Government Of National Accord Research Articles

The Link between Libyan Civil War and the Eastern Mediterranean Issue in Turkish Foreign Policy: Balancing the Threat

This article aims to determine the main motivation behind Türkiye’s involvement in the Libyan Civil War as an active actor since 2019 which can be seen as a deviation from its traditional foreign policy. Türkiye has involved in the Libyan conflict following the establishment of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) which it believes threatens its vital interests in the region. In this study, this involvement is described in the context of Stephen M. Walt’s balance of threat theory. It is argued that Türkiye’s Libyan policy is essentially a balancing policy against the threat posed by the alliance against its interests in the Eastern Mediterranean region. It is further argued that maintaining stability in Libya led by the Government of National Accord (GNA)

Политические позиции ливийских племен в ходе гражданской войны (2019–2020 гг.)

In this article, the author analyzes one of the most difficult problems in the Arab region, the civil war in Libya after the overthrow of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The author focuses on the fresh round of the escalation of the conflict (2019–20) between the eastern and western centers of power. The paper presents the importance of the political positions of Libyan tribes in the course of hostilities and their impact on the internal situation. The key issue of the study considered in the article directly concerns the political positions of the main clans within Libya. The author explains why some of the clans decided to participate in the military campaign on the side of the Libyan National Army, while the other defended the Government of National Accord; there were also those who adopted the position of non-interference in national affairs, since they sought to maintain autonomy. The main purpose of this work is to demonstrate the specifics of the Libyan problem, which is not only the desire of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan for their autonomous existence but also the internal contradictions between different tribes. It remains one of the most important factors hindering the unification of the country. After analyzing the publications in the modern Arabic-language press, the author offered her vision of the reasons for the ongoing armed confrontation in Libya and also presented and analyzed the full range of political positions and the role of the main Libyan tribes during the civil conflict, especially its latest round, which gives an idea of the complexity of the internal situation in Libya. The conclusion indicates the main reasons why Libya as a country cannot currently be a single and whole entity. The problem lies mainly in the complex ethnic and tribal situation as well as in the desire of individual tribes for an autonomous existence.

Understanding the Conflict in Libya: Strategic Options and Pathways

The conflict in Libya is a product of controversial and complex developmental issues; events in local politics have been influenced strongly and propelled by factors that are both exogenous and endogenous. On April 4, 2019, General Khalifa Haftar ordered the Libyan National Army to launch an offensive and subdue Tripoli. This triggered the Government of National Accord (GNA) to mobilise its armed forces and react accordingly, bringing to a standstill the political process that was underway. The attack occurred a couple of days prior to the National Conference scheduled for April 14–16, which was to be facilitated by the United Nations (UN). Since then, re-engagement efforts have been made by several international, regional, and national actors to forge a cessation-of-hostilities agreement for the resumption of political dialogue. The hostility, mainly concentrated in the southern part of Tripoli, has caused several civilian fatalities and casualties and seriously damaged infrastructure for civilians. The Libyan conflict has heightened forced displacements and humanitarian needs, impeding access to health care, food, and other basic services. A desktop study and literature review were conducted to explore and understand these conflict dynamics. It was revealed that, contrary to pervasive misconceptions, the forces hostile to Haftar are predominantly volunteers and not institutionalised militias. Islamists, who are political elements, form a negligible part of these forces, with well-known criminals active on the two conflicting sides, though essentially more prevalent in Haftar’s forces. Strategic options and pathways for Libya and the African Union (AU) are recommended for ending the conflict.

The Maritime Delimitation between Turkey and the Libya’s Government of National Accord: another Concern for the European Union?

espanolLa complicada geografia fisica y politica del Mediterraneo Oriental lo convierte en una region en la que los conflictos entre las partes siempre estan listos para escalar. En este contexto, la adopcion de un Memorando de Entendimiento entre Turquia y el Gobierno de Acuerdo Nacional de Libia parece que anadir lena al fuego. Aparte del impacto en la geopolitica energetica del Mediterraneo Oriental, este acuerdo preocupa a la Union Europea, que considera que vulnera los derechos soberanos de Grecia y que no puede tener efecto juridico alguno para un Estado miembro de la UE. EnglishThe complicated physical and political geography of the Eastern Mediterranean makes it a region in which conflicts between parties are always ready to escalate. In this context, the adoption of a Memorandum of Understanding between Turkey and the Libya’s Government of National Accord seem to add fuel to the fire. Apart from the impact on the energy geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean, this agreement has raised the concerns of the European Union which considers that it infringes upon the sovereign rights of Greece and cannot produce any legal consequences for an EU member State. francaisLa geographie physique et politique compliquee de la Mediterranee orientale en fait une region ou les conflits entre les parties sont toujours prets a degenerer. Dans ce contexte, l’adoption d’un memorandum d’accord entre la Turquie et le gouvernement libyen d’union national semble mettre de l’huile sur le feu. Outre l’impact sur la geopolitique energetique de la Mediterranee orientale, cet accord a suscite l’inquietude de l’Union europeenne qui considere qu’il porte atteinte aux droits souverains de la Grece et ne saurait avoir de consequences juridiques pour un Etat membre de l’UE.

"ЛИВИЙСКИЙ ВОПРОС" : ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ УРЕГУЛИРОВАНИЯ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ОБЕСПЕЧЕНИЯ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОЙ И МЕЖДУНАРОДНОЙ БЕЗОПАСНОСТИ

The overview presents the materials of scientific-methodical workshop of CSIR of global and regional problems INION RAS which was dedicated to the evolution of the «Libyan problem» in 2011-2021. The key myths and uncertainties that arose around the military operation of a group of NATO member countries against the leadership of the Jamahiriya headed by M. Gaddafi (2011) were identified. After it the features of the struggle between the Government of National Accord (F. Sarraj) and the Libyan national army (Ch. Chaftar) in the second of 2010-s were discussed. Then the participants show about the key events of the active phase of resolution since 2020, January. Special attention was paid to the activity of external actors. In the case of Turkey, the dynamics of its presence in Libya was presented first all the question of the usage the military tools in 2019-2020 and the circumstances of this military activity. France faced with the growing terroristic activity in Northern and Western Africa after the NATO military operation in Libya (2011) with active French participation. The participants also showed the evolution of Germany`s line to Libya: from non-involvement (2011) to the enclosure of Libyan zone of instability and then to playing one of the key roles in the armed conflict regulation since the Berlin conference was launched (2020). The overview concludes about the intermediate results, «narrow places» and the perspectives of the «Libyan question» resolution.

Turkey’s approach to proxy war in the Middle East and North Africa

The last decade has seen a growing trend towards the use of proxies in the Middle East and North Africa following the outbreak of the Arab Spring. In this context, the issue of Turkey’s approach to proxy war in these regions has received considerable attention since 2016. Thereby, the purpose of this article is to investigate the essential characteristics of Turkish proxy war strategy in Syria and Libya. As such, this study intends to trace the development of Turkish proxy war strategy by making use of the conceptual frameworks proposed by Groh (2019), O’Brien (2012) and Art (1998). The most obvious finding to emerge from the analysis is that Turkey changed its indirect intervention strategy from donated assistance to proxy warfare in Syria and Libya when it saw a greater need to influence the result of the conflicts. In the case of Syria, this study has shown that the controlthrough-centralisation approach towards the Armed Syrian Opposition has enabled Turkey to carry out an effective proxy war strategy from 2016 onwards. In Libya, the results of this investigation have shown that theTurkish Army has pursued a proxy war strategy since Ankara and the Government of National Accord (GNA) signed an agreement on security and military cooperation in December 2019. The article concludes that Turkey has centralised many revolutionary groups under an Islamist-nationalistic vision and partnered them with its own military in order to expand its influence in the Middle East and North Africa.

Turkey’s Position in the Libyan Crisis

This paper discusses Turkey’s relations with Libya, especially after the latest ground-breaking and rapid developments that took place in Libya such as Khalifa Haftar’s attempt to invade Tripoli, the signing of two memoranda of understanding between Turkey and the Government of National Accord (GNA) and the dramatic change in the military situation of the country. It argues that Turkey’s military support changed the positions of many domestic and external actors in Libya by tilting the balance of power in favor of the GNA.

Turkey’s Role in the Reconstruction of Libya

The relationship between Turkey and Libya is deeply rooted in common history and culture which provides strong foundations for a strategic alliance. The maritime and security agreements signed between the two countries in November 2019 allowed for Turkey to provide a timely and decisive support for the legitimate Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya to counter and defeat a deadly military attack on the capital Tripoli to regress Libya back to military rule spearheaded by Haftar and his regional/international backers. The Libyan people have a second chance since their revolution of 2011 to complete a turbulent transition and lay foundations for their desire for a constitutional democratic state. Turkey is placed today to be the strategic partner to help Libyans achieve this goal. Turkish strategic relationship and cooperation with Libya over the coming decades should be holistic to help with reaching lasting peace as well as institution and state building. Help can also cover reconstruction across all sectors including security services reform, energy, transport, healthcare, housing, and infrastructure.

Strange Bedfellows: Why France's Emmanuel Macron and his autocratic friends are attempting to impose another strongman in the MENA Region

France has lately edged ever closer to a number of autocracies in Africa and the Middle East. Notably, in the name of combating “Islamic terrorism” –which it links to “political Islam”– it has actively supported Libyan warlord Khalifa Haftar. While actively allying with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Egypt, and Saudi Arabia; it has aggressively confronted Turkey and undermined the internationally recognized Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA). In doing so, France finds itself in the same camp as Russian and Janjaweed mercenaries. Since France, in theory, supports the GNA and since Turkey has been sheltering millions of refugees that otherwise would flood Europe, this hostility is hard to comprehend. The present commentary will seek to examine the premises of this policy and what may be behind its actions

Lobbying of the internal Libyan conflict actors in the United States (comparative analysis)

The purpose of this study is to compare lobbying of the internal Libyan conflict actors in the United States. The author focuses on informational materials submitted by lobbyists in accordance with Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA). The methodology of the study is comparative analysis of different cases of different lobbyists hired by the commander of Libyan national army (LNA) H.Hafter, on the one hand, and prime minister of the Government of National Accord (GNA) of Libya AlSarraj, on the other hand.

Social Failure in Students with ASD during Libyan Civil War-2: Challenges and Recommendations

Social failure and anxiety can lead to social confusion or challenging behaviors in children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) if they don't receive appropriate support. This paper focuses on special education teachers and students with ASD in Libya. Libya challenges in supporting individuals with low incidence disabilities. As one of the consequences of the Libyan Civil War 2, the Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA) could not assist individuals with special needs including those with ASD because of many obstacles. However, the Libyan Ministry of Education's Department tried to include special needs into the country's education system (Alshahid, 2018). Regarding my experience working with these individuals in Libya, I found that teachers and parents challenge teaching the necessary social skills to children and adolescents with ASD. Bellini (2008) confirms that individuals with ASD have difficulties with social skills that may interpret how they process social information or social cognition. To serve these individuals effectively, Libyan special education teachers need to be well prepared to implement some useful interventions. Being a successful special education teacher in one of the developing countries is not easy. Libyan special education teachers should be enrolled in different professional developments to support students with ASD significantly.

High noon for Libya’s Potemkin government

Strongman Khalifa Haftar is challenging Libya's internationally recognised but weak Government of National Accord for effective control of the country. While France has brokered a ceasefire and a new peace initiative, Haftar has substantial outside support from Egypt and the UAE, and the eventual political dispensation will probably turn on further military developments.

Libya’s faltering new government

The new UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) has based itself in Tripoli. But the GNA has failed to muster an effective nationwide military capability and is rivalled for national authority by the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HOR), which controls the Libyan National Army, Libya's most cohesive armed organisation, as well as Libya's oil ports. Although GNA-linked forces have decimated the Islamic State in and around Sirte, the new government's unsteady hold on Tripoli is vulnerable to HOR challenge.