Geopolitical Subjects Research Articles

Globally connected, nationally restrained: Platform ambiguities and censorship in Turkey's drama production

About a decade ago, Turkey's television drama makers believed that streaming platforms would expand markets and create an uncensored space. Platforms did partly reform working conditions and enable drama creatives globally to produce quality shows. Yet creatives remain politically restrained because of platforms’ compliance with state regulations. Drawing on platform studies’ emphasis on how platforms have both restraining and enabling features, and extending this towards the contradictions around creative freedom and state control, I conceptualize drama creatives’ working experiences with national and global streaming platforms through platform ambiguity. Platform ambiguity allows a grasp of how platforms exert power over cultural producers by both enabling and restraining their creative work. Dewesternizing platforms and cultural production scholarship by highlighting how drama makers are not only creative but also geopolitical subjects dependent on the state, I show that their imaginaries and labour practices are always embedded in national contexts and shaped by regulatory structures.

Turkish Balance, or Türkiye’s Foreign Policy Strategy in the Black Sea Region Following the Special Military Operation

The Black Sea region in its various geopolitical configurations is a zone of priority for the Turkish elite. Prior to the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774), the Black Sea was regarded as the “Sultan’s harem.” Being essentially a peninsula between the Mediterranean and Black Sea, Türkiye is interested in maintaining control over the Black Sea space or in sharing it with another strong power having access to it. The authors aim to identify and explore Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the Black Sea region as one of the key geopolitical spaces for Ankara’s national interests. The foreign policy strategy is understood as a long-term mechanism of the subject in relation to objects and competing subjects, which aims to achieve the most favorable spatial position with the help of military and non-military means and appropriate resources, taking into account the timeliness factor. The article solves specific tasks: it identifies the stable characteristics of Turkish foreign policy, shaped by historical experience and geography, which underlie Ankara’s foreign policy strategy; it shows and studies the strategic vision of the Turkish elite in relation to the Black Sea region; it reveals the mechanisms of influence of external geopolitical subjects on the region and the combination of these mechanisms with Turkish national interests. The concept of Turkish balance is introduced as mechanism of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy whose main purpose is to integrate stronger powers into the logic and algorithms of foreign policy balances of stronger powers with their mutual opposition and further balancing act, which allows Türkiye to receive maximum geo-economic and geopolitical dividends. The research methodology is represented by systemic, geopolitical and civilizational approaches. Given the role of the Black Sea region in the military-political dynamics since February 2022, the mechanisms of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the region are becoming crucial for Russia in various areas of national security. Authors propagate that February 2022 is the inertia of the events of March 2014 and deeper, of the postponed crisis of 1991 caused by the disintegration of the USSR. However, it was the beginning of the special military operation that brought the military and political confrontation at the global and regional levels into the format of open confrontation. Russia has challenged the West and its system of allies.

Делегітимація «русcкого миру»: альтернативи безальтернативності

The defeat of russia on the battlefield must be accompanied by the delegitimization of the “russian world”, that is, the loss of attractiveness for the russians themselves of the concept of the supremacy of everything Russian over everything non-russian. Cultivating russia’s greatness as a key task of “russian world” is one of the main reasons for the current Russian armed aggression against Ukraine, but also for Russia’s aggressive foreign policy in the world in general. The purpose of this article is to clarify the main features of the delegitimization of the “russian world” in the regime of social education. To do this, the definition of “russian world” as a special symbolic system, which the modern russian political regime is trying to adjust from the standpoint of aggressive russian geopolitical subjectivity, has been previously clarified. This leads to the performative selfdenial of the “russian world”, which can be traced at the level of the accumulation of symbolic capital, the establishment of political elites (the authorities and the opposition), as well as at the level of the development of civil society. Social learning involves the search at the level of civil society for new forms of communicative self-organization at various levels of collective formation. A way out for such performative self-denial is possible only through the ways of social learning, the search for a change in one’s own identity, and not through attempts at autistic self-affirmation characteristic of the modern russian political regime, as well as the destruction of all political and cultural alternatives to the stateapproved canon. Social education is a way of soft and non-violent delegitimization of the “russian world”, in contrast to rebellion and revolutions, which in russia traditionally only lead to the emergence of even more brutal forms of state dictatorship. The monologic nature of the russian political space provokes the reation of new forms of social consensus outside the russian political system – in the sphere of culture, counterculture, and subcultures.

ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКІ ЦІННОСТІ ЯК ЧИННИК КОНСОЛІДАЦІЇ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО СУСПІЛЬСТВА В УМОВАХ РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ

The article analyzes the value dimension of the consolidation of Ukrainian society under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The author’s attention is focused on the attitude of Ukrainians toward the value foundations of a united Europe. The paper is based on sociological research from 2014–2024 years. The author traces the dynamics of the attitude of Ukrainians toward the European Union, the possibility of joining Ukraine the EU, basic and political European values (freedom, equality, security, democracy, political system, political regime). The article emphasizes the transformation that has taken place in Ukrainian society: from misunderstanding, reticence or denial to mass support for the European perspective of Ukraine and awareness of the civilizational choice. Consolidation is seen as the unity of society based on common values and a common goal. The Russian-Ukrainian war became one of the means of consolidating Ukrainian society around European values to protect Ukraine’s right to exist as an independent democratic state. Any country striving to be a subject of history must rely on a certain level of internal and external consolidation. The article argues that only by relying on the community of its consolidated citizens, the country can realize its own civilizational project, remaining a historical and geopolitical subject. At the same time, to ensure a dignified life and the self-realization of these citizens, the country must economically and politically consolidate with other countries. It has been proven that the consolidation of Ukrainians on the axiological basis of a united Europe in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war is the basis of its stability, the driving force of social development, and the unifying factor in the formation of a political nation and civil society in Ukraine. Summarizing, the author notes that during the post-war reconstruction of the country on the basis of European democratic values, the development of a scientifically based strategy of social consolidation and the involvement of professionals in its implementation acquires practical significance.

ГЕОПОЛІТИЧНА СВІДОМІСТЬ УКРАЇНЦІВ ЯК ЕКЗИСТЕНЦІЙНИЙ ФЕНОМЕН

The article is devoted to the study of the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians as an existential phenomenon based on the Ukrainian studies approach. Emphasis is placed on the need for a value-semantic distinction between the geopolitical consciousness of Russians and the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians, which is a determining prerequisite for Ukrainian studies of this problem. It is claimed that the geopolitical consciousness of Russians is based on aggressive expansionist values and semantic principles. In turn, the opinion that the basis of the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians is based on humanistic existential value-meaning principles is substantiated. Thus, in particular, on the basis of the analysis of the geopolitical ideas of Ukrainian philosophers, it is shown that the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians is based on the archetypes of the Ukrainian mentality, is connected with the idea of harmony in arranging the geopolitical space of existence of the Ukrainian ethnic group and the Ukrainian nation, and also bears the imprint of the geopolitical injuries associated with the need for Ukraine to overcome civilizational challenges at key stages of its development. It is emphasized that the problem of the transformation of geopolitical science in the direction of postmodernism, which is a topic of modern Western European humanitarianism, is also actualized by the awareness of the need to modernize the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians. So, in particular, the article emphasizes the newest, integrative possibilities of the Ukrainian studies approach for further research. It is substantiated that the geopolitical consciousness of the Ukrainian community is one of the fundamental factors for the establishment of the geopolitical subjectivity of Ukraine and the modernization of its geopolitical priorities and values in the conditions of countering the global challenges of war. Aspects of further research into the geopolitical consciousness of Ukrainians in the context of the need to affirm its geopolitical subjectivity are proposed.

Application of "Soft Power" in China-Ukrainian Relations in the Light of the Problem of Geopolitical Subjectivity of the States

Application of "Soft Power" in China-Ukrainian Relations in the Light of the Problem of Geopolitical Subjectivity of the States

Education as a Resource for Socio-Economic Development of Russia: Perceptions of Social Network Users

In addition to the traditional reflections on the explicit functions of education (reproduction of the socio-professional structure of society) and its latent forms (reproduction of distribution relations), the tasks of state development are added, which become highly relevant from the point of view of economic achievements and from the point of view of meeting the needs of man and society, that determine the relevance of the researched problem. The purpose of the study was to identify the population’s trivial ideas about the functional capabilities of education that can have an impact on the development of the state as a whole. The methodological approach is based on the fact that the perception of macroeconomic processes determined by the development of education will be reflected in the trivial ideas of the population, that can be studied through structural and content analysis of the texts of messages on social networks. The study used methods of grounded theory, neural network analysis, analysis of the frequency of occurrence and emotional background of words, content and expert analysis.
 As a result of the study, the following main conclusions were formulated. According to users of social networks, the leading functions of education are related to its ability to influence the social, economic and political development of society and the state, including as a geopolitical subject. Users associate education with various levels of development of socio-economic processes - from personal to national. The functional essence of education as a resource for the macroeconomic development of the state dominates over other aspects (micro- and meso-levels) of ideas and demonstrates a clearly defined hierarchical relationship of priorities, arranged in the following order: national, historical, systemic, global, institutional, regional and meso-economic. As part of the discussion of educational processes, differences invariably arise between supporters of state-oriented and socially-centered ways of developing society. The historical conditionality of Russian education among users correlates with the peculiarities of its development in the USSR - there is no connection to earlier periods of history. Education from a functional perspective is assessed by users as a benefit for individuals and society, the achievement of which requires significant time and socio-economic costs on the part of all its participants (the state, teachers and students). Insufficient satisfaction with higher education is evident among the majority of users and is due to an assessment of its current state. The identified results require further specification, for example, the study of algorithms proposed to overcome the current situation.

История экономической мысли глазами структуралиста (Часть 1. Классики и Маркс)

The paper attempts to rethink the problem of the optimal structure of the economy and economic growth in the history of thought. The concept of «post-truth» according to S. Fuller is used. A. Smith used the strategy of changing speech practices and interpreting facts against the mercantilists, and subsequently K. Marx did the same for the entire classical school. The history of thought legitimizes the economic mainstream — the dominant version of economic theory, ignoring the previous versions of rhetorical domination. The central role in the problem of determining the optimal structure of the economy is given to the old discussion about the relationship between productive and unproductive labor. Both Smith, and Ricardo, and Marx were looking for the main source of value and mechanisms for its redistribution and withdrawal in favor of certain social groups. The division into productive and non-productive types of economic activity is recognized as incorrect and discarded at modern time. Condemned by A. Smith the orientation of economic agents towards extracting rent can block economic growth in fact. As D. Ricardo shows, rent-seeking behavior can lead to the disappearance of profits and the achievement of the so-called «stationary state» under certain conditions,. The principle of comparative advantage, Ricardo discovered the principle of comparative advantage. That contradicts both «equilibrium in the long run» and the theory of labor value. This principle makes it possible to build a hierarchy of geopolitical subjects in the spirit of world-system analysis with a certain modification,. Marx ignores this principle, using «surplus value» as the basis of his concept. According his approach value is created only in the sphere of material production. This kind of research leaves the problem of the optimal structure of the economy unresolved.

Теоретические и методологические аспекты регионализации многополярного мира

The article considers some theoretical and methodological aspects of the multipolar world regionalization which is determined by the right of states to create ‘great spaces’ and the compatibility of national political systems due to the common or adjacent geopolitical identity. The distributed type of culture, primarily conservative, as well as of liberal identity opens up prospects for the formation of new types of geopolitical subjectivity, which correlate with new regional systems, blocs and alliances of states in a multipolar world. Diversification of the processes of political globalization aimed, on the one hand, at the sovereignization of states claiming key positions in a multipolar world, and, on the other hand, at strengthening the complex influence and control in the territories representing the zone of their geopolitical interest, creates prospects for the institutionalization of the Russian world, global China, the Islamic world, the Indo-Pacific, African, Latin American autarchies, as well as the reorganization of the Anglo-Saxon world and the European Union in accordance with the principles of multipolarity.

Traversing Borders and Creating Networks at Sea: The Case of Fishers in the South China Sea

ABSTRACT This research focuses on the under-studied phenomenon of maritime borders by providing a civilian perspective on how fishers live, negotiate, contest, and transcend state borders and surveillance at sea. It explores the everyday transboundary practices of Chinese fishers in the geopolitically sensitive South China Sea (SCS), examining their cross-border tactics to sustain fishing livelihoods and the mechanisms underpinning these tactics. Based on long-term, continuous ethnographic investigations, we unravel four tactics employed by Chinese fishers to elude the constraints of territorial borders: contract production, trans-territorial production, paying for the sea, and the appropriation of marine physicality. These transboundary strategies are supported by three mechanisms, including common fisher identity, historical transnational networks, and regional development structures. This research shows the agency and creativity of fishers in challenging and punctuating maritime territoriality in the context of increasing militarisation and securitisation of borderlands. It illustrates how the distinct materiality, mobility, and temporality of the ocean can be weaponised by fishers to undermine state-bordering processes. By exposing the extensive, dynamic, and complex civilian interactions and collaborations in the region, we demonstrate that the SCS is more than a geopolitical space but at the same time a social site of cooperation and solidarity. In doing so, this research contributes to studies of maritime borders and civilian geopolitical subjectivity by illuminating the flexibility of fishers in exercising powers on borders at sea. It also advances the existing SCS area studies by ‘peopling’ the political geography of the region.

Waves of Globalization, Decolonization and Geopolitical Subjectivity

The authors consider the issues of geopolitical subjectivity of Ukraine in the context of globalization processes, starting from the end of the 18th century. The article proves that each significant stage of globalization (the authors use the conceptual metaphor "wave of globalization"), among others, results in anti-colonial revolutions, the emergence of new states, and the independence of countries conquered by empires. Far not every anti-colonial revolution is connected with the formation and establishment of a new geopolitical subject, however, each testifies to a certain national maturity and subjectivity of the activist of such a revolution. This all applied in the past and applies to Ukraine now.Globalization was not and is not a linear process. It sees "ebbs and flows", sometimes the destruction of the achieved gains and advantages of the global economic and political systems. At the initial stages of globalization, despite the problems caused primarily by Russian imperial rule, Ukrainian society underwent noticeable modernization, but found itself in a situation of "delayed nation-building". Various, sometimes diametrically opposed, globalization projects compete with each other and influence those countries that have not yet acquired political subjectivity on the world stage. According to the authors, during the 20th and 21st centuries, the main plot of world development was the constant struggle between more or less democratic and currently totalitarian globalization projects, which had Ukraine as one of their arenas. The emergence of totalitarian states and corresponding global projects coincided in time with the Ukrainian revolution that began in 1917 and had a significant impact on its course, results, and subsequent events. The authors insist that already at that time, Ukraine had already become an important geopolitical factor, but not yet a subject, although certain Ukrainian forces were already internationally significant figures. Ukraine has become a full-fledged geopolitical subject under the current circumstances, having managed to effectively resist Russian aggression.

Геополитическая карта мира Ф.М. Достоевского: системное описание

The relevance of the study lies in the facts that it explores the issues related to the global significance of Dostoevsky’s literary heritage and interdisciplinary approaches to analyzing Russian literature. The significance of the study is stipulated by the current state of scientific knowledge concerning a particular role of literary works in describing and interpreting global political and state processes. The aim of the study is to reconstruct and map Dostoevsky’s geopolitical worldview based on the analysis of his literary and journalistic works. To consider the writer’s works from the standpoint of his involvement into the political issues is the first attempt within Dostoevsky studies. The analysis of Dostoevsky’s literary heritage from a geopolitical perspective was carried out on the basis of Statisticheskiy slovar’ yazyka Dostoevskogo [Statistical Dictionary of Dostoevsky’s Language]. However, since this book does not contain draft notes and earlier versions, preliminary drafts and notebook materials, these texts were intentionally explored. This is the first literary study of its kind which is based on a variety of modern statistical methods. This fact makes it possible to state that the obtained results present new knowledge about Dostoevsky and are of undisputed novelty. The study is focused on big geopolitical subjects, i.e. countries, transnational and national unions, prominent regions; therefore, the present article is only the first stage of the study. In accordance with the conducted analysis and calculations, the following frequency of geopolitical subjects’ mentions is proposed: Russia (4420); France (848); Germany (735); Britain (397); Turkey (304); Siberia (223); Italy (173); Switzerland (172); Poland (145); Austria (141); America (119); Bulgaria (83); Serbia (83); China (49); Spain (40); Montenegro (38); Caucasus (38); Crimea (30); Egypt (26); Greece (23); Hungary (19); Balkans (18); Central Asia (18); Holland (15); Syria (14); Herzegovina (13); Novorossiya (10); Sweden (7); Japan (6); Altai (5); Arabia, Africa, Bosnia, Dagestan, India, Lithuania, Mexico, Sicily, Finland (each 4); Belgium, Iceland, Malta, Peru, Sandwich Islands (each 3); Brazil, Brittany, Denmark, Israel, Moldova, Romania, Sakhalin (each 2); and Galicia (1). The frequency of geopolitical subjects’ mentions by years is as follows: 1877 (2100), 1876 (1516), 1860 (567), 1880 (502), 1872 (388), 1873 (381), 1868 (366), 1862 (328), 1866 (265), 1875 (264), 1869 (170), 1863 (155), 1881 (135), 1867 (128), 1878 (122), 1864 (120), 1859 (102), 1874 (100), 1870 (96), 1856 (75), 1861 (61), 1871 (54), 1865 (52), 1846 (43), 1847 (41), 1849 (38), 1858 (25), 1854 (21), 1848 (15), 1857 (12), 1845 (5), 1843-1844 (3), 1838-1839 (2), 1879 (1); geopolitical subjects were not mentioned in 1841, 1842, 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853, and 1855. he authors express their deep gratitude to M.V. Podrezov for his assistance in preparing this article. Contribution of the authors: the authors contributed equally to this article. The authors declare no conflicts of interests.

Питання геополітичних союзників України у вітчизняній політичній думці першої половини ХХ сторіччя

The article is devoted to the analysis of the coverage of the issue of finding geopolitical partners and allies of Ukraine in the geopolitical teachings of Ukrainian thinkers of the first half of the 20th century. The problems of determining foreign policy priorities and Ukraine’s participation in international alliances in recent decades, the search for reliable partners, foremost in the security sphere, are outlined. It is emphasized that the Revolution of Dignity and Russian aggression crystallized the geopolitical priorities of Ukraine – the course for European and Euro-Atlantic integration was returned to the country’s Constitution, and the Russian geopolitical threat became a fact of the collective consciousness of Ukrainian society. It is noted that the theoretical work of Ukrainian political theorists of the first half of the 20th century has not lost its relevance in our time. Furthermore, it is noted that in the interwar period, the Black Sea region was the geographical space that aroused the greatest interest of Ukrainian geopoliticians and which they considered decisive for the future of the Ukrainian state. In their opinion, the fact that Ukraine is historically a part of the Black Sea-Mediterranean communication space, and also ensured the trade relations of this region with the Baltic States, determines the area of search for partners and allies. However, not only countries located in the region are among Ukraine’s potential allies, but also states that have significant geopolitical and economic interests there. The attitude of theorists of Ukrainian geopolitics to the idea of the Baltic-Pontic Federation and the list of countries that can join it is analyzed. The Ukrainian thinkers’ understanding of the peculiarities of the attitude towards the idea of the union of the countries of Eastern Europe and the creation of the Ukrainian national state within its ethnographic boundaries of the main geopolitical subjects of Europe – Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Soviet Russia – is revealed. The significance of the interaction of the Ukrainian state with Poland and Romania is emphasized. It is emphasized that the ideas of Ukrainian geopoliticians of the first half of the 20th century have not lost their relevance and require further study and understanding.

Crisis of the eastern vector of foreign policy of Ukraine

The discourse and the essence of the crisis of the eastern foreign policy vector of Ukraine are analysed in the article. It is proved that the issue of the Russian direction of Ukraine’s foreign policy has become relevant since its independence. A sharp surge in scientific and expert discourse occurred in 2014 and 2022, when, respectively, a hybrid war began and Russia’s open aggression against Ukraine. Based on the analysis of political science discourse, it was concluded that the primary crisis of the eastern vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy is primarily an objective factor in Russia’s aggressive imperial policy based on Eurasian revanchism – the desire to revive total influence in the post-Soviet space. It has been confirmed that the deployment of a Russian naval base in Sevastopol on Ukrainian territory, multiplied by the loss of nuclear status, and a sharp economic downturn have deprived Ukraine of prospects for adequate geopolitical status in a post-bipolar world order. After all, Ukraine has in fact agreed to deploy the Russian Black Sea Fleet on its sovereign territory. Such a position, according to scholars, contradicted the Concept of Foreign Policy of Ukraine of 1993, which stated the inadmissibility of the presence of armed forces of other states on its territory. All this led to the occupation of Crimea, Russia’s inspiration for the hybrid conflict in Donbass in 2014 and open armed aggression in 2022. Ukraine has made significant progress in its confrontation with revanchist Russia, against which large-scale sanctions have been imposed. Having received significant military and technical assistance from the West, Ukraine has thwarted Moscow’s strategic plans to strip it of its statehood and restore the Soviet Union to much of the post-Soviet space. In the course of the armed confrontation with Russia, Ukraine acquired geopolitical subjectivity and gained the prospect of joining the EU. It is also proved that Ukraine has significant prospects for obtaining a new Marshall Plan for the post-war reconstruction of the economy and infrastructure. At the same time, Ukraine must support the policy of technological transformation and not abandon the strategy of gaining full membership in NATO.

Політика консолідації української держави в умовах трансформаційної кризи

The article attempts to substantiate the expediency and practical significance of forming a comprehensive multilevel state consolidation policy of Ukraine based on unifying all groups of society civic and political values. The proposed conclusions and indicators of consolidation of society are part of the author’s model of formation and adjustment the policy of consolidation of the state in systemic crisis in Ukraine. Theoretical considerations are based on scientific texts and studies of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the Institute of Political and Ethnonational Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine by I.F. Kuras, materials of opinion polls. It is determined that the perspective of development of the Ukrainian society consists in the complex state program and activity of civil sector in the context to achieve internal and external consolidation. It grounded that the Ukrainian case of the transit of democracy demonstrates the systemic problems of economic, institutional, political, social, security areas of state development, which acquire signs of constant transformation and flow from one plane to another. It is stated that among several approaches to the interpretation of the category of "consolidation", its functional significance lies in the ability to be both a process and the result of the implementation of appropriate policies in the state. The potential for developing an effective long-term program for the development of society is revealed in the values that have a civic and political character. The need to remove from public discourse topics and discussions on ethnic and national values that lead to confrontation and division in Ukrainian society has been identified. Based on the values of the Ukrainian political (civil) nation, the policy of state consolidation is designed to complete the stage of self-identification of Ukrainian society and give civilizational and geopolitical subjectivity to the state of Ukraine.

The geopolitics of presence and absence at the ruins of Fort Henry

In recent years, scholars have examined the non- or more-than-human world from a variety of unique positions. This article draws on contemporary archaeology and assemblage theories in geography to put forward an understanding of everyday geopolitics that includes the presence of objects in the formation of state subjectivity. Our approach, however, reveals not only this disciplining force of objects but also the ontological absences that are also at the heart of post-structuralist theories of subjectivity. As such, the formation of object-oriented geopolitical subjectivity is also always haunted by these other affective forces that are part of being in the world. These theoretical considerations are substantiated in our study of the material culture of a military outpost in the highlands of northern Chile where the objects left behind by soldiers offer insight into the complexities of state subjectification and state–society relations in border regions.

Особливості позиціонування зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів Європейського Союзу

У статті здійснено комплексне дослідження особливостей позиціонування зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів Європейського Союзу. Встановлено, що хоча модель стратегічного суверенітету офіційно не була визначена як підґрунтя для формування пулу зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів ЄС, об’єднання опирається на її базові принципи, що потребує опанування Європейським Союзом мислення геополітичної сили. Доведено, що коло зовнішньополітичних пріоритетів ЄЄ на 2019–224 рр. визначається «геополітичним» статусом Європейської Комісії, яка сфокусувала свою діяльність на розробці всеосяжної стратегії щодо Африки; підтвердженні європейських перспектив Західних Балкан; стратегічному партнерстві зі Сполученим Королівством; орієнтації на світове лідерство (геополітичну суб’єктність); збереження трансатлантичної безпекової платформи в умовах створення системи європейської оборони. Обґрунтовано, що для ЄС важливо зберігати і реформувати трансатлантичне партнерство як центр європейської безпеки і найважливіший компонент міжнародного порядку та водночас інвестувати в безпеку Європи, щоб стати більш автономним партнером в рамках НАТО і джерелом безпеки для сусідніх країн Європи. Досягнення такого балансу потребує від ЄС і його держав-членів зміцнити європейські центри НАТО, та конкурувати з ним в Косово та Африці. В умовах зростаючої невизначеності та перманентних геополітичних ризиків ЄС повинен слідувати стратегічному курсу дій, який має громадську підтримку, та забезпечити свою здатність діяти автономно, основою якої є консенсус між державами-членами об’єднання щодо формату зовнішньої політики та її пріоритетів.

ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПОДХОД К ОПРЕДЕЛЕНИЮ ЦИВИЛИЗАЦИОННОГО СТАТУСА РОССИИ

Цель. Статья посвящена актуальной в условиях резкого обострения геополитической ситуации и всплеска этничности теме российской цивилизационной идентичности. Предметом анализа выступает цивилизационный статус России в рамках известных геополитических концепций. Авторы ставят целью определить роль российской цивилизации в контексте двух соперничающих интеграционных проектов – евразийского и евроатлантическогоМетод или методология проведения работы. В работе использованы аналитический, аксиологический, культурно-исторический методы, а также общие принципы цивилизационного подхода.Результаты. В статье в контексте классических и постмодернистских теорий геополитики определен цивилизационный статус России. Показана ее роль в современном евразийском интеграционном проекте в качестве альтернативы евроатлантической гегемонии, не только в силу своей духовности, но и инновационности как одного из основных мировых генераторов новых идей и технологий.Область применения результатов. Основные выводы работы могут найти применение в сфере конструирования социально-политической реальности и прогнозирования.

Religion and space in colonial South America: a technology of geo-political rule and terrestrial-spatial subjectivity in the Jesuit missions of the Banda Oriental

ABSTRACT Based on a genealogical analysis of documentary evidence, this paper explores the comprehensive technology of geo-political rule that was applied in the missions established and governed by the Society of Jesus in the territories of the Banda Oriental in South America, from the early 17th century to the second half of the 18th century. The interdependent knowledges and practices of the technology – its contested logics of universal conversion, its hard and soft geo-political techniques, its terrestrial-spatial subjectivities – as well as the resistances that opposed the technology’s operation are discussed and conceptualized. These conceptualizations are presented as contributions to the studies on colonial religious governmentalities. The conclusions highlight the relevance of governmentality approaches and meta-institutional analytical perspectives for the study of religions and space and religious geo-politics in past and contemporary societies.

Extraterritoriality of European borders to Turkey: an implementation perspective of counteractive strategies

This article seeks to “decolonize” the externalization project of European borders by focusing on the subjectivity of Turkey as being a long-standing candidate country, seeking to be a “regional power” in the Middle East and increasingly moving into undemocratic rule. The study suggests that externalization project of European borders does not only move outwards from the European center, and then straightforwardly get implemented by the passive “others”. The case of Turkey epitomizes that the “others” are geopolitical subjects with their counter-discourses and strategies as well as their co-constitutive roles in shaping the very framework of the process. The study adopts an implementation perspective with the aim of providing nuanced local details about how Turkish border guards act, interpret, internalize or challenge the border externalization policies.