Namibian Government Research Articles

The Politics of Revenue Mobilisation: Explaining Continuity in Namibian Tax Policies

The article analyses the development of Namibia's system of taxation since independence in 1990. Drawing on the institutional literature derived from Western historical experiences, it suggests that politicians face four main constraints when seeking to increase revenue. These constraints relate to (a) the governments' bargaining position vis-à-vis their citizens, (b) the nature and capacity of the political institutions of government, (c) the structure of the economy, and (d) the international context. These four constraining factors structure the analysis of Namibia's tax policies since independence in 1990. Ten years after Namibia gained its independence from South Africa, the system of taxation is only marginally different from that established under colonial rule. This article argues that the SWAPO government has maintained a dualism of liberal economic policies and relatively progressive social policies due to the revenue windfalls from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). Namibia's current tax base is challenged, however. The ongoing processes of regional and international trade liberalisation may reduce the revenues from SACU by one-third within the next few years. In the near future the Namibian government may therefore have to make a choice between extracting more revenues from its wealthy minority or widening the tax net to include a greater share of the population currently not included in the tax net. Based on the economic, political, institutional and international constraints on the government's revenue mobilisation, the article suggests that in the short run, there will be few ‘politically easy’ solutions open to the Namibian government.

Fish as Vehicle for Economic Development in Namibia

A key fishery policy issue decided by the new government of Namibia soon after independence in 1990 was to divide the total allowable catch of hake between wet fish and freezer trawlers. Using economic and social arguments, the government decided to use a criterion of 60:40 in favour of wet fish trawlers. The main question pursued in this article is whether this criterion is economically sensible. How would the answer to this question be modified if, say, the employment-generating capacity of the fishery were to be taken into consideration? The study suggests that based on purely economic and employment generation criteria, only the wet fish trawlers should be allowed to exploit the resource. However, the impact of other considerations such as biological, market and processing constraints tends to weaken this result somewhat.

Re-educating Namibia: The Early Years of Radical Education Reform, 1990-1995

Following independence the Namibian government saw primary education reform as a principal means of investing in human capital to promote socioeconomic development. This paper analyzes the efforts made during the first five years of the reform program. While emphasis on structural change learner-centered education and universality provided strong foundations for a democratic educational system a difficult medium of instruction policy and insufficient attention to gender equity delayed a comprehensive transformation. This analysis calls for greater educator participation in implementing the pedagogical approach altering the language-of-instruction policy greater gender equity in resource allocation and greater attention to sex and AIDS education. (authors)

Promoting democratic processes in educational decision making: Reflections from Namibia's first 5 years

This article is an examination of the Namibian government efforts to democratize educational decision making in the first 5 years since Independence. Particular emphasis is given to the context in which these efforts took place, a context fraught with competing interests and political and economic constraints operating at the school, community, regional, national and international levels. It is an attempt at self-reflection from a former SWAPO Secretary for Education and Culture and leader of educational reform since Independence and one of his international advisors. The authors endeavor to look beyond the face value of policy statements to describe what paths were perceived as available and explain why certain paths were taken. The brief passage of time since Independence makes summative conclusions premature. Nonetheless, this appraisal of intentions, strategies attempted and degree of success holds lessons for other countries struggling to reach similar goals in the democratization of decision making in education.

Urban governance in Namibia

Urban governance in Namibia

Planning Technical and Vocational Education and Training: the case of Namibia[1]

ABSTRACT In 1991, shortly after independence, the government of Namibia established a Presidential Commission on Higher Education. The Commission's report contains almost 200 recommendations covering the whole field of post‐school education. The account presented here concentrates on technical and vocational education, access to higher education and inter‐relationships between the various levels of the educational system. Technical and vocational education at the time of independence was fragmented, inappropriate in a number of ways and not well supported. Fundamental change was necessary. Solutions need to be found around a set of baste principles, including: the need for a coherent system of linked qualifications, the importance of a national training policy enunciated by government, strategies which are responsive to employment requirements and which meet the needs of disadvantaged groups, special access routes for students who have missed out on educational opportunities, adequate provision for pre‐se...

Namibia, After Three Years: Political Independent but Economic Unstable

Namibia became independent on the 21st of March 1990, after seventy-five years of South African colonial and racial rule. SWAPO fought a long war for liberation, but the independence was also gained thanks to the diplomatic pressure from the United Nations. The United Nations were actively involved in the organisation of the first free elections which were held on the 7th of November 1989. The SWAPO liberation movement became by far the most important political party in the Namibian Parliament. But from the beginning the SWAPO-leaders explained that the past should be forgotten. They promoted a constructive political and economic collaboration with all Namibians, African and European. Due to this atmosphere of reconciliation Namibia had a successful political independence. One of the world's most progressive constitutions was written. It ends all racial discrimination and guarantees an extensive review of the human rights. The rules for the organisation of the legislative, executive and judiciary power are respected by all political parties. Namibia is without any doubt an example for a lot of African countries, which are now making steps towards democracy and multi-partyism. The Namibian government has still a lot of problems to deal with. The major ones are the social and economic inequalities that still exist between African and European Namibians. The conditions of life of the European Namibians are comparable to these in modern western societies, while African Namibians are living in poverty. The government will have to change this, because in the long term one cannot expect to build democracy on empty stomachs. But in order to realize the necessary economic growth, Namibians are also counting on the support and the investments from abroad. A member of government recently said: "Now we've installed democracy and the human rights are respected, where are the foreign in- vestments and the international aid?"

Namibië Drie Jaar Later: Politiek Ontvoogd Maar Economisch Wankel

Namibia, After Three Years : Political Independent but Economic Unstable Namibia became independent on the 21st of March 1990, after seventy-five years of South African colonial and racial rule. SW APO fought a long war for liberation, but the independence was also gained thanks to the diplomatic pressure from the United Nations. The United Nations were actively involved in the organisation of the first free elections which were held on the 7th of November 1989. The SW APO liberation movement became by far the most important political party in the Namibian Parliament. But from the beginning the SWAPO-leaders explained that the past should be forgotten. They promoted a constructive political and economic collaboration with all Namibians, African and European. Due to this atmosphere of reconciliation Namibia had a successful political independence. One of the world's most progressive constitutions was written. It ends all racial discrimination and guarantees an extensive review of the human rights. The rules for the organisation of the legislative, executive and judiciary power are respected by all political parties. Namibia is without any doubt an example for a lot of African countries, which are now making steps towards democracy and multi-partyism. The Namibian government has still a lot of problems to deal with. The major ones are the social and economic inequalities that still exist between African and European Namibians. The conditions of life of the European Namibians are comparable to these in modern western societies, while African Namibians are living in poverty. The government will have to change this, because in the long term one cannot expect to build democracy on empty stomachs. But in order to realize the necessary economic growth, Namibians are also counting on the support and the investments from abroad. A member of government recently said: “Now we’ve installed democracy and the human rights are respected, where are the foreign investments and the international aid?”

The Contradictions of Independence: Namibia in Transition

Almost 30 years after other African countries, Namibia finally became free of colonial rule in March 1990. The attainment of formal independence was a momentous occasion, particularly for those who had suffered from the harshness of first German then South African control and who had taken part in the bitter struggle for liberation. For a time, Namibia's independence regenerated the momentum stalled after the liberation of Angola and Mozambique in 1975 and of Zimbabwe in 1980, and gave hope to black South Africans struggling with the same intransigent regime. However, a series of formidable problems have limited the options open to the new SWAPO government. Indeed, at independence Namibia's future was so tightly constrained that its room for manoeuvre, real independence and development was minimal. Few countries have started in such a heavily determined context. The legacy of South African rule included a severe fiscal crisis, a dependent economy, uneven development, and inadequate social services for the black population. While negotiations are underway over the status of Walvis Bay, Namibia's main port, remains under formal South African control. Not surprisingly, the new government has moved cautiously at first, emphasizing national reconciliation and adopting conservative economic policies. This study explores the contradictions posed by the internal and international context within which the Namibian state must operate. Specifically it examines the difficulties posed by the lack of resources available for the present government which must nevertheless demonstrate that it is serious about its promises to transform the legacy of South African rule. It will argue that, barring rapid change in the region, the discovery and rapid exploitation of new natural resources or major Western assistance, the government's inability to meet mass expectations will pose major problems for the unity and stability of Namibia, not to mention its growth and development. While South Africa's role has been crucial, other external factors also place severe constraints on the autonomy of the new Namibian government. The second part of the study assesses the limits on state policy posed by the structure

The Occupation of Namibia: Afrikanerdom's Attack on the British Empire

The Occupation of Namibia analyzes the historical factors that led to the initial occupation of Namibia by South Africa in 1915, and explores the diplomatic and legal arguments used to justify this occupation. The author offers a unique perspective on Namibian history that has been ignored by both apologists for South Africa as well as by critics of white minority rule. While most studies concentrate on whether the United Nations had the legal authority to assume responsibility over the mandate for Namibia, this book argues that there were British colonial regulations that took precedence over any claim by South Africa to possess the Namibian mandate independently of Britain or the U.N. This study documents how South Africa attempted to remove British influence from Namibia, and how Namibian history was falsified by South Africans to justify their rule over Namibia. This analysis promises to influence the nature of the negotiations that will occur between an independent Namibian government and the republic of South Africa over the future status of Walvis Bay, Namibia's primary port, which remains under South African occupation.