Global World Order Research Articles

Debating Worlds: Contested Narratives of Global Modernity and World Order

Debating Worlds: Contested Narratives of Global Modernity and World Order

The probable impact of policies and policy measures on globalisation

This paper aims to identify the impact of the recent economic and non-economic shocks on the globalisation of trade in terms of trade policy and structural openness, and to take a side in the discussion about the reversal, the slowdown, and the continuation of trade globalisation. The report argues that geopolitical decisions based on pure political priorities and different macro- and micro-policies may harm trade globalisation temporarily. Nevertheless, in the long run, underlying economic factors, such as decreasing trade costs and expanding services trade remain the critical driving forces of globalisation. The speed of the process is likely to be slower than before, and its characteristics are different. With weakening multilateralism and increasing fragmentation, the emerging global world order will be suboptimal from the point of view of economic efficiency. Journal of Economic Literature (JEL) codes: F01, F02, F13, F60.

Protestantism, post-colonialism and Israel – 1948–1967

In this contribution, Protestant interaction with the State of Israel is analysed within the framework of the aftermath of Modern Imperialism between 1850 and 1950. It was the time when Western European nations expanded into areas previously inhabited by others, where they established white settlers’ communities as the political and economic dominant in the USA, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and elsewhere. The genesis of the State of Israel in 1948 can be seen as a late example of the same phenomenon.Very soon after 1948 however, most Protestant churches would become aware of the importance of post-colonialism and a new global world order, where the West was no longer dominant and issues of land ownership in the former (semi-)colonies became important. This implied an overhaul of the idea, still current among Protestants in the 1950s, that the population exchanges in former Palestine in 1948 needed to be accepted both as a cultural advance and as an outcome of Bible exegesis.

THE GEOGRAPHICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE REGION «CENTRAL EUROPE»

Today on the political map of the world, Europe occupies a special position, plays an important role in defining and shaping the modern global world order. The full-scale war taking place in the heart of Europe indicates the relevance of the problem of civilizational confrontation in the 21st century and the difficulty in geographically defining those territories and natural regions that occupy a buffer position. Such geography not only determines the degree and rationality of the use of natural conditions and resources, but also the intensity and direction of the reconstruction of the landscape structure of the region, the transformation of natural landscapes into various groups of man-made ones, their subsequent changes and anthropogenic layering. Central Europe is a special region of Europe. This territory has always been at the forefront of scientific and political knowledge during the most difficult stages of the historical formation and development of Europe. In the 20s of the 21st century, it did not lose its importance, and the transformational processes shaping the geopolitical situation in the Northern Hemisphere and on the continent of Eurasia confirm this. A.H. Donska notes that the concept of Central Europe characterizes one of the most unstable and uneven parts of Europe. Without a clear geographical designation, Central Europe can be seen as a response to global political challenges. Scientists claim that today there is a need to rethink the regionalization of Europe, the place and role of Central Europe in the processes of dynamic interaction between the Asia-Pacific region and the European Union. The concept of Central Europe, as a component of the concept of Europe, is the spread of the European integration process, Europeanness and civilizational choice. The aim of the article: to explore geographical interpretations of the Central Europe as a scientific category. The study was based on the principle of natural anthropogenic compatibility, which is thoroughly revealed in the works of G. I. Denysyk. General and specific scientific research methods have been used. The article scientifically substantiates and proves that Central Europe is a natural-geographical, socio-geographical, geopolitical and historical-geographical region, which today should be interpreted as a spiritual concept, state of mind, geographical bastion, appropriate institutional basis, as a struggle for "its western" and understanding of Europeanness. The novelty of the study is that Central Europe was considered not only as a geographical materialist territorial entity (natural, social-geographical), but also from the point of view of humanistic geography as a natural-socio-historical-cultural territory, which is constantly changing in the space and time. Key words: Central Europe, natural-geographical region, socio-geographical region, natural-socio-historical-cultural territory.

Russia and the West Today: European Experts View

The article provides assessments of the current state of relations between Russia and the West by European experts. Complex issues such as the Northern Military District in Ukraine, the situation in the South Caucasus, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and their consequences for European countries and the global world order are analyzed. The authors talk about the need to prevent outbreaks of a third world war, to overcome bipolar ideological confrontation, and about the values of the future world order. Justice and morality must become the basis of peace, which will lead to the restoration of trust between peoples and states. The need for dialogue with Russia and the inadmissibility of isolating individual countries from participation in international dialogues are argued. The authors are supporters of the principles of a multipolar world, freedom, justice, information objectivity, respect for other cultures and religions, and speak of the inadmissibility of discrimination on national, racial or religious grounds. The article was prepared based on the materials of the international symposium “United Kingdom – EU – Russia – Greater Middle East: Challenges and Prospects”, held in Bratislava (February 27–28, 2024)

Globalization in the format of multipolarity: philosophical and worldview foundation of globopolycentrism

The subject is multipolar globalization formed in the context of globomonocentrism and globopolycentrism confrontation. The aim is to study the process of globalization in its main (current and potential) manifestations, including bipolar, unipolar and multipolar models. Their essence and specificity are considered, their effectiveness is assessed, philosophical and worldview foundation is found. F. Fukuyama’s, S. Huntington’s, Z. Brzezinski’s conceptions are analyzed as a philosophical and worldview foundation of globomonocentrism; philosophical ideas of N. Y. Danilevsky, K. N. Trubetskoy, P. N. Savitsky — of globopolycentrism. It’s concluded that there’s a need to revise the global world order from a unipolar to a multipolar format. The importance of globopolycentrism as an alternative development strategy opposing neocolonialism is emphasized. Constructing a multipolar world is necessary to strengthen the civilizational sovereignty of modern Russia and other countries of the world. The article uses historical, logical and comparative methods of analysis, the civilizational approach as a methodological instrument to substantiate the multipolarity. The main conclusions are the following: globalization as a form of interaction between civilizations isn’t identical to globomonocentrism. It’s one of the forms (not the only and not the most perfect) of constructing the interaction of civilizations. Modern globomonocentrism (in fact, americanocentrism) tries to reconstruct the world in the interests of a neocolonial regime. An alternative form of civilizational coexistence, providing protection from neocolonialism, is a multipolar world. Today we can’t talk about abandoning globalization as a whole, only about changing its format from unipolar to multipolar globalization. Multipolarity basing on the worldview principle of globopolycentrism perceives other (not only highly developed) countries as equal partners. The globopolycentric model of a multipolar world has flaws as well as the bipolar and unipolar models, but it’s much more connected with objective reality and, therefore, gives humanity a chance to overcome global geopolitical crises.

Global Trends and World Order: Implications for New Industrial Policies in Developing Countries

Global Trends and World Order: Implications for New Industrial Policies in Developing Countries

The Conceptual Foundations of China’s Promotion of the Idea of “a Community of a Shared Future for Mankind”

Due to the increasing influence of the People’s Republic of China in world politics against the background of the transformation of the global world order, the concept of the “Community of the Common Destiny for Mankind”, which defines the main vector of modern Chinese foreign policy and diplomacy, is gaining recognition and attracting increasing attention from the global community. Aimed at maintaining good neighborliness between countries and promoting global development, this concept reflects the aspirations of not only modern Chinese politicians, but also the ideas of traditional Chinese philosophical thought, as well as cosmopolitanism and Marxism, developing and updating them. Thus, in this study, the author traces and analyzes the theoretical foundations for promoting the concept of a “Community of the Common Destiny for Mankind”: reveals elements of Chinese traditional culture, the theme of the “human community” in Western philosophy, the conceptual syncretism of foreign policy thought of the previous generations of Chinese leaders and the “theory of relations” - the cornerstone of the Chinese school of international relations.

The Russian War Against Ukraine and Its Implications for the Future of Liberal Interventionism

The Russian war against Ukraine has already had crucial implications for the future of liberal interventionism. Drawing on current debates in IR about the transformation of the global world order, the article outlines how processes of global reordering affect (liberal) interventionism at different scales. The article argues that what has become known as the liberal international order is in retreat, at the expense of liberal peace-oriented international interventions. At the same time, current geopolitical realignments appear to be dividing the world into new spheres of influence, pitting democracies against autocracies at the global level and within regional conflicts. However, when it comes to security interventions and peacekeeping, the emerging realities on the ground, where a growing number of actors with different agendas interact, are more complex than simplistic world-order narratives suggest. Using the cases of international peacekeeping and security assistance as examples, the article shows that in some current international intervention sites, the emerging “multi-order world” is characterised by complicated constellations of parallel external assistance offers and rapid shifts in allegiances that do not necessarily follow clear divisions between “authoritarian” and “liberal” forms of assistance. The article therefore does not confirm expectations of the emergence of a “new Cold War” and a new round of ideological competition between international systems.

Russia-Ukraine War: US Policy and Its Implications on Global World Order

The Russia–Ukraine war and its future consequences is unclear, but how the process develops willclearly affect Russia’s future course, and how the war ends will have its fundamental implicationsfor global order. Since the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the United States has taken thelead in providing Ukraine with substantial military equipment and training, economic aid as well asdiplomatic support. The paper focuses on the US strategic interests in Russia-Ukraine War, its roleand implications on the world order. It analyses the regional affects and the US interests as a democraticstate in the global order. Finally, the paper focuses on US sanctions against Russia, underlinesits influence over the regional security and democracy, and concentrates on the aids as well as fundsprovided by US to Ukraine.

Pandemic in the new global world order

Pandemic in the new global world order

ЕАЭС в мировых интеграционных процессах

The authors analyze the transformation of the international economic integration processes, influenced by the changes in the global world order during the last 25 years. Special attention is payed to the structures with Russian partnership, in particular – the EAEU. The conclusion of a variety of modern forms of international economic cooperation and serious challenges for the EAEU is made.

Pandemic in the new global world order

Pandemic in the new global world order

Foreign economic policy as a priority for ensuring US national security

Giving US foreign trade policy the importance of one of the basic elements of the modern national security strategy of the United States has objectively determined a significant coincidence of the positions of the Democratic and Republican parties on the most fundamental issues of building trade and economic ties with foreign counterparties. The fact that there is no alternative to such a bipartisan consensus is a natural reaction to the ongoing profound transformations in the world economy under the influence of the processes of formation of a new architecture of the global multipolar world order and is aimed at ensuring economic stability and the national interests of the United States. Both parties are based on the destruction of the boundaries between domestic and foreign policy while defending the interests of the country's national security and the end of the era of globalization and neoliberal economic policies.

Internal Barbarism as a Socio-philosophical Problem of Modernity

This work is devoted to the consideration of such a modern problem of the global world order as the growth of internal Barbarism. Based on the concept by N.V.Motroshilova, the authors believe that Barbarism internal to Civilization, in contrast to its external counterpart, is a side result of civilizational development. We can say that each civilization creates its own internal Barbarians, who then contribute to its death. The article also provides a typology of internal Barbarism, which includes such varieties as Midism, destructive countercultural movements, revolutionary movements, social disintegration (understood as aggressive individualism), and digital Barbarism (a decrease in the intellectual and moral level of people under the influence of the transfer of interpersonal communications to the Internet). Some of these types, acting separately, are practically safe for society, but others can lead civilization to political and economic collapse. The older the historical age of a civilized society, the more internal Barbarism grows in it. It can be assumed that in society on the eve of its historical death, all types of internal Barbarism are present, act and complement each other, and the state created on the basis of the political and spiritual principles of such civilization is perceived by all citizens as something external in relation to them. It turns out that fellow citizens are fighting against their own state and against each other, and each of them hopes to get personally some material benefits from general collapse. As an example of manifestation of internal Barbarism in the modern world, the authors consider the drastic African American movement ‘Black Lives Matter’, in the formation and functioning of which all the abovementioned types of internal Barbarism can be traced.

MODERNISASI PROSES PEMBELAJARAN SEBAGAI UPAYA MENINGKATKAN PERHATIAN BELAJAR SISWA DI MADRASAH ALIYAH SWASTA AL WASHLIYAH MEDAN

The current era of information technology development has unwittingly changed the global world order which inevitably becomes a challenge for the world of education today. Education modification should also welcome the development of information technology to be developed in the learning process to be more effective and attract the attention of students so that it is hoped that the knowledge to be conveyed can be easily understood. The development of information technology is marked by the emergence of sophisticated tools that can be utilized in the learning process in schools. This study aims to see the modification in classroom learning carried out by teachers in every learning process, especially at MAS Lab IKIP Al Washliyah Medan, the research method is a qualitative descriptive method with data collection through interviews, observations, and other instruments that are categorized to support this research. The results of this study found that the implementation of learning in schools, especially at MAS Lab IKIP Al Washliyah Medan, has embraced learning moderenization, this can be seen from learning facilities that have used technological devices in accordance with the times, such as learning using laptob facilities, computers, infocus, and other learning facilities.

Политическое мировоззрение в условиях трансформации глобальной системы мироустройства

The purpose of this work is to consider the features of the formation of the phenomenon of political worldview in the conditions of transformational processes taking place within the framework of the global world order. The methodology of the research was discourse analysis, as it allowed the author to identify trends emerging in the intellectual space and socio-political discourse, which made it possible to solve the problem of interpreting the content of the problem field and assess its impact on the formation of attitudes of the political worldvie. The paper defines the essence of the phenomenon of worldview, which consists in the ability of a person to have a holistic picture of the world, as well as the possibility of acquiring values and ideals that determine the motives of behavior and goals of life strategy. A comparative analysis of such phenomena as ideology and worldview is carried out, during which the author comes to the conclusion that the phenomena under consideration, having a common basis for the sphere of value meanings, can have a mutual influence in the process of forming ideological guidelines. Special attention is paid to the problem of forming a political worldview in the conditions of changing the previous system of the world order. For many, the familiar unipolar world order today is increasingly coming into a state of degradation. The former system is gradually being replaced by the emerging model of a multipolar world order, which has the potential to form the basis of the worldview of the political worldview of modern Russian society. The conclusions the author comes to are that a complete and consistent view of the world requires consistent work on its formation, which also concerns the political worldview. This circumstance leads to an understanding of the importance of purposeful activity to form an integral paradigm of the world order in the consciousness of Russian society.

Is а Multipolar World Possible аfter February 24 аnd is There a Place for the EU in It?

The present article focuses on the question is a multipolar world possible after 24 February 2022 and what is the place of the EU in this world. The system of international relations established after the Second World War is undergoing its most serious revision with the beginning of Russia’s military actions against Ukraine. The declarative political requests of Russia, China and the countries around them after 24 February 2022 were transformed into real actions, including military ones, which show the ambition and capabilities of these countries to cause discussion about and effect changes in the existing system of international relations. The EU faces serious challenge – will it be able to assert its role as a political pole in a multipolar world. This role implies that the EU consolidates, reforms and extends the scope of the multilateral approach through which it operates to new areas, so that it can help Europeans realize their interests on the global stage and contribute to a more stable multipolar order, maintaining its openness by adherence to cooperation and accepted rules. Therefore, the EU must become a political union with common economic visions and procedures, which will determine whether the EU is part of the forming poles or will have an independent weight. At the same time, the question arises of whether we are ready for a multipolar currency world. The analysis leads to the following conclusions: 1) a multipolar world is possible; 2) the challenge is that the process of forming multipolarity in international relations does not lead to antagonism and fragmentation, but to strengthening the processes of unification and integration; 3) the world is changing rapidly and humanity is entering a new era of deep transformation, which also includes the presence of multipolarity, economic globalization, development of information society, cultural diversity, transformation of the architecture of global governance and world order, as well as increasing interconnectedness and interdependence between countries.

“Shadow of the Empire”: Rethinking Russian Imperial Sovereignty in the Context of the War against Ukraine, 2022

Abstract Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine demonstrated the Kremlin’s imperial ambitions. The invasion was not only a shocking event, but also a process of geopolitical transformation. Russia, which has a long history of imperialism, in the 21st century is trying to break the established global world order and propose an alternative one. But the tools it uses are tools of violence, domination, blackmail, and intimidation. This is particularly important to explore in the context of the Russian leadership’s construction of imperial sovereignty, a form of political power used to expand and consolidate the empire’s influence in a particular geopolitical space: the post-Soviet space. This article aims to show the nature of Russian imperial sovereignty as well as the mechanisms of its dissemination, which are modus operandi – dynamic structures of reproduction of the system of power relations.

Reading Stora Carefully: Problems of Historical Memory in Algerian-French Relations in the Early 2020s

The article is devoted to the problem of the colonial past in Algerian-French relations. In the early 2020s, it gained particular urgency for three reasons. Firstly, in the context of the transformation of the global world order and the deep social cleavages that have engulfed both many Eastern and Western societies, issues of historical memory, external and internal decolonization began to come to the fore both in public discussions within individual states and in international relations. Secondly, the coming to power in France of E. Macron marked an attempt at a serious transformation of the country’s foreign policy, strengthening its position in the world as a whole, and in the region of the Middle East and North Africa, in particular. Related to this were the (mostly unsuccessful) initiatives of E. Macron on the Palestinian-Israeli and Libyan settlements, the Lebanese crisis, and the resolution of accumulated contradictions with Algeria. Thirdly, A. Tebboune’s coming to power in Algeria in 2019 also gave impetus to the country’s foreign policy and created the conditions for revising relations with France. In these circumstances, the idea arose of preparing reports by the two sides on the possibilities of overcoming the negative colonial legacy in bilateral relations. The Algerian side did not submit the report, and the French text was prepared by B. Stora by January 2021 and caused wide response. The purpose of this article is to determine, based on the analysis of this text and the materials of the discussions that followed it, the French vision of the problem of reconciliation with Algeria. The article was written using the method of “slow reading” of the source - its main part is a detailed analysis of the report by B. Stor, followed by a review of the discussion he caused. The result of this approach is the identification of not only the widely discussed contradictions in matters of historical memory (both between Algeria and France, and within French society), but also the identification of some non-obvious problems of the French perception of this problem.