History Of Government Research Articles

Political Military Competition and Size and Composition of Government

This paper uses a formal model to analyze the effects of political military competition among states on the size and composition of state. Great economies of scale in warfare, even distribution of military capability among contestants and greater value of contested resources generate higher level of military capacity and growth of government. If there is decreasing return to scale in state revenue generating function and provision of public intermediate inputs, then there will be an increasing size of civilian public sector relative to that of military. The paper finally studies how waves of military revolutions affected international political military competition and the size and composition of government in history.

An Extraordinary Man, An Extraordinary Historian

David Montgomery was both an extraordinary man and an extraordinary historian. All one needs to do is look at his autobiographical interview, which appeared in Visions of History in 1983, to know this. I had the good fortune of studying and then collaborating with David from 1979 at the University of Pittsburgh until the late 1990s at Yale University. While he had been recruited to Yale in the wake of the academic and political success of his Workers' Control in America, in my view his most beautiful book remains his first, Beyond Equality. Told with passion, intelligence, and an impressive richness of detail, it is the remarkable story of American labor and the Left immediately after the Civil War. At that time, the Republican Party, led by a friend of Marx, pursued arguably the most progressive policies of any Western government in history, embodying that world of free labor and social and racial equality, which had emerged victorious from the war against slavery. David discovered and reconstructed this world, with its special blend of liberty and justice, after having spent ten years as a skilled worker and communist trade unionist in the factories of the 1950s. During that period, he shared his political commitment with his radiant wife, Marty, who was from a large African American communist family in Chicago. In fact, the two met on a ship that was carrying both of them to the World Youth Congress in Prague.

Geochemical characteristics of heavy metals in riparian sediment pore water of Songhua River, Northeast China

This study reports the geochemical characteristics of zinc (Zn), copper (Cu), lead (Pb), nickel (Ni), mercury (Hg), iron (Fe), and manganese (Mn) in the riparian sediment pore water of the Songhua River, Northeast China. In total, 36 pore water samples and 18 surface water samples from three typical sections were collected and analyzed in June 2009. Cluster analysis of heavy metals was performed to analyze the pollution sources of the metals. Results showed that Hg concentrations in the pore water were greater than those in the surface water, indicating a potential ability of Hg release from riparian sediment system to river water. However, concentrations of Fe and Mn in the surface water were greater than those in the pore water, demonstrating that the microenvironments of riparian and riverbed sediment systems were quite different. Variations of Zn, Cu, Pb and Ni between the surface and the pore water were different in each section. Most metals had similar horizontal and profile distribution characteristics in the three sections except for Zn and Ni. Hg, Fe and Mn concentrations in the pore water increased gradually with the increase in horizontal distance from water body, in contrast to this, Cu decreased, and Pb presented a fluctuating trend. With the increase in depth, Pb and Fe, Cu and Mn showed the same trends, and Hg showed a variable trend. The above distribution characteristics could mainly be attributed to the properties and the interactions of metals, pH and oxidation-reduction conditions, and the complex pollution sources and hydrologic regime in history. The probable sources of metals include the historical and ongoing discharge of industrial wastewater, mining activities, sewage irrigation for agricultural production, and atmospheric deposition from coal-fired plants.

ON PATRIOTISM

2 3 R O N P A T R I O T I S M D O N A L D K A G A N In October 2001, without dissent, Congress requested that the president designate September 11 ‘‘Patriot Day,’’ a national day of remembrance of the attacks by international terrorists on two American cities that killed thousands of innocent civilians. When they had recovered from their shock after the attacks, most Americans reacted in two ways: They clearly and powerfully supported their government’s determination to use military force to prevent future attacks by capturing or killing the perpetrators and tearing out their organizations root and branch. And, to this end, they supported the removal of the leaders of states that supported, abetted, or gave refuge to terrorists unless those leaders abandoned such practices. Most Americans also expressed a new sense of unity and an explicit love for their country that had not been seen for a long time. Not every country deserves the devotion and patriotic support of its citizens. Dictatorships of whatever kind have no right to these commitments, for they rule over unfree, often unwilling, people as if over slaves; they lack moral legitimacy. But citizens of free countries like the United States can vote in elections with real choices for lawmakers and leaders, and those who don’t approve of 2 4 K A G A N Y their country’s laws and way of life have the right and opportunity to change them by legal process. Failing in such an attempt, they are free to leave the country with all their property. By staying they are tacitly accepting the laws of the country and the principles on which those laws are based. They are free to doubt them and even to denounce them, but they are morally bound to observe them. For Americans, as for citizens of any free country, there really is a social contract like those imagined by the political philosophers, and that contract provides legitimacy. People who tacitly accept that contract have the moral obligation to defend and support the country they have chosen as their own – that is, to be patriotic. It seems to me, moreover, that Americans have especially good reasons for belief in and devotion to their country. America has been a beacon of liberty to the world since its creation, and was especially so in the twentieth century. The September 11 attacks produced a wave of vilification against America from ‘‘intellectuals ’’ at home and abroad, but it is worth remembering what Americans did in the twentieth century. They helped save Europe from German domination in two world wars. After World War II they rebuilt the continent from the ashes. They stood against and helped defeat the Soviet Communist government, which along with Nazi Germany and Maoist China, was among the most brutal regimes in history. They stopped the slaughter in the Balkans while Europeans stood by and watched, and they drove Saddam Hussein from Kuwait and ultimately from his seat of power as he prepared to resume his goal of dominating the Middle East. ‘‘People should think,’’ the late David Halberstam said from New York following the attacks, ‘‘what the world would be like without the backdrop of American leadership with all its flaws over the past sixty years. Probably, I think, a bit like hell.’’ In my view it doesn’t take an American chauvinist to suggest that there is some virtue in a country that has helped save the world from Wilhelmian Germany’s right-wing imperialism, Hitler’s Nazi regime , Japan’s militaristic domination, and Stalin’s totalitarianism. Yet voices here and abroad from the world of ‘‘intellectual’’ orthodoxy continue to condemn and blame the United States, as they did throughout the Cold War. These dissenters’ ideas have a wide currency and reflect a se- O N P A T R I O T I S M 2 5 R rious flaw in American education that should especially concern those of us who take some part in it. The encouragement of patriotism is no longer a part of our public educational system, and the cost of that omission is now making...

China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence

China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, by Sophie Richardson. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009. xii + 332 pp. US$50.00/£34.50 (hardcover). Sophie Richardson argues in her study of Sino-Cambodian relations that the Five Principles of peaceful coexistence, articulated at the dawn of the new Communist era in the 1950s, are not just rhetoric and are grounded in a view of the world that has been remarkably consistent. The Five Principles (of peaceful co-existence, mutual respect of territory and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in the affairs of others, and mutual equality and benefit) were rooted, as she explains, in China's traumatic experience of colonialism and invasion. They managed to balance the need for preserving sovereign integrity while managing external threats from more powerful nations when the People's Republic was being formed. In that sense, they gave China a unique and cohesive foreign relations strategy, one that defended its own interests while allowing it to build international links with countries that were similarly poor, developing and recovering from a history of economic, military and political aggression from developed countries. This book is the result of Richardson's PhD thesis, but it benefits from her extensive use of Chinese-language primary source materials and, equally importantly, a range of interviews with Chinese and Cambodian officials and academics who had firsthand experience of the history that she records. China's relations with Cambodia from the 1950s onwards were highly problematic. As Richardson notes, there was no compelling reason, initially, that China, led by Communist rulers, should have cultivated good relations with what was then a conservative monarchy. Of course, the US was becoming an increasingly important player in the region, and that did play some part in China's strategic minking, but the Chinese elite developed links with almost all the main players in Cambodian society, reaching above and beyond mere pragmatic, self-interested bonds. As part of this overall strategy of engagement, in 1966 at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, a leader of one of the parties more ideologically close to the Chinese Communists, Pol Pot, visited China. Scholars like David Chandler have argued that this exposure was to give the Khmer Rouge the inspiration for their own extreme form of internal revolution, which, once they had gained victory over the Lon NoI regime in 1975, was to lead to three tragic, catastrophic years. Somehow, Beijing had managed to balance good relations with both Sihanouk and the Khmer Rouge, prevailing on the King to return to Phnom Penh in 1975. Behind their public support for the regime, which was consistent with the Five Principles' emphasis on non-interference, no less a figure than Zhou Enlai, then suffering from cancer, warned the Khmer Rouge not to go too fast (a warning evidently not heeded). Richardson explains later that this public support for the Khmer Rouge was to be hugely damaging to China, laying it open to accusations it was the main funder and international supporter of one of the most murderous regimes in history. …

Les Réfugiés acadiens en France 1758–1785, l'impossible réintégration? (review)

Reviewed by: Les Réfugiés acadiens en France 1758–1785, l'impossible réintégration? N.E.S. Griffiths Les Réfugiés acadiens en France 1758–1785, l'impossible réintégration? Jean-François Mouhot: Sillery: Septentrion. Pp. 456, $34.95 paper, $26.21 PDF During the last fifty years, writing about Acadian history has been a growth industry. Above all, the events of the Deportation of the Acadians by the British, in the mid-eighteenth century, from what are today the Maritime provinces of Canada, have been discussed and [End Page 125] reinterpreted. In writing about the experience of those Acadians whose fortunes took them first to Virginia, then to England and France, and finally, in most cases, to Louisiana, Jean-François Mouhot has chosen to investigate one of the less examined aspects of the Deportation. One of the reasons for his choice was his knowledge of the way in which France accommodated close to a million 'Pieds-Noirs' who left Algeria after 1962. In concluding his study of the 'intégration des Acadiens en France au siècle des Lumières,' he writes that his aim had been a three-fold analysis: that of 'l'attitude du gouvernment: celle des réfugiés eux-même, et enfin ce qu'on peut appréhender de la réalité de leur (re)insertion dans la société d'Ancien Régime.' His work was awarded a doctorate by the European University in Florence in 2006. In many ways this is a fine piece of scholarly endeavour. Mouhot's archival research is extensive and broad-ranging and his work will be not only a necessary but also a very helpful source for future scholars. He has visited the major archive collections in London, Madrid, Ottawa, and Paris and also the most important provincial archives in all four countries. He has also made considerable use of Internet sources. As a result, his narrative of the official French attitude to the Acadians and of their reaction to their treatment is firmly anchored by an extensive knowledge of primary resources. His complex and interesting arguments regarding the attitude of the French officials engaged in trying to establish the Acadians on Belle Isle and in the region of Poitier are well worth reading. In his analysis of the rural France in the eighteenth century, he might have considered the views of Fernand Braudel and others of the Annales school in more detail when describing the reception of the Acadians by their neighbours. Mouhot's attention to the way in which French government policies changed over the decades, to the arguments made by the supporters of changing government actions is exemplary. As well, his sympathy with the frustrations of those working at the local level makes for entertaining as well as enlightening reading. It is clear that Mouhot's interests lie in political and governmental history, rather than sociological and cultural studies. This intellectual bent accounts for a major shortcoming in his analysis of Acadian identity in the eighteenth century. There is very little reference to Acadian experience in North America after the Deportation. While it would be unfair to ask for the sort of archival work in the American state archives that Mouhot has done so well elsewhere, there is also little reference to secondary sources about European colonial experience published in the United States, no evidence of a reading [End Page 126] of the immense body of monographs on the early sense of a developing 'American' identity, or even of the articles more easily available in the pages of the William and Mary Quarterly. As a result, the fact that the Acadians had lived in a world very different from France for a minimum of five generations does not seem to be a matter for his contemplation. The consistent refusal of the majority of the Acadians to take up arms for either England or France seems, for Mouhot, to be beside the point: since the Acadians wished to speak French and to continue to be Catholic, their sense of identity must above all be grounded in an attachment to France. He rejects my own work in this area, at...

Prisoners of the Media: Television in Russia Since the Collapse of Communism

In 1991 one of the most oppressive regimes in history collapsed and millions of people were set free. Following the implementation of glasnost and perestroika Soviet communism proved untenable and was consigned to the trash heap of history. The Soviet media itself played a tremendous role in facilitating the collapse. After Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev removed censorship from the Soviet press they began looking into the past transgressions of their nation and reported it aggressively. Thus, as the Soviet state and its Russian successor became a much weaker power agent, other agents of power appeared to challenge the power of the state with regards to the media. Television, as the most important medium in Russian society came to be a special case. The power relations in Russian television are essentially a historical map of power relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Power in Russian media is made up of a complex set of relationships that is worth exploring.

Nation, narration, unification? The politics of history teaching after the Rwandan genocide

The paper investigates the strategy of the Rwandan government in pursuing its stated objective of national unity and reconciliation after the 1994 genocide. In order to unmake the divisions of the past it promotes a notion of collective identity, which is no longer based on ethnic but on civic identity of all as citizens. The strategy is centred on an interpretation of Rwanda's history according to which ethnicity did not exist prior to the arrival of the colonialists. But does narrating the nation as founded on ethnic harmony lead to unity in Rwanda? I argue that due to the top–down nature of the government's history discourse, its censorship of alternative accounts as well as the deep scars of the genocide division and resentment persists. At present, ethnic belonging is still very important for most Rwandans restricting their willingness to consider different interpretations of the past. The paper draws on the teaching of history as an example of illustrating means by which the Rwandan government narrates its past. It analyses the debates about and practises of history teaching in schools as well as in education camps called ingandos through which released genocide prisoners, but also a considerably large portion of the society in general, have to pass. By way of conclusion it argues that the Rwandan government introduces narrative closure on alternative interpretations of the past which stands in the way of reconciliation and a genuinely grown national unity in the future.

Commentating the Contradictions in the Implementation of Canada’s Immigration Policy

Immigrating is the primary means of population growth in Canada and the main source of enlarging the labor force, and the important safeguard for maintaining the national strategy and the people's livelihood. Every Canadian government in history has taken making and implementing appropriate immigration policies as one of the basic tasks. The policies have been adjusted with the historical conditions and international circumstances. However, it is necessary to give a timely analysis of the implementation of the policies and make an adjustment. This text, from the academic perspective, tries to analyze the contradictions in grading standard and the employment criteria of immigrants, in manpower input and waste, in social equity and recessive discrimination, and in short-term benefit and long-term danger during the implementation of its immigration policy. And I recommend it be adjusted and improved.

The Quiet Before the Storm

Elections matter. This is perhaps especially true in times of deepening inequality and cultural polarization. Commentators on both sides of the political aisle were in unison on two points: the 2004 presidential election was the most important such contest in a century, and the U.S. electorate has never seemed so sharply divided. The intensity of feeling around the Bush-Kerry contest has solidified in the national consciousness a well understood distinction between “blue states” and “red states.” It has also resulted in the most complete consolidation of conservative Republican control of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government in history.

ANCIENTEMPIRES, MODERNSTATES, AND THESTUDY OFGOVERNMENT

▪ Abstract Samuel Finer's The History of Government from the Earliest Times is not only a major contribution to the history of governance in the ancient world; it is, in certain crucial respects, the only one. This essay surveys the uses of history within the discipline of political science to establish that surprising conclusion. In certain other social sciences—most notably in economics and above all in sociology—numerous leading scholars have applied the theories of their disciplines to illuminate the study of past civilizations while using data from those periods as a check on contemporary theories. Political scientists have, however, rarely ventured into world history before the eighteenth century. This essay considers some possible explanations for that discrepancy, then delineates and assesses Finer's massive and penetrating exploration of some 5000 years of institutional governmental history.

Research, policy, and the federal role in prevention initiatives for children.

With the ability and the funds to implement programs on a national level, federal policy is a potentially potent tool in primary prevention. Despite the U.S. government's history of ambivalence toward intervening in child rearing and limited national support for primary prevention, several initiatives have been implemented for children and families with some measure of success. The successes, however, are mitigated by limitations of the initiatives themselves and by the inconclusive nature of much of the evaluation data. This review of 5 federal policy-based initiatives for children and families provides the backdrop for discussing aspects of federal prevention program design, implementation, policy, and research.

Religion Revives in all its Variety: Russia's Regions Today

The catastrophic experiment forcibly to impose 'state atheism' (gosateizm) in the Soviet Union lasted just 70 years. Until Lenin's first decree on the Separation of Church and State of January 1918,1 no government in history had sought to impose a system which rejected all forms of religion. The Roman Empire debased the gods of mythology by decreeing that the ruler should be worshipped, but they never abolished the pantheon. The French Revolution was strongly anticlerical, but Christian worship continued. 'State atheism' had its ups and downs throughout the Soviet period, but continued as the dominant policy in one form or other until 1988. The advent of Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party put an end to it three years into his rule. It is possible to put a precise date on this: 29 April 1988, the day on which Gorbachev received a group of leading bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Kremlin, the first such meeting since Stalin received Metropolitan Sergi in September 1943 and only the second in history. Gorbachev's words truly marked the beginning of a new era:

The politics of duplicity: controlling reproduction in Ceausescu's Romania

The political hypocrisy and personal horrors of one of the most repressive anti-abortion regimes in history came to the world's attention soon after the fall of Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceausescu. Photographs of orphans with vacant eyes, sad faces, and wasted bodies circled the globe, as did alarming maternal mortality statistics and heart-breaking details of a devastating infant AIDS epidemic. Gail Kligman's chilling ethnography - of the state and of the politics of reproduction - is the first in-depth examination of this extreme case of political intervention into the most intimate aspects of everyday life. Ceausescu's reproductive policies, among which the banning of abortion was central, affected the physical and emotional well-being not only of individual men, women, children, and families but also of society as a whole. Sexuality, intimacy, and fertility control were fraught with fear, which permeated daily life and took a heavy moral toll as lying and dissimulation transformed both individuals and the state. This powerful study is based on moving interviews with women and physicians as well as on documentary and archival material. In addition to discussing the social implications and human costs of restrictive reproductive legislation, Kligman explores the means by which reproductive issues become embedded in national and international agendas. She concludes with a review of the lessons the rest of the world can learn from Romania's tragic experience.

Industrializing America: The Nineteenth Century by Walter Licht

838 Book Reviews TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE should know that some of the essays are in French. But Fox’s work is well written and rewarding, and these essays deserved to be col­ lected in this convenient form. Ken Alder Dr. Alder is assistant professor of history' at Northwestern University and the author of Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (forthcoming). Industrializing America: The Nineteenth Century. By Walter Licht. Balti­ more: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. Pp. xviii+219; bibli­ ography, index. $38.95 (hardcover) $13.95 (paper). This modest book has big ambitions. In just under two hundred pages, Walter Licht provides a sweeping overview of the causes and course ofAmerican industrialization over the 19th century. The emi­ nently readable narrative is geared to undergraduate teaching. It introduces many of the key historiographic debates in industrial his­ toriography and touches on most of the relevant specialized studies from business, economic, labor, legal, social, women’s, and techno­ logical history. Behind this narrative and synthesis, the book ad­ vances a strong analytical theme on the evolving character of the American political economy. In combination, Licht has accom­ plished a difficult task, synthesizing a huge literature with style and authority. Industrializing America should prove an essential compo­ nent of American history survey classes for years to come. This is the first synthesis of industrial history to span the 19th century—probably because the task of inclusion has seemed so daunting. Yet Licht manages to touch on almost all the key issues of relevance. He accomplishes this through some highly original ap­ proaches and by deftly melding elements normally considered sepa­ rately. Chapter 1, “Context,” combines a portrait of regional diversity in the American economy circa 1800 with a description of contrasting contemporary ideals for the developing American political econ­ omy—Jeffersonian agrarians’ debate with Tench Coxe and other ad­ vocates of a market-based manufacturing future for America. Chap­ ter 2, “Paths,” underscores the varied character of antebellum industrial development by discussing mill villages (Pawtucket, Rock­ dale), single-industry cities (Lowell and Lynn), diversified urban centers such as Philadelphia, and industrial slavery in the South. In chapter 3, “Reactions,” Licht blends the literature on artisanal pro­ tests against the risingJacksonian market economy (viz., Eric Foner, Bruce Laurie, and Sean Wilentz) with that on other responses to industrialization, such as workers’ high geographic mobility, revival­ ism in the Second Great Awakening, and middle-class women’s lead­ TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE Book Reviews 839 ership of social reform causes. Chapter 4, on the Civil War’s role in industrialization, also summarizes the general history ofgovernment intervention in the economywhile outlining the transportation revo­ lution. Chapter 5, “An Industrial Heartland” combines a narrative tour of the nation’s leading industrial regions in the Gilded Age with an analysis of the differing interpretations that historians have offered about the causes of industrial expansion. In chapter 6, “The Rise of Big Business,” the careers of Carnegie and Rockefeller pro­ vide an accessible avenue to Chandler’s views on the rise of big busi­ ness—further leavened with Lamoreaux’s treatment of the 1893 depression and Hovencamp’s on antimonopoly politics. Finally, chapter 7, “Explosions,” surveys the major Gilded Age labor dis­ putes; then it explores the trade unionist, Populist, and utopian cri­ tiques of the emergent industrial order of the late 19th century. Licht is a gifted writer who carries the reader smoothly across the real chasms that divide the historical scholarship on industrializa­ tion. Some topics are omitted; for example, studies by Patricia Coo­ per and others on semiskilled work and gendered divisions of labor in the Gilded Age go unnoted. On balance, however, Licht has au­ thored a masterful and inclusive synthesis. Technological history plays a supporting role in this account. Thus Licht notes antebellum workers’ approval of technological innovations, even as their coun­ terparts in the late Gilded Age rallied in opposition to the demands of mechanized production. The book also offers a directed analytical theme on the evolving character ofAmerica’s political economy. Although noting that mer­ cantilism had died with the American Revolution, Licht argues that the political economy of 1800 was comparatively ordered, albeit mostly market-based...

Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World

Introduction 1. States and quasi-states 2. A new sovereignty regime 3. Sovereignty regimes in history 4. Independence by right 5. Sovereignty and development 6. Sovereign rights versus development 7. Quasi-states and international history Conclusion.

AUSTRALIAN TECHNOLOGY: FOLLY STEALS A MARCH?

Abstract: Australian policy on technology in the second half of the twentieth century is examined in the light of the contest between wisdom and folly in government. The cyclic nature of the relation between industrial evolution and technological development is traced back to the beginning of the industrial revolution, and the importance of leading technologies in those cycles is outlined. It is shown that the high technologies play the role of these leading technologies in modern industrial economies, and that governments play a dominant and fundamental role in their development. Australian governments have avoided this role, leading to relative decline in the high technology industries and consequent suppression of the normal cycle of industrial development in this country. By comparison with past follies of other governments in history, it is seen that this may be regarded as folly.

Crime, Justice, and the Savings and Loan Crisis

The epidemic failure of savings and loan institutions during the 1980s was an important chapter in the financial and governmental history of the United States and an instructive context for discussing the costs of crime and for reconsidering longstanding controversies about causation in criminology. Key issues include the effect of deposit insurance on pressure for mobilization of the criminal law, the relationship between social harm from crime and levels of just punishment, the tendency for causal theories about the savings and loan failure to thrive without any empirical testing, the emphasis on regulatory rather than criminal justice failure explanations, the tendency for free market rhetoric to produce second-best regulatory environments that are more costly than tighter regulation, and widespread support for structural and environmental explanations of savings and loan crime that neoconservative critics attack as explanations of street crime.

Federalism, State Action, and “Critical Episodes” in the Growth of American Government

The publication of Robert Higgs’s Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government (1987) has interested students of the expansion of governmental activity. Despite a large literature on the growth of the public sector, Crisis is one of the few book-length historical accounts of the subject for the United States (Larkey et al. 1984). In this respect, Higgs’s study resembles Stephen Skowronek’s Building a New American State (1982), which also examined the historical transformation of government, albeit within a limited temporal perspective (1877–1920), and which like Crisis encased the story within a distinct theoretical framework. Skowronek argued that expansion of the public sector depended on the reconstruction of national administrative capability during the Progressive era. Higgs contended that major crises in American life functioned as the catalyst of “Big Government.” Although each author emphasized different dynamics propelling growth, both held that temporally specific disjunctures in governmental history date the emergence of the modern state. Higgs and Skowronek share one other similarity: neither of them adequately integrated federalism or the states into their analyses. Omission of these critical dimensions of the American polity raises questions about the utility of their research designs and the accuracy of their conclusions.

Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World

Introduction 1. States and quasi-states 2. A new sovereignty regime 3. Sovereignty regimes in history 4. Independence by right 5. Sovereignty and development 6. Sovereign rights versus development 7. Quasi-states and international history Conclusion.