Governor Of Colorado Research Articles

Brakhage's Contradictions

1. Stan Brakhage is among the most inclusive of filmmakers. The almost omnivorous impulse behind his choices of subjects and styles makes it difficult to characterize his work in particularizing terms. Included in his films are the sun and the moon, television images, mountains, children on a merry-go-round, open-heart surgery, domesticated animals, a movie theater, tiny blood vessels, portraits of friends, abstract replications of closed-eye vision, still photos of family members, Alaskan glaciers, Freud's house in Vienna, the filmmaker himself taking a leak, a Paris cemetery, Colorado's governor, childbirths, urban skylines, footage taken by his children, frames of solid color, found footage from an instructional film, and the filmmaker Paul Sharits making love with his wife. While many of Brakhage's films contain no representational images, others are photographed in a manner most would call reasonably realistic. Underlying all of his films is an impulse to include the richness and variety of a fully live d life, from mundane experiences of dailiness, to images drawn from dreams, to attempts to produce abstractions unlike anything he's seen or imagined before. At close to 400 films, his oeuvre can seem confusing, and it may be that only Brakhage himself has seen every one of them. I find it useful to divide his output into two categories: the main line and Brakhage. The main line represents most of his greatest work; it consists of films that evidence a quest which, while difficult to pin down, has an and abstracting tendency that at least superficially seems to contradict the inclusiveness their variety of subjects would suggest. Key main line films include Anticipation of the Night (1958); The Art of Vision (1965); The Horseman, the Woman, and the Moth (1968); The Process (1972); The Riddle of Lumen (1972); Aquarien (1974); The Text of Light (1974); the photographed numerical series of the late 1970s and 1980s such as Romans, Arabics, and Egyptians; most of the parts of ...(1998); many of the recent handpainted films; and the two photographed series of the last decade, Visions in Meditation (1989-90) and the Vancouver Island films (1991-2000). In each of these very different films one gets the sense that Brakhage has pushed his vision to a new level of isolating intensity. The images they contain are severed from previously predictable ways of knowing; in each film he reinvents his vision by explicitly undercutting any expectations (about subject-matter, composition, rhythm, and so on) created by his previous work. The applied films, in which he uses some aspects of his already-established style to render an individual subject, include Window Water Baby Moving (1959); portrait films such as Song 24 (1967), Hymn to Her (1974), Clancy (1974), and Gadflies (1976); the stunning nature film Creation (1979); and the 1971 Pittsburgh documents (eyes, Deus Ex, and The Act of Seeing with one's own eyes). Most of these are wonderful films in themselves, and one can find here, more than in the main line films, particular attitudes expressed toward specific themes. In The Act of Seeing with one's own eyes, there is a tension between the awfulness of corpse imagery seen during an autopsy and Brakhage's attempt to create a light-poem out of these human fragments, but this approach will already be familiar to viewers of the more extreme vision of death presented through images of a dog decaying in the woods in the rhythmically tortured Sirius Remembered (1959). There is a powerful moment in The Act of Seeing, in which a face is lifted off a skull during an autopsy, that finds its analogue in brief images of the dog's skull in Sirius. But those images in Sirius have the quality of genuine apparitions: because of the way they interrupt the camera's wildly swooping arcs, they are experienced as perceptual events that impinge on the viewer's entire sensorium. In comparison, the autopsies in The Act of Seeing come across as little episodes of narrative storytelling. …

Doctors have patients, governors have citizens.

PREFACE: The word “system” suggests a set of activities that come together in a reasonable fashion. If not seamless, they are at least end to end—the interstate highway system, the air traffic control system. The absence of a national health care system in the United States has produced a landscape replete with inconsistencies, redundancies, and—most problematic—gaps. Health care in this country, however, is not without systems. Multiple subsystems exist, governed by public laws and private insurance arrangements. These contending and competing systems collectively determine the size of the health care pie in the country and, effectively, divide it up. Any efforts to reform or coordinate these systems must start with the logic that created them rather than with the sometimes irrational results they generate. Richard Lamm, former governor of Colorado, sat atop a state system for twelve years. The systematized inequities he encountered during his tenure have made him an articulate campaigner for distributional reform in health care. IreneWielawski dissects systems on a more personal level. She writes about the discounted rate her medically insured family was charged for her son's hernia repair, compared with the apparent price gouging encountered by an unnisured man trying to get his hernia repaired in order to work. Both essays probe important systematic inconsistencies.

Generational equity and privatization: myth and reality.

For more than two decades, policy analysts and advocates have debated question of equity (Williamson, Watts-Roy, & Kingson, 1999). Generational equity refers to distribution of resources among generations. Advocates of equity believe that social welfare programs benefit older adults at expense of young people (Williamson & Watts-Roy, 1999). According to Richard Lamm (1985), former governor of Colorado, name of compassion for elderly, we have handcuffed young, mortgaged their future, and drastically limited their hopes and aspirations (cited in Williamson & Watts-Roy, 1999, p. 14) Generational equity theorists are particularly concerned about social security. Third Millennium, advocacy group for young people, describes social security as a generational scam that requires today's workers to support who, in most cases, are more affluent than those supporting them (Third Millenium, 2000). In light of social security's financial difficulties, young people eventually will be forced to renege on their obligations to retirees or raise payroll taxes to as high as 40 percent (Third Millenium, 2000). This debate has now moved center stage. In a bold move, George W. Bush has proposed partially privatizing social security (Dao & Mitchell, 2000; www.georgewbush.com/speeches/promise.asp). This would allow individuals to invest part of their payroll deduction in individual investment accounts. Although he has yet to provide details, Bush clearly hopes to capitalize on widespread perception that baby boomers and their parents have taken advantage of young people. According to him, without reform, younger workers face...a lifetime of paying taxes for benefits they may never receive (Dao & Mitchell, p. A18). This column considers implications for young people of debate over equity and social security in particular. It also discusses how social workers might get involved in effort to defend social security. EMERGENCE OF GENERATIONAL EQUITY The current debate over equity dates back to 1970s, a time of flux and transition. During early post--World War II era, United States was clearly dominant power in world. While Europe and Asia struggled to recover from war, United States possessed an abundance of... land, food, power, raw materials, industrial plant, monetary reserves, scientific talent, and trained manpower (Hodgson, 1978, p. 19). This wealth and relative advantage helped create the most br6adly based middle class that world had ever seen (Phillips, 1993, p. 14). Many people, particularly those who were white, believed that they and their children were destined to live happily ever after...in a fairy tale of health, wealth, and happiness (Patterson, 1996, p. 311). These grand expectations were shattered during 1970s (Patterson, 1996). The Vietnam War, Watergate, and other events fueled a growing distrust of government (Patterson, 1996; Skocpol, 1997). This distrust was exacerbated by economic changes. During 1950s and 1960s, economic growth and increased prosperity were taken for granted (Patterson, 1996). Beginning in early 1970s, however, economy took a great U-turn' as wages and family incomes stagnated and inequality grew (Harrison & Bluestone, 1990, p. 5). Corporate profits also feil, leading many companies to introduce a Big Stick strategy (Gordon, 1996). During 1950s and 1960s, labor and management in many industries reached accord, linking wage increases with increases in productivity. Consequently, workers generally enjoyed rising standards of living. During 1970s, this agreement broke down, as corporations faced increased competition at home and abroad. Cooperation now gave way to conflict, and many firms went directly after their unions, aiming to tame . …

The Newest American Nativism

The Newest American Nativism Matthew Frye Jacobson (bio) David M. Reimers. Unwelcome Strangers: American Identity and the Turn Against Immigration. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998. xii + 199 pp. Index. $27.50 (cloth); $16.50 (paper). “Writing this book has been difficult at times,” begins David Reimers in his careful history of contemporary immigration debates. “Many persons debating immigration resort to emotional and vague generalizations” (p. 1). Unwelcome Strangers represents a conscientious effort to cut through the emotion, to bring some order and specificity to this chaotic universe of polemical and highly charged generalization. Following a brief overview of immigration policy and debate “from the earliest days of European colonization,” Reimers walks readers through the gallery of figures and organizations who have dominated discussion in recent decades. Their major arguments are rendered under four thematic headings: immigration is bad for the environment; the governmental systems for regulating and overseeing immigration have broken down; immigration poses an economic threat, either in terms of jobs unfairly taken from citizens or public monies unfairly expended on non-citizens; and immigration poses a threat to the cohesiveness of American culture and institutions. This is a neat delineation of otherwise untidy strains of public discussion, an enlightening roadmap to American politics at the end of the twentieth century. One is struck throughout by the strange bedfellows which the immigration debate has created (liberal and left-leaning multiculturalists, the Christian Right, the American Civil Liberties Union, and the National Rifle Association all oppose immigration restriction, for instance, though for very different reasons). The newest American nativism has been marked by a rising organizational infrastructure including groups like Save Our State (SOS), Tri-Immigration Moratorium (TRIM), and Stop the Out-of-Control Problems of Immigration Today (STOPIT); by popular nativist publications like The Immigrant Invasion, Alien Nation, and The Path to National Suicide; and by legislative initiatives like California’s Proposition 187 in 1994. The critical context for this resurgence of nativist sentiment, as Reimers carefully elaborates, is not only an overall increase in immigration (from roughly 250,000 per year in the 1940s to a high [End Page 312] of 1.8 million in 1991 alone—excluding undocumented immigrants), but also a shift in the racial make-up of the incoming populations. By the 1980s Europeans represented only 10 percent of the incoming immigrants; Asians constituted 40 percent, with the balance consisting primarily of Mexican, Central American, and Caribbean arrivals. It is among the ironies of the 1965 Immigration Act, a goal of which was the reunification of transoceanic European families, that it dramatically liberalized the terms of entrance from many Asian nations. Reimers wryly notes that the “diversity” visas recently devised by Congress were in fact an attempt to boost the European (primarily Irish) percentages among the current arrivals. Sheer numbers alone have been enough to spur some anti-immigrant sentiment. The environmentalist strain of debate emerged in the wake of Paul Ehrlich’s sensational book, The Population Bomb in 1968, and crystallized in groups like the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and Zero Population Growth (ZPG) over succeeding decades. Former Colorado Governor Richard Lamm recently voiced the environmentalist concern in dire tones, attributing “intolerable traffic, unhealthy smog, inadequate water, ethnic conflict . . . acid rain, climate change, loss of ozone, disappearance of species, [and] loss of habitat” all to the “root” cause of overpopulation (p. 54). For Lamm and others, immigration policy is a chief instrument in population management. A second dimension of the argument from the standpoint of sheer numbers concerns the impact of rising immigration upon the very governmental and bureaucratic machinery which is meant to regulate and manage it. By these lights, even if the environment itself can indeed withstand the onslaught, the administrative capacities of the republic cannot. According to members of the American Immigration Control Foundation (AICF) and others, the combination of rising levels of “legal” immigration, ill-advised asylum and refugee policies, and massive waves of undocumented immigrants through “illegal” channels has overwhelmed, clogged, or even “broken” the system. The border patrol and the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) do not have the capacity to administer the flow of traffic, and hence have lost control of the border; the...

Stakeholder partnerships change Colorado's regulatory process

Environmental Quality ManagementVolume 7, Issue 1 p. 109-113 Column Stakeholder partnerships change Colorado's regulatory process Patti Shwayder, Patti Shwayder patti.shwayder@state.co.us. Patti Shwayder was appointed as executive director of the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment in January 1995 by Colorado Governor Roy Romer. She implemented the CHANGE process in February 1995. Prior to coming to the department, she spent 20 years in public policy in Denver, Colorado and in Washington, D.C. She has served as deputy director and director of legislative and public affairs with the Regional Air Quality Council in Denver where her accomplishments included drafting and passage of several innovative Colorado laws designed to improve air quality. She served in Washington, D.C., from 1979 to 1986 as a congressional staffer and as a senior policy analyst for the U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Telecommunications, Consumer Protection and Finance. Ms. Shwayder can be reached at 303-692-2011.Search for more papers by this author Patti Shwayder, Patti Shwayder patti.shwayder@state.co.us. Patti Shwayder was appointed as executive director of the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment in January 1995 by Colorado Governor Roy Romer. She implemented the CHANGE process in February 1995. Prior to coming to the department, she spent 20 years in public policy in Denver, Colorado and in Washington, D.C. She has served as deputy director and director of legislative and public affairs with the Regional Air Quality Council in Denver where her accomplishments included drafting and passage of several innovative Colorado laws designed to improve air quality. She served in Washington, D.C., from 1979 to 1986 as a congressional staffer and as a senior policy analyst for the U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Telecommunications, Consumer Protection and Finance. Ms. Shwayder can be reached at 303-692-2011.Search for more papers by this author First published: 12 December 2006 https://doi.org/10.1002/tqem.3310070111 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume7, Issue1Autumn (Fall) 1997Pages 109-113 RelatedInformation

Debating the Future of American Education: Do We Need National Standards And Assessments?

This book, the result of a Brookings conference, brings together representatives of various viewpoints on the utility and equity of increasing the use of tests for students, teachers, and schools. While the idea of national standards has been widely supported, many respected educators doubt their value from fear that such standards will institutionalise the lowest common denominator. Others cite the poor performance of U.S. students on international tests and insist that the U.S. will suffer because of this poor performance. The debate becomes even more intense when the question of assessment is posed. Is it possible to develop a national examination system tied to new standards? Should such tests be used to influence entry to colleges and jobs? Would the motivation of students to learn be increased if they knew that their performance would be reviewed by colleges and employers? Is it fair to set standards for students without setting standards for schools? The contributors are Chester Finn, Jr., the Edison Project; Daniel Koretz, RAND; Andrew Porter, Wisconsin Center for Education Research; Lauren Resnick, University of Pittsburgh; Roy Romer, Governor of Colorado; Albert Shanker, American Federation of Teachers; Theodore R. Sizer, Brown University; Marshall C. Smith, U.S. Department of Education; and Donald M. Stewart, The College Board.

COMPETITIVENESS THROUGH CULTURAL ADAPTATION

As more organizations expand into the international marketplace, cultural barriers become a major threat to the ability of a firm to compete in the global marketplace. Culture varies radically among different ethnic groups and societies. It influences and is influenced by beliefs, customs, language, institutions, standards, and religion. Richard Lamm, former governor of Colorado, stressed in one of his syndicated columns that the culture of a country is a main determinate of whether new technology will be accepted in a country. The acceptance of the new technology is especially critical to competitiveness when a firm establishes operations and employs workers in a foreign country.

Case Studies: Who Pays for AZT?

The drug AZT, while not curing AIDS, does prolong and improve the quality of life of some patients. Since October 1987 the federal government has been subsidizing the purchase of AZT, which can cost almost $8,000 yearly per individual, for persons without insurance coverage who are not eligible for Medicaid. Congress funded the AZT subsidy program with the expectation that it would be continued by the states. This case study asks how a state legislature should decide the funding question. Penslar argues in favor of state aid based on the principles of equity, humanitarianism, financial savings, and precedent. Lamm, former governor of Colorado where there is a strong movement for state funding of AZT, speaks out against subsidizing the drug. He argues that in a world of limited health resources, the money is better spent on basic health care for a greater number of people.

Public distrust and hazard management success at the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant.

Based on experience gained while serving a public oversight commission appointed by the governor of Colorado, hazard management at the Department of Energy's Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant is reviewed. Specific reference is made to the plant's history of controversy, its defense-in-depth strategy of hazard control, occupational health issues, public exposure to plutonium, and the assessment of low-probability, high-consequence risks. This leads to the conclusion that Rocky Flats is, by any objective standard, a hazard management success. It follows that public distrust of Rocky Flats arises as much from fear and loathing of nuclear weapons themselves as from the manufacturing process by which they are made.

Viewpoint – A New Era in Western Water Policy

Richard D. Lamm is the governor of Colorado and an attorney and accountant by profession. Portions of this article were included in an address he presented at the Natural Resources Law Center at the University of Colorado in Boulder June 2.

How Peace Came to the World

Nothing threatens us today more than the 50,000 nuclear warheads that stand in a state of near readiness around the globe. Yet in the year 2010 the world is at peace and the threat of nuclear devastation has vanished.How did this come about? Through the imaginative ideas of forty men and women - lawyers, doctors, professors, conflict research specialists - we see a wide variety of scenarios explaining how the world learned to prevent warfare.Writing from the United States, Switzerland, Austria, and West Germany, the authors of these essays show that even in an imperfect world of practical politics, there are many paths to peace. They provide a wealth of original yet workable approaches to peace that are as varied as the people who long for it.How can these amateurs fix up the world? By not accepting that war is inevitable, by forcing their leaders to take bold steps, and by becoming an informed citizenship. Their peace scenarios are grouped into several main approaches - awakening through disaster, playing the superpower game, flanking the superpowers, improving the machinery of peace, changes of consciousness, action groups, and citizen exchanges.Most essays tackle the Soviet-American rivalry first, while others emphasize acts by nonsuperpowers. Some assign bold leadership roles to individuals like Congressman Jack Kemp and Secretary of Transportation Elizabeth Dole, or call for a change in consciousness about who is the enemy. Ronald Reagan makes an irresistible vehicle for surprise peace initiatives. Others use existing institutions, such as the Department of Defense, the League of Women Voters, or the United Nations, in strategies leading to peace.Richard D. Lamm, Governor of Colorado, describes a nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan as the catalyst for peace - as horrified viewers witness a nuclear war on television, a tidal wave of peace moves through the world. Kenneth Boulding sees the 21st century ushering in a New Region of Time in which capitalist and communist nations agree to live and let live. And Randy Fritz of Smithville, Texas proposes an exchange of military observers at the highest levels. Taking his cue from game theory, he notes that cooperation is ultimately the most successful form of competitive human behavior.All the essays were chosen from entries to Peace 2010, a contest sponsored by The Christian Science Monitor. Earl W. Foell, the Editor in Chief of the Monitor and Richard A. Nenneman, the Monitor's Managing Editor, have written introductions to each thematic chapter. In a concluding note, Lincoln Bloomfield, MIT professor and former national security council official, analyzes the essays and compares them to the work of peace professionals.

Viewpoint – Securing Colorado's Water Future

Colorado Governor Lamm's views on necessary changes in water resources planning were excerpted from an article he wrote for the March–April 1985 issue of Colorado Municipalities.

Review: SILHOUETTES OF CHARLES S. THOMAS, Colorado Governor and United States Senator, by Sewell Thomas

Book Review| September 01 1960 Review: SILHOUETTES OF CHARLES S. THOMAS, Colorado Governor and United States Senator, by Sewell Thomas SILHOUETTES OF CHARLES S. THOMAS, Colorado Governor and United States SenatorSewell Thomas Margaret Romer Margaret Romer Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly (1960) 42 (3): 316–317. https://doi.org/10.2307/41169477 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Margaret Romer; Review: SILHOUETTES OF CHARLES S. THOMAS, Colorado Governor and United States Senator, by Sewell Thomas. The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly 1 September 1960; 42 (3): 316–317. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/41169477 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentSouthern California Quarterly Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The 1956 Election in Colorado

HE TWO most interesting and unexpected results recorded in 1956 election in Colorado were (1) victory of Democrat John Carroll over former Governor, Republican Dan Thornton, in contest for United States Senate, and (2) capture of both houses of state legislature by Democrats for first time in twenty years. These developments are quite startling in view of Republican strength in Colorado during recent years, and particularly in view of fact that President Eisenhower received roughly 60 per cent of vote cast in presidential election. Eisenhower polled 394,479 votes and Stevenson 263,997, giving President a margin of 131,582, slightly fewer than his majority of nearly 135,000 in 1952. Carroll's victory by a margin of 2,770 votes is even more amazing when one recalls that he had been defeated in his bids for Senate in 1950 and 1954. On other hand, Thornton had scored smashing victories in two previous bids for governorship of state in 1950 and 1952, winning latter contest by over 100,000 votes. The Democrats made a net gain of five seats over 1954 to win control of state Senate, and won lower house with a net gain of ten seats. All four incumbent congressmen, two Democrats and two Republicans, were re-elected; but Republican majority of 55.4 per cent of votes cast for congressmen in Colorado in 1954 was turned into a minority of 47.2 per cent in 1956 election. Democrat Stephen L. R. McNichols defeated his Republican opponent for governorship by 17,333 votes, but a Republican lieutenant governor was elected by a margin of 1,946. Quite obviously a prediction made by Governor of Colorado, Big Ed Johnson, prior to election was very sound. Governor Johnson stated that the voters are going to scratch their ballots in this election just like an old hen scratching for corn. Colorado had a record registration of 789,204 in 1956; comparable figures were 752,030 in 1954, and 737,027 in 1952. The state cast a record total of 663,074 votes in 1956 compared with 630,103 in 1952, previous high year. The presidential race was simply no contest. As one working politician put it: In Colorado nothing ever really rhymed with Adlai. Eisenhower led second most popular Republican in state by more than 60,000 votes and garnered some 53,000 more votes than most popular Democrat. Stevenson carried only two counties out of a total of sixty-three. Both of these counties (Costilla and Huerfano latter is Spanish

The Life of Governor Evans, Second Territorial Governor of Colorado

Journal Article The Life of Governor Evans, Second Territorial Governor of Colorado. By Edgar Carlisle McMechen. (Denver: Privately printed, 1924.) Get access L. R. Hafen L. R. Hafen Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 11, Issue 4, March 1925, Pages 614–615, https://doi.org/10.2307/1895938 Published: 01 March 1925

Result of Governor's Insults to Medical Profession.

Denver, Colo, Jan. 31, 1901. To the Editor: —The Journalhas shown such an intelligent appreciation of the character and official acts of Charles S. Thomas, late governor of Colorado, that I feel sure you will record with some degree of satisfaction a few facts in connection with his recent failure to secure election to the United States Senate. As long ago as last summer the medical profession of Colorado was actively awake to its duty in connection with Mr. Thomas's senatorial candidacy, and without regard to party affiliation, practically every regular physician in the state took an interest in this aspect of our political campaign. Early recognizing the probability of democratic control of the general assembly, physicians made it their business to work at primaries and in conventions for the nomination only of such democratic or fusion legislative candidates as would promise to oppose the ambitions of Governor