gestión democrática (Ferreira, 2008) considerando el contexto histórico que comprende la década de 1980 a 2020, en los que la garantía de este derecho se ha visto cada vez más socavada por la crisis provocada por la pandemia de COVID-19.
 Palabras clave: Judicialización, COVID-19, Derecho a La Educación.

Security and polarization in Trump’s America: securitization and the domestic politics of threatening others

ABSTRACT This article explores the relationship between foreign policy and domestic politics under Trump. We employ Gramscian theory to make sense of US foreign policy structures, conceptualizing the Trump administration as engaged in a discursive war of position over narratives of national identity and security. Second, we use securitization theory to conceptualize agency and change within this. We analyse 1200 official, opposition and media texts over 20 months following Trump's election. First, we consider Trump's attempted securitization of immigration. Second, we explore the counter-securitization of Trump as a threat to “progressive” America. Third, we analyse how Trump securitized the opposition, conflating the constructed threat posed by immigration with political elites. We show how this led to greater polarization of US political debate, which became underwritten by securitized language. Finally, we note security's referent differed for both groups, with Trump's ethnocentric “real” America opposed to the liberal America endorsed by his critics..

TERORISME ISLAMIC STATE OF IRAQ AND SYRIA (ISIS) DALAM NOVEL HABĪBĪ DĀ‘ISYĪ KARYA HĀJAR ‘ABDUṢ ṢAMAD: ANALISIS HEGEMONI GRAMSCI

<p>The phenomenon of terrorism which is the subject of world discussion today, namely ISIS has attracted an Egyptian writer to be illustrated in a novel entitled Habībī Dā‘isyī. This novel tells the story of the struggle of a woman and her family in facing terror committed by ISIS. Laila was involved in and joined ISIS along with several other Egyptian women. At that time she felt ignored and pressured by her own family. The novel is examined and examined through Gramsci's Hegemony theory related to intellectual-moral leadership and its dominance to find out various acts of terror being excercised, in addition to how to hegemony Egyptian society, which is the setting and character of this novel. The analysis of the novel shows that ISIS is a terrorist organization which inculcates the ideology of 'jihad' to attract public sympathizers. ISIS uses violence in its actions to dominate and cause many casualties. In addition to these two things, there is an important figure, namely the leader who calls himself as khalīfah which compiles everything, therefore ISIS is known throughout the world today. All their committed actions aim to establish ad-Daulah al-Islāmiyyah or Khilāfah Islāmiyyah 'Islamic state', a country that upholds the commands and prohibitions in the Shari'a of Allah SWT.</p>

The Political Deficit of Immanent Critique. On Jaeggi's Objections to Walzer's Criticism

ABSTRACT The paper aims to show that Rahel Jaeggi's objections to Walzer's model of internal critique are in many respects inconsistent, and above all that these objections are a sign of a political deficit in the neo-Hegelian methodology adopted by Jaeggi to develop her model of immanent critique. The same deficit concerns Jaeggi's use of Marx's model of the critique of ideology, which can be fruitfully reworked by Walzer's reinterpretation of Gramsci's theory of the struggle for hegemony.

Alliances for agroecology: from climate change to food system change

ABSTRACTAgroecological models have the potential to contribute to both the fight against climate change and a shift away from the dominant food system. In this article, I discuss the challenges that ecological farmers in Canada are facing in terms of scaling out agricultural systems that will help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and sequester carbon. I draw on Gramscian theories to argue that alliance-building is required in order to advance a counter-hegemonic agroecology in Canada, with those alliances going beyond narrowly conceived class-based interests. I suggest that the challenges farmers are facing highlight the need for a just transition in agriculture, and that the social transformation that this would entail means that proponents of agroecology must consider the positionalities of environmentalists, scholars, farmers and farm workers, and Indigenous peoples across the country.

Degrowth and the State

This paper addresses a gap in degrowth scholarship: the lack of a theory of the state. Those who write about degrowth advocate radical policy and social change, but have no model to explain how, why and under what conditions such change could come about and what role the state would play in it. This is because they have no theory of what the state is, or when and why it changes. We review for the first time the Anglophone and Francophone literatures on state and degrowth and find both wanting. We propose a Gramscian theory of the state suitable for thinking about degrowth and show with the example of strategizing for a maximum income policy how this suits the degrowth literature’s emphasis on a combination of grassroots and institutional actions.

Crisis discourses: Poland and Portugal in english language media

Taking the whole European Union (EU) as background, the present study discusses the way a corpus of English language media articles has represented the 2009-2016 crisis and austerity policies in Poland and Portugal, the home countries of the authors. The selected corpus comprises 68 articles from mainstream English language media, namely the newspapers The Financial Times, The Guardian, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and the economics magazine The Economist. The theoretical framework draws on the Bakhtinian notions of polyphony and heteroglossia, as well as on Gramsci's theory of hegemony. It thus juxtaposes and interprets the different voices and conflicting meanings within crisis discourses, relating them to issues of power and ideology. The Conclusion shows that despite rhetorical diversity, common politically contingent voices were identified which underpin the discourses dominating the crisis narrations in these two economically and geographically distant countries of the European Union.

When food regimes become hegemonic: Agrarian India through a Gramscian lens

AbstractThe concept of food regimes, as developed by Friedmann and McMichael, has proven useful in analysing how systems of food production, distribution, and consumption are linked to cycles of global capital accumulation and identifying the contradictions and conflicts that underlie them. A question that food regime analysis is relatively less able to address, however, is how food regimes become established and endure with the apparent acquiescence of those who are the victims of their contradictions and inequities. In this paper, I argue that a deeper engagement with Gramsci's theory of hegemony may help to address this lacuna in food regime analysis. To illustrate my case, I draw on studies of rural India from the colonial period to the present day, highlighting the ways in which the hegemonic mechanisms of consent and coercion have been crucial to the consolidation of each of the three food regimes identified by Friedmann and McMichael.

HEGEMONI RELIGIO-KEKUASAAN DAN TRANSFORMASI SOSIAL Mobilisasi Jaringan Kekuasaan dan Keagamaan Kyai dalam Dinamika Sosio-Kultural Masyarakat

Madura society has identical religiosity. One of their religiosities are in glorifying the tradition, institute, and religious symbol. Dealing with it, the existence of kyai (scholar) is a religious symbol which has strong effect toward the existence of social culture of local society. This study specially will analyze Network Mobilization of Scholar Religious Authority in socio-culture of Madura society. Some crucial issues become a focus of explanation in this study namely; existence of kyai, network mobilization of Kyai religious authority, the effect toward politic reality in socio-culture of Madura society. This study is field study which uses qualitative research. The data of this paper is primary and secondary data. Whereas the theory used is sociology theories; Hegemony Gramsci theory, and authority theory of Michel Foucault. The finding of this study is descriptive-Narrative of kyai existence in social system of Madura society. And the description of scholar religious authority network in in socio-culture of Madura society. This writing contribute in describing a direction of politic dynamic of Madura society. And the description of participation and effect of kyai (scholar) religious authority network in socio-culture of Madura society.

ANALISIS WACANA KRITIS DI MEDIA SOSIAL (STUDI PADA FENOMENA PRO-KONTRA PENOLAKAN DAKWAH USTADZ ABDUL SOMAD)

Da'wah and technological development are inseparable, this is based on the concept of contemporary da'wah that is easily accepted by the present, various new phenomena such as the case of rejection of clerics in several regions arise along with the rise of activity on social media, which incidentally is full of information which is not necessarily true (Tornberg & Tornberg, 2016: 132-134). The news of the pros and cons of rejecting the da'wah experienced by Ustadz Abdul Somad was forwarded freely on social media, one of the social media is twitter. In analyzing discourse on social media, especially Twitter, the author uses analysis technic of critical discourse analysis theory by Norman Fairclough to dismantle discourse practices (Eriyanto, 2015: 285), and includes Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony to see discourse battles (Ives, 2004: 63 ) in the phenomenon of Ustadz Abdul Somad's rejection. The results of this study include: (1) The issue of the affiliation of Ustadz Abdul Somad can be mediated with tabayyun and clarification through the media, both traditional and social. However, the issue of khilafah is growing until it displays a process of mutual accusation between the parties involved in the discourse of the khilafah revival; 2) The discourse of Ustadz Abdul Somad's rejection on social media in this study contains trends from two different ideologies namely Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and Hisbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI (3) The other tendencies are also influenced by political interests; 4) Between HTI and Banser has an impact on the image of Prabowo's and Jokowi's strongholds with the issue of the fight. HTI was identified as part of opposition supporters, while the impact on the Jokowi camp with anti-Islamic issues, because it was deemed not to show an attitude to clean up the chaos caused by burning the flag at the commemoration of the “Hari Santri Nasional.

Hegemony, Counter-Hegemony and Food Systems Literacy: Transforming the Global Industrial Food System

AbstractNational and global food systems are beset by intersecting and mutually reinforcing crises of public and ecological health. The locus of these crises resides primarily in the excessive concentration of corporate power and control. Deploying a Gramscian theory of politics as a contribution to the ongoing development of a critical food-based environmental education pedagogy, this article argues that transformative change requires the mass exercise of food citizenship directed towards the realisation of a socially just and ecologically sustainable food system, as contemplated by the principles of food sovereignty. The article argues further that food citizenship in turn presupposes levels of engagement and motivation that will only come from processes of transformative learning and critical consciousness-raising through an emerging form of environmental education: critical food systems literacy.

Políticas educacionales brasileñas: consecuencias de un currículo nacional

El artículo, de investigación cualitativa y teórica, tiene como objetivo debatir las posibles consecuencias de una Base Nacional Curricular Común (BNCC) en la Educación Básica brasileña en el contexto de las políticas curriculares. La metodología para análisis de los documentos oficiales y discurso del Estado ha sido la dialéctica. La fundamentación teórica se basa en la teoría gramsciana, y se discute si la BNCC promueve la emancipación o representa un instrumento de regulación. Se han encontrado aparatos hegemónicos en la BNCC, pues la selección de contenidos denuncia la visión de un grupo respecto a lo que es legítimo enseñar, en un ejercicio de regulación. Los resultados indican que rescatar la praxis reflexiva en lugar de la cultura de la gerencia –propia de la concepción empresarial de la investigación en política educacional– parece condición fundamental para recuperar el valor e importancia de un intelectual que organice un proyecto emancipador.

The Village Forest as A Counter Teritorialization by Village Communities in Kampar Peninsula Riau

State hegemony over forest areas in practice is indeed more favorable to forestry corporations and eliminates a village community access. Data analyzed using Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory and Laclau and Mouffe's hegemony to understand the movements of villagers to regain access to the forests. The results of this study indicate the emergence of antagonism between rural communities and companies was the impact of the abandonment of villagers from the forestry development. NGOs, as an organic intellectual has succeeded strengthen the village institutions to fight for remaining forests through permit of village forest, even though they have to compete with the biggest forestry company. The Permit of Village Forest in Kampar Peninsula has become the first social forestry permit in Riau Province. This condition is a fact the slow return of forest access to rural communities through social forestry programs. The Program of Social Forestry that was recently introduced by the state was not a counter-hegemony (victory of the villagers against state hegemony), but it is reinforcing hegemony of state over forest areas.

Gramsci in and beyond resistances

Stemming from a Gramscian approach, this article engages with the anthropological debate about subaltern groups’ forms of resistance by using the case of marginalized Fulani groups of pastoral and nomadic origins in northwest Benin. Their experiences seemingly confirm contemporary theories on resistance, which emphasize subaltern people’s capacities to tactically circumvent exploitation and exclusion and to handle contradictions between different “moral economies.” Nevertheless, one should question the impact of small-scale reactions that remain on the infrapolitical level and the emancipatory role that political theories give to tactical forms of resistance of dispersed subjectivities while refusing collective strategies. Grounding Gramscian theories in ethnography, this article wonders about the possibilities and limits of margins to turn into the scene of an “autonomous political initiative” of a subaltern group.