Geopolitical Interests Research Articles

Relations between a Country and a Continent: China and Africa. A first and not a simple matter......

Abstract Through this contribution of a geopolitical approach, the author intends to propose an updated and accurate framework on the relations between China and Africa as well as some critical reflections on various geopolitical and geo-economic aspects concerning the intense development of the diversified economic relations between China and the different African States. China’s foreign economic policy in Africa has laid solid foundations through the implementation of the various Sino-African Cooperation Forums that have taken place since 2000 and that have seen an increasing involvement of the Chinese government in the process. This paper intends to make a brief reflection on China’s visible economic and geopolitical interest in the African Continent as a whole. The analysis that follows traces the main stages in the history of relations between China and Africa, emphasizing the increased importance of the Sino-African forums that led to what is now known as Chinese neo-colonization. In addition, the case studies of the Silk Road and the Rare Lands are highlighted. Finally, some of the social impacts of the Chinese presence in Africa are also examined such as the construction of new cities for the Chinese migrant population and the teaching of the Chinese language (Mandarin) in schools in some African Countries.

Modern Vectors of Russian Diplomacy in the Post-Soviet Space

The countries of the post-Soviet space are of particular importance for Russia’s geopolitical interests. This primarily concerns the political and economic processes taking place in them. Moreover, of great importance are the approaches of the post-Soviet countries to cooperation with Russia and integration processes in the post-Soviet space. In view of significant negative trends in the international arena, the consolidation of the post-Soviet space is acquiring paramount significance. Numerous challenges and complexity of the tasks that Russia is facing in the present region underscore the need for a balanced, pragmatic and forward-looking approach in bilateral and multilateral relations with the states. The focus of Russian diplomacy is still on Ukraine, the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia, Moldova and Belarus. These countries are the priority partners of Russia, the priority of its foreign policy.

The European Union in Search of a New Global Strategy: Critical Analytics

With the use of the analytical works of the prominent Belgian researcher Sven Biscop, the article examines the main topics of discussion regarding changes in the global strategy of the European Union. EU foreign policy has been associated with the concept of “normative power”, which is seen as a kind of European “soft power”. Due to the influence of the global governance crisis, the COVID pandemic, the shift of USA geopolitical interests from Europe to Asia, China's great-power policy, Russia's geopolitical ambitions and other challenges, EU researchers and politicians are raising questions aimed at changing the strategic culture in order to ensure the primacy of EU vital interests. S. Biscop believes that while developing a new global strategy, it is necessary to turn to the traditions of geopolitics to be ready to protect interests and democratic values with the use of “hard power” both internally and externally. Strategic autonomy is a promising task for the further building of the EU. Under the instruction of the European Commission, the work has begun on the creation of a new political and strategic document “Strategic Compass”, its goals include defining the EU targets in the field of security, defense, and identification of threats. The discussion of a new global strategy outlines a trajectory for the transformation of the European Union into a global “Third Pole”. Sven Biscop's recommendations show that shaping a new global strategy will require a revision of the concept of "normative power" and turning closer to geopolitical realism.

DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS DURING OBAMA'S ADMINISTRATION (2014-2016)

The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests.
 The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region.
 Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of "strategic friendship" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action.
 It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space.

‘De-Securitising the Arctic’ in Climate Change: An Indian Perspective

The rapidly transforming Arctic has led to rethink the concept of security in the region. The increasing global warming and opening up of the Arctic have brought multiple geopolitical issues before the Arctic and non-Arctic states. 1 In pursuit of their perceived geopolitical, geo-economics and strategic interests, a race to ‘securitise the Arctic’ has started amongst the major Arctic states. This process of securitisation appears to be dictated and driven not only by traditional military-strategic considerations but also by non-traditional security threat dilemmas related to energy, environment, sustainability, human security, connectivity, etc. As the old and the new Arctic challenges are being taken out of the realm of ‘normal politics’ and placed in the contested domain of ‘security politics’, the Asian states, that are directly or indirectly impacted by the changing Arctic realise that securitisation of the Arctic is leaving little space for addressing common issues of global concern. This study argues that all these emerging issues (otherwise perceived as ‘security threats’) in the Arctic, instead of being addressed in the securitisation framework, could and should be approached and addressed as compelling reasons for mutual cooperation and thus in need of de-securitisation.

The making of Ophir - Bougainville stories and silences: An exploration of the documentary

This article focuses on the making of the award-winning film Ophir in the context of issues relevant to journalism and documentary production. It explores how a partnership of filmmakers, scholars and Bougainvillean community leaders worked to create a documentary that goes beyond bare facts to create deeper meaning. Based on an interview with one of the filmmakers, Olivier Pollet, it discusses issues of archival research, gender, distribution and language. It raises ethical questions about how mining company Rio Tinto used an anthropologist to produce covert corporate intelligence in the 1960s. Through a discussion of the work of independent investigative journalist Antony Loewenstein, it considers how recent Australian aid policy was used to shape public debate about options for Bougainville. It highlights the importance of supporting grassroots storytelling that penetrates distorted mainstream media narratives, especially at a time of shifting geopolitical interests.

Protocooperation as a Model for the Russia-UAE Partnership

Russia’s intervention in Syria in 2015 marked the Russian Federation (RF) return as a key player in the Middle East and North Africa. In this context, the relations between Russia and the UAE are of utmost importance for both entities, for the region, and globally. This article seeks to fill a gap in scholarly knowledge by answering questions about the nature of the emerging cooperation between Russia and the UAE. How Russia seeks to use the UAE to expand its sphere of influence in the MENA region and how the UAE uses this cooperation to achieve its foreign policy goals. The article applies protocooperation (an analogy to the ecological relationship) as a model for the Russia-UAE partnership. The RF is strengthening its position in the MENA regarding the UAE as a key partner for regaining its political, economic, and military influence in the MENA region. Russia-UAE’s partnership aims at achieving conjunctural geopolitical interests benefiting from diminished Western, mainly the US, presence in the region.

Русская полярная экспедиция и геополитические интересы России на рубеже XIX и XX веков Часть 2. Экспедиции Э.В. Толля и их геополитическое значение

Русская Полярная экспедиция (РПЭ) была важна с точки зрения геополитических интересов России: она имела широкий научный и общественный резонанс, находилась под Высочайшим покровительством президента Императорской Академии наук Великого князя Константина Константиновича. Оставшиеся в живых участники РПЭ и их последователи преодолели все сложности для того, чтобы спасти и сохранить геологические коллекции, собранные Э.В. Толлем на Таймыре и Новосибирских островах. Научные данные, полученные в ходе экспедиции, были столь значительны, что их обработка продолжалась вплоть до «дела Академии наук» (1929–1931 гг.) и ее реорганизации. Геологические образцы и некоторые документы Русской Полярной и других экспедиций с участием Э.В. Толля хранятся ныне в Рудно-петрографическом музее ИГЕМ РАН и доступны для дальнейших исследований. The Russian Polar Expedition (RPE) was important for Russian geopolitical interests: it had a broad social and academic resonance and was under the auspices of Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich, the President of the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences. The survived personnel of RPE and their followers managed to overcome the diffi culties to preserve the geological collections gathered by E.V. Toll at the Taimyr Peninsula and New Siberian Islands. The scientifi c results of the expedition were of paramount importance and were continuously studied and processes until the lawsuit of «The Plot at the Academy of Sciences of the USSR» was launched in 1929–1931, after which the Academy of Sciences of the USSR was reorganized. Geological samples and some documents of the Russian Arctic and other expeditions with the participation of E.V. Toll are now housed at the Ore and Petrographic Museum at IGEM RAS and are available for further studies.

Understanding the EU’s changing trade policy strategy towards the Asia-Pacific region from a role-theory perspective

The past decade has witnessed an increasing nexus between the European Union’s trade and foreignpolicy toward Asia. On the one hand, the EU has sought to deepen economic cooperation with its keyAsian partners since this region has become central to the EU’s economic growth. On the other hand,the EU has increasingly used its trade policy as a foreign policy tool to pursue its geopolitical interestsin Asia. Against this background, the paper seeks to examine the dynamics of trade relations betweenthe EU and its Asian partners by adopting the role theory. Using this theory, this paper aims to providea holistic understanding of how the EU’s changing role in the EU-Asia trade relations has affected itspursuit of economic as well as geopolitical interests in Asia.

The Boxer Rebellion in Siberian Pre-Revolutionary Press (The Eastern Review as an Example)

The article is devoted to the content analyses of materials covering Boxer rebellion in China, they were published in Irkutsk newspaper The Eastern Review, 1900–1901. Authors’ choice was motivated with three reasons. First, the newspaper covered Eastern Russian regions’ issues, as well as Russia’s policy in the Far East, where these regions were being involved. Secondly, Boxer rebellion was one of most important events at the turn of the XX century; it defined Russia’s strategy on its Eastern borders in terms of competition with Western European countries and Japan for economic and political influence in the Celestial Empire. Thirdly, Boxer rebellion in the Siberian regional press’s point of view was not studied properly, so it needs further research to understand a provincial newspaper activities process, never having experience in military operations coverage, these activities quite surprisingly required a new way of operation. We analyzed hundreds of texts on military actions in China, Chinese Imperial Court position, contradictions between allied powers, which took part in the suppression of the rebellion in view of of post-war establishment in the East. The main focus of the research was the transformation of the newspaper’s conception to meet the needs for military information; genres of published materials about the Boxer rebellion; information obtaining technology; the degree of its authenticity and objectivity. We also examined how editorial staff created Russia’s positive image as a disinterested peace-maker, though Russian geopolitical interests had been having lasting position on the Chinese territory. Mass-media development, usage of various methods to obtain information, inclusion of opinions of conflicting sides; responsibility before readers for coverage of events allowed the newspaper not only to display objective description of current events in China but also to forecast post-war development of the Far East.

Demystifying Qatar’s Pro-Revolution Monarchy: Old Rivalries, New Geopolitical Motives

Unlike other Arab monarchies, Qatar has embraced a supportive position toward the Arab revolutions since the moment they broke out in late 2010. In fact, Qatar’s Al Jazeera network was an essential media mobilizer for the Arab masses and a major promoter of the revolutionary change process in the region, hosting pro-revolution Arab intellectuals, and broadcasting pro-reform messages. Qatar welcomed the Tunisian Revolution, financially backed the country in its transitional stage, and behaved the same with the subsequent Egyptian and Yemeni cases. What’s more, Qatar made efforts to encourage both Arab and international support for humanitarian interventions in Libya and Syria, and generously backed the revolutionary forces there both financially and militarily. Given the fact that Qatar’s political system is of the conservative-monarchic type, this paper aims to review the dynamics and geopolitical interests that drove Doha to embrace a pro-change policy in the region during the Arab Spring, with a view to better understanding what has become known as the ‘Qatari Oxymoron’ or ‘Qatari Exceptionalism,’ and the ensuing dynamics that led to the Gulf crisis of 2017 –the most difficult crisis among the GCC states since the organization’s establishment in 1981.

Stateless citizenship: ‘radical democracy as consciousness-raising’ in the Rojava revolution

ABSTRACT This article discusses radical democratic citizenship in the context of the ‘Rojava Revolution’, an ongoing society-building effort that emerged in majority Kurdish regions in the context of the Syrian war. It describes aspects of the political vision of Abdullah Öcalan, as interpreted and applied by activists involved in the democratic self-governance system in Rojava (northern Syria), since 2012. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the region, the article focuses on the ways in which activists frame their revolution and notions of radical democratic citizenship as consciousness-raising efforts against the state system. Centering the role of educational institutions, it argues that theoretical discussions within the Kurdish freedom movement seek to emancipate political action from state-centric ways of articulating political will, justice demands, and wider geopolitical interests. Lastly, it encourages studying radical democracy efforts by taking seriously the political vocabularies, everyday practices, and long-term perspectives advanced in collective self-organisation from below.

Geopolitics of Comparison: World LiteratureAvant la Lettre

AbstractAccording to a well-known narrative, the concept of Weltliteratur and its academic correlative, the discipline of comparative literature, originated in Germany and France in the early nineteenth century, influenced by the spread of scientism and nationalism. But there is another genesis story that begins in the late eighteenth century in Spain and Italy, countries with histories entangled with the Arab presence in Europe during the medieval period. Emphasizing the role of Arabic in the formation of European literatures, Juan Andrés wrote the first comparative history of “all literature,” before the concepts of Weltliteratur and comparative literature gained currency. The divergence of the two genesis stories is the result of competing geopolitical interests, which determine which literatures enter into the sphere of comparison, on what terms, within which paradigms, and under what ideological and discursive conditions.

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Issues of Democratic Development and Construction of National Identity at the End of the Age of Imitations: Editorial Introduction

In the article, the guest editor Piotr Dutkiewicz and editor-in-chief Yuriy M. Pochta introduce the current issue of the journal, interpreting cross-cutting topics such as democratic development and the construction of national identity in the societies of the East and the West. They believe that the most appropriate heuristic explanation for these issues today is the idea that after the end of the Cold War the hopes for the final victory of the liberal democratic project on a global scale ended in disappointment. The end of history never took place, just like the victory of communism did not take place previously. All these years we have been witnessing an imitation of liberalism, the era of which is already over. There is currently a global revolt against the liberal imitation imperative. From this point of view, there is a great interest in articles devoted to Russian-Turkish relations, the place of the Central Asian states in the international rankings of democratic development, the evolution of the political development of the Lebanese Republic, the formation of democratic political regimes in such Eastern European EU member states as Poland and Hungary, the role of parties in the political life of Great Britain and Nigeria, as well as such theoretical and methodological problems of political science as the processes of forming future political leaders, methodology of the study of GR-management and approaches to the study of the political and psychological characteristics of the heads of Russian regions. In general, this issue of the journal pictures the current state of democratic development of Western and non-Western countries in the context of globalization, which is at the stage of transition from American monopolarity to multipolarity, from imitation of the Western liberal-democratic project to the search for its own development projects. The authors believe that from the point of view of Russia and its interests the materials of this issue allow for outlining the prospects for further research on ways to build the most effective relations with world and regional powers, the possibilities of protecting its sovereignty and its geopolitical interests, and the mechanisms for forming the Russian post-Soviet identity at the national and regional levels.

Geopolitics and Strategic Interests of the British in the Tribal Areas of the North West Frontier and its Administration

The tribal region of the North West Frontier (NWF) of the Indian Sub-continent was geo-politically an important region for the British India. It provided a direct link to Afghanistan. During the colonial history of India, Afghanistan was used as a buffer between the expanding Russian Empire and India. So the tribal areas of the NWF were to be used as a buffer between Afghanistan and India in case Russia penetrate in Afghanistan. Beside this, controlling the tribal areas also helped in protecting the adjacent settled districts from the plunder of the tribesmen. The tribal areas also provided safe passages to the British convoys. The paper highlights colonization and administration of the tribal areas of the NWF, and the geopolitical interests of the British colonial power in this area. The paper explores all this through the lens of the colonial literature produced during that time. 

‘Not here for geopolitical interests or games’: the EU’s 2019 strategy and the regional and inter-regional competition for Central Asia

ABSTRACT The European Union’s (EU) 2019 New Strategy for Central Asia and joint meetings with Central Asia’s five foreign ministers established standards and expectations for mutual relations. Throughout those initiatives and proclamations, the EU stresses its un-geopolitical essence and behaviour, including the statement that affords the article’s title. The article identifies five issue areas that demonstrate that, despite declarations otherwise, the EU reasons and acts geopolitically in this contested region: (1) the promotion of Central Asian regionalism; (2) the inclusion of Central Asia in formations beneficial to the EU; (3) selectively in economic and functionalist cooperation; (4) democracy, human rights and civil society promotion; and (5) international education cooperation. The EU identifies its comparative advantage through cost–benefit analyses and seeks to enhance its attractiveness by offering its allies to Central Asia, while excluding other, present actors. That the EU is often outmanoeuvred does not diminish this subtle yet discernible geopolitical conduct.

Geo-Strategic Imperative of North-Western Border: Triangular Region Kalapani - Lipulekh and Limpiadhura of Nepal

The extreme north western region of Nepal is bordered with India and China and separated by Mahakali River. As per Article 5 of Sugauli treaty and various other evidences like, historical facts, ancient maps, river science, government correspondence and other documents proves that the river originating from Limpiadhura form the international boundary between Nepal and China. However, the certain parts of Nepalese territory have been under the control of India from seven decades. Owing to the historical and geographical proximity, Nepal has maintained special relations with her immediate neighbors, India and China, despite several complex situations. Remaining away from strategic competition and rivalry; and gaining maximum benefit from India and China as they are global and regional players would best serve the national interest of Nepal. Underdeveloped nature of physical infrastructures, nascent institutional structures and poor presence of government machinery in the North western border of Nepal has complicated the problem. Our neighbors should be sensitive and respectful to our concerns and interests. Delicate handling of border issues is in our interest. Nepal has become the center of geopolitical interest in the present world. Sands of geopolitics are constantly shifting in South Asia and Nepal cannot remain aloof from it. Influence in Nepal from competition and cooperation is rising. There is a need of cooperation for transit economy and trilateral cooperation. Nepal should use her diplomatic expertise and regain our territory by maintaining friendly and harmonious relations with her neighbors. Nepal and India shouldn’t delay in resolving such outstanding disputes. Both countries should bring their evidences and carefully examine that evidence by creating a favorable negotiating environment. Above all, national consensus on such sensitive issue is important.

Role of India in Rohingya Crisis: Humanitarian Role and Geopolitical Interest

Globally considered one of the most persecuted minority groups, the Rohingyas are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group in northern Rakhine who have fled Myanmar in a large-scale exodus since August 2017. More than 700,000 refugees fled to Bangladesh after a military crackdown on Rohingyas last August, following the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s attack on Myanmar’s military posts. This massive refugee outflow of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar into Bangladesh has created a humanitarian crisis that carries implications on regional stability and security and also outrage among the international community. As a neighbor country, Bangladesh expects India’s respond promptly to support the government. This paper briefly examines India’s approach towards the Roh-ingya crisis and explores ways for India through its role in humanitarian and geopolitical including diplomatic, domestic political compulsions, security and economic interest. It also analyses India’s response to the Rohingya crisis focusing on India-Myanmar relations and also India’s need to counter China’s growing influence in its neighborhood. The paper also argues that as a neighbor friend and partner of Bangladesh, the role of India in Rohingya crisis has become a global expectation for peace and conflict resolution.

Role of India in Rohingya Crisis: Humanitarian Role and Geopolitical Interest

Globally considered one of the most persecuted minority groups, the Rohingyas are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group in northern Rakhine who have fled Myanmar in a large-scale exodus since August 2017. More than 700,000 refugees fled to Bangladesh after a military crackdown on Rohingyas last August, following the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s attack on Myanmar’s military posts. This massive refugee outflow of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar into Bangladesh has created a humanitarian crisis that carries implications on regional stability and security and also outrage among the international community. As a neighbor country, Bangladesh expects India’s respond promptly to support the government. This paper briefly examines India’s approach towards the Roh-ingya crisis and explores ways for India through its role in humanitarian and geopolitical including diplomatic, domestic political compulsions, security and economic interest. It also analyses India’s response to the Rohingya crisis focusing on India-Myanmar relations and also India’s need to counter China’s growing influence in its neighborhood. The paper also argues that as a neighbor friend and partner of Bangladesh, the role of India in Rohingya crisis has become a global expectation for peace and conflict resolution.