Geopolitical Interests Research Articles

TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN-ETHIOPIAN RELATIONS IN 1965-1967

In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of American-Ethiopian relations in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the American-Ethiopian relations on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1965–1967, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Somalia and Eritrea. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only: due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the Northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.

GEOPOLITICAL RISKS AND RECONFIGURATIONS: SERBIA AND THE CHALLENGE TO MONTENEGRO’S STABILITY

Serbia aims its returnment or the achievement of the Serbian World (Greater Serbia) in Montenegro through the model of Bosnia with federalism, the model of North Macedonia - like the Albanians, the third model is Kosovo - an association of municipalities with a Serbian majority, the fourth model is the possibility of a referendum where partial or complete union with Serbia can be requested from Montenegro and the fifth possibility is the change of favorable geopolitical circumstances leading to full scale invasion. These conclusions on the paper are based on a historical, geopolitical analysis, Serbian hegemonic appetites, statistical, ethnic engineering, “landlocked territory” as well as economic reasons. The paper emphasizes how the electoral democracy allowed Serbia and Russia to gradually change the political structure after 2020. The result predicts that Serbia's geopolitical interests appear as part of a strategy for maintaining its influence in the Balkans and managing regional developments, creating challenges and complex changes for the stability and perspective of Montenegro on the international stage.

THE ARCTIC: THE STRUGGLE FOR RESOURCES AND INFLUENCE IN THE REGION

Modern climate changes caused by the processes of global warming are clearly reflected in the geopolitical interests of various states of the world in relation to the Arctic region. Accordingly, the relevance of the study of this issue is caused by the formation in the last decade of a number of opportunities that may be open to a state that will establish its influence in the Arctic. This is due to a combination of economic and political advantages expressed in the extraordinary amount of resources that characterize this region, the development of rational sea routes, the satisfaction of commercial goals and even the protection of the sovereignty of coastal countries. Thus, the purpose of the work was to define the Arctic as a political arena, in particular, to reveal the interests and plans of various countries regarding its territory and resources. For this, the research used the method of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, generalization, as well as historical. As a result, it was established that active climatic changes in the world cause the formation and development of new economic opportunities in the Arctic. Accordingly, the role of this region was determined for such countries as Canada, Russia, United States of America, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. It was possible to establish that their interests are to a greater extent caused by the desire to control the operation of the Northern Sea Route. In addition, the work described the advantages of the Arctic region, which describe the priority of establishing control over this territory by the relevant state. In particular, it is beneficial for the development of economic activity, the protection of the territories of coastal countries, it is characterized by a significant number of deposits of natural resources and other minerals, as well as wide transit opportunities. Thus, it was proved that it is appropriate to consider the Arctic as a socio-cultural, ethnic, socio-economic, geopolitical space around the North Pole, the resources of which provoke world states to compete with each other. The practical value of the work is revealed in the possibility of using its results for further scientific research, as well as educational material for those studying the Arctic and its role in international relations.

The Ruscist Regime Dooms Russia to Serious Shocks

The article analyzes the development of the Russian Federation during the 33 years after independence. It was noted that during the first years, decisive measures were taken to dismantle the communist regime, all its key institutions, and introduce in its place a democratic and legal system, a market economy on a multi-system basis, the modernization of its leading industries, the development of the socio-economic sphere and the provision of the primary needs of citizens, solving international problems in the country itself.
 In foreign policy, the leadership of the Russian Federation sought to form equal, democratic and mutually beneficial relations, especially with such world centers as the EU and the Atlantic countries. The same principles were initiated in relation to other world regions and states, in particular, in relation to the post-Soviet countries that continued to cooperate within the framework of the CIS.
 Since the beginning of the 21st century, the departure of the Russian Federation from the democratic values developed by Western civilization began, since a number of provisions regarding the transformation of socio-political, socio-economic and national development, which were recommended for borrowing, ran counter to the interests of Russia and contradicted the national idea. In the activities of the new elite of the Russian Federation, their own geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, which were aimed at reviving the positions of the great powers in the world, ensuring the security and integrity of the multinational state, were increasingly strengthened.
 At the final stage of transformational transformations in the Russian Federation, the final establishment of a totalitarian model of the state system took place, the main features of which were: in domestic politics – over-centralism, dictatorship, militarism, revival and development of the Military Industry; on the international arena – revanchist and aggressive policy; it is increasingly obvious that the principles of peaceful coexistence, equal cooperation, and the strengthening of the dominance of its geopolitical interests are being ignored.
 It is emphasized that the establishment of a dictatorial model of the state system in post-Soviet Russia took place primarily because the tsarist-imperial centralist and great-state traditions most corresponded to the implementation of its tasks in domestic and foreign policy.
 It is proved that the dominance of internal rather than external factors was the reason for the inability of the Russian Federation to form a progressive political-legal, democratic and economic model of the development of the state and society, to build international relations, in particular with neighboring states, on a legal, competitive and mutually beneficial basis.
 It was noted that the growing aggressive policy of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine and other countries did not receive timely and appropriate countermeasures from world states and international organizations. Only the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian nation to the invaders forced the collective West to provide active assistance to Ukraine and to introduce effective sanctions against the Russian Federation.
 It is emphasized that the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the annexation of part of its territories, the barbaric destruction of the civilian population and industrial infrastructure are aimed at the liquidation of the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainian nation, the colonization of its territory. The ideology of ruscism must be condemned and banned at the international level and its bearers and those involved in the commission of crimes must be punished.

One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiatives: Advantages and Challenges of Policy

China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative is a comprehensive economic interdependent relation which aims to increase regional connectivity and is an enhancement of its geopolitical interest for the benefits of herself, Asia, as well as in European states. This paper is an attempt to analyse the advantages and challenges of One Belt One Road Initiative. China has become a significant influence in economic for eighteen out of the last twenty centuries. Today, China has also taken a move forward in turning its economic success into a diplomatic power comparison with other nations in the region. China’s OBOR plan is not only another new path on the Silk Road but a comprehensive and ambitious strategic policy for Eurasia. Through this viewpoint, the scope of China’s short-and long-term priorities may be inferred, including internal development, steady economic growth, deepened change, and opening up to the outside world. In turn, the same policy presents China with an ability to strengthen its soft power, improve ties with its neighbours, oil stability, and cooperative partnerships with government, as well as cooperation in global governance bodies and contributors to the global economy. This paper employed the qualitative methods. The findings of this research are The OBOR Initiative able to generate higher economic revenue to China and within the region through various of projects as well as encourage a better flow of trade goods, increase investment, and connects people. Also, the initiative could strengthen the economic cooperation between China and participating states. The OBOR Initiative provides an avenue to its government to establish a series of relations with participating states. As a result, these relations have created a positive impact on trade flow and integration not only in ASEAN but also towards other nonparticipating states. Thus, such connections create higher international trade which ultimately increased Chinese and participating states economic revenue.

US Imperialism and its Legacies in East Asia: Thucydides Trap or Thrasymachus Paradox?

The US presence in East Asia is not simply a result of the victory over Japan in WW2, but a legacy of the US takeover of the Spanish overseas empire in 1898. Today, the threat of war between China and the US has little to do with Allison’s Thucydides trap, which is based on a misreading of Thucydides’ work: It originates from what in China is seen as a US imperial presence that mirrors Western interference in Chinese affairs during the so-called “century of humiliation.” China is an authoritarian state with regional hegemonic ambitions, yet the West has been endorsing other authoritarian states, even absolute monarchies, that fit its geopolitical interests. Notwithstanding the purported US support of “freedom” and “democracy,” the US in East Asia has been carrying out a foreign policy that, as an extension of misinterpretations of the Monroe Doctrine, is a legacy of empire. This legacy is too often overlooked, while overseas interests are justified on the basis of security concerns. Thucydides is relevant, but to compare the American and Athenian empires and their demise, not to drag China into US geopolitical discourse, when focus should have long been on Russia. Anti-colonial theory shows how interstate relations, in particular in the East Asian context, are not defined by Thucydides trap, but Thrasymachus paradox.

Balancing cleaner energy and geopolitical interests in the complex transition of the European electricity mix: from Fukushima to the Ukraine war

In the modern world, electric energy plays a pivotal role in sustaining life and driving technological, scientific, and human development. Consequently, the selection and availability of the energy sources used for electricity generation have become crucial elements of strategic planning for countries and economic blocks. Moreover, the impact of these choices extends beyond the mere energy demand/supply, affecting economies, societies and the environment across geographical boundaries. This study delves into the various factors influencing the composition and the recent expansion of the European electricity mix. It explores the interplay of environmental, climatic, political, economic, and external factors that shape Europe’s energy choices. To conduct this analysis, we utilized data from the International Energy Agency on electricity generation and GHG emissions. Data mining techniques were employed to uncover patterns and trends in the monthly data from 2010 to 2022, from which political and economic milestones such as the shutdown of nuclear power plants and the European Union’s increased reliance on natural gas imports from Russia were examined. The study also discusses the impact of using natural gas for power generation on increasing GHG emissions. Ultimately, this research reveals that the European Union choices in transitioning towards a cleaner electricity mix have not yet proven efficient. In fact, these choices may have inadvertently created favorable conditions for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, triggering, not only a humanitarian crisis, but also an economic downturn in Europe due to soaring energy prices. This crisis could potentially extend beyond Europe and impact the whole planet in 2023 and on, including developing countries that rely on stable energy prices for their sustainable growth.

Джибути в геополитической стратегии Турецкой Республики (2012–2020 гг.)

The presented article provides comprehensive analysis of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti for the period of 2012–2020. The author has identified Ankara’s economic and geopolitical interests in Djibouti, taking into account Turkey’s foreign policy strategy in Somalia. Particular attention is paid to the humanitarian component of bilateral relations with Djibouti. For the purpose of comparison, the article also examines the policies of other regional players, such as China, Japan, the USA, as well as the EU and Middle East countries. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that Ankara’s economic and humanitarian projects in Djibouti have been car-ried out over the 2012–2020 period, with the main geostrategic objective being to strengthen its position near the Gulf of Aden-Bab el-Mandeb Strait strategic logistics hub. Due to the presence of foreign bases of other countries in Djibouti, Ankara is inferior to its competitors in military-political terms. Despite the weak economic position due to the presence of Chinese projects, the economic and humanitarian direction of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti showed positive dynamics.

Economic Comparison between the United States and Russia

In contemporary international relations, the United States and Russia are undoubtedly enemies. Although both countries are permanent United Nations Security Council members and have strong global influence, they share different ideologies and geopolitical interests. In terms of area, Russia has a land area of approximately 17 million square kilometers, ranking first globally; The United States has an area of 9.37 million square kilometers, ranking fourth globally.

The Establishment and Dissolution of the Subbotnik Communities of Petrovka as a Case Study Reflecting Shifts in Russian Geopolitical Interests toward Raskol’nik Religious Settlements in Southern Caucasus, 1909–1915

Toward the middle of the nineteenth century, a large Subbotnik community established itself in the village of Privol’noe in the Lankaran district of Baku province in Southern Caucasus. By early 1909, however, the names of two small Subbotnik communities—both in the settlement of Petrovka, near Privol’noe—began to appear in the documents of the Baku province administration. While the Privol’noe community has been thoroughly studied, those of Petrovka remain largely unexplored. At their peak, Petrovka’s two Subbotnik communities were divided, belonging to different Jewish streams, and segregated from each other. Based mainly on documents from the National Historical Archives of the Republic of Azerbaijan (NAHARA), this study uncovers these communities and compares their religious life with each other. It does so in the context of the Russo-Ottoman and Irano-Russian geopolitical rivalries in Southern Caucasus. The study explains how and which aspects of this struggle led Russia to originally establish communities like Petrovka at the start of the examined period. It further explores why Russia later lost interest in supporting the Petrovka communities by the end of said period.

Lexical cohesion analysis on articles of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Arabic and English online newspapers

Discourse studies on the Russia-Ukraine conflict have been conducted in the past few years, especially in newspapers. Comparative studies on the media in several countries have been widely carried out; however, none so far focused on comparing Arabic and English newspapers. Thus, this article aimed to examine the lexical cohesion of Arabic and English newspapers to identify each newspaper’s tendency to represent the conflict. Aljazeera and The Guardian newspaper were designated as subjects of the study, in which five opinions published in March 2022 by each newspaper were purposively selected as data sources. Data was collected through internet archival documentation techniques and analysed by referring to the lexical cohesion theory framework proposed by Halliday and Matthiessen (2013). The results showed that repetition was the dominant cohesive device used in Aljazeera, whereas repetition and collocation were the most used lexical cohesion devices in The Guardian. The use of these lexical cohesion devices showed that Aljazeera took a neutral position in representing conflicts and actors. On the other hand, The Guardian tended to side with Ukraine while framing Russia and Putin negatively. Differences in these tendencies were due to the differences in interests. Aljazeera could stay impartial because Qatar had no political interests in the conflict. By contrast, The Guardian was positioning itself against Russia and Putin because Britain had economic and geopolitical interests in the conflict.

Japan’s relations with Myanmar: Subtle politics or just business?

The article examines Japan’s relations with Myanmar at the present stage with an emphasis on their features after the military coup in that country on February 1, 2021. Japan’s ties with the armed forces of Burma, which were created during the Second World War with Japanese assistance, have been preserved for many post-war decades and are still an important factor that predetermined Japan’s special relations with Myanmar. Currently, maintaining informal contacts with the Myanmar military allows Tokyo to claim the role of a “bridge” between Myanmar and Western countries and pursue its own “balanced course” in relation to this country in the face of a clash of geopolitical interests of the main international actors in Myanmar. This coup prompted Tokyo to distance itself somewhat from the ruling regime. However, at the same time, the Japanese Government is pursuing a very flexible policy aimed at preserving its political and economic positions in Myanmar. This is not hindered by the fact that Tokyo’s approaches to Myanmar often conflict with the positions of other Western countries and cause criticism from not only these countries and various international organizations, but also within Japan itself. A powerful pro-Myanmar lobby has been operating in Japan for many decades, personified by the Japan-Myanmar Association. Thanks to the actions of this lobby, as well as the so-called “special relationship” with Myanmar, Japan has become the world’s largest aid donor to this country and one of the leading foreign investors in its economy. Despite the fact that the majority of American and European companies curtailed their activities in Myanmar after the military coup, most Japanese firms, not wanting to lose profitable business, remained in the country, taking a wait-and-see attitude in the hope of the business environment improving. It can be assumed that the rich experience accumulated over many decades in the development of Japan’s relations with Burma/Myanmar, as well as continuing ties with the country’s military elite, will allow the Japanese government to adapt its political and economic ties to Myanmar under any regime in power in this country.

THE DYNAMICS OF BANGLADESH-US RELATIONS: DOES US FOREIGN POLICY FOCUS ON DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS OR GEOPOLITICAL INTERESTS?

The bilateral relationship between Bangladesh and the United States has undergone significant shifts over the years, shaped by complex interactions between democratic ideals, human rights concerns, and geopolitical interests. This study examines the multifaceted dynamics of Bangladesh-US relations, focusing on analyzing the extent to which US foreign policy prioritizes democracy, human rights, and geopolitical considerations. The study draws upon a comprehensive literature review of scholarly works, official documents, and expert analyses related to the historical context and critical milestones in Bangladesh-US relations. The present study employs a mixed-methods technique to incorporate qualitative data, which contributes to a comprehensive comprehension of the intricate aspects that shape United States foreign policy choices concerning Bangladesh. Using case studies and examining policy initiatives, this analysis assesses the concrete results of democracy and human rights measures, elucidating their influence on the bilateral relationship. Furthermore, the research explores the role of geopolitical considerations in shaping US engagement with Bangladesh. This analysis aims to evaluate the tangible outcomes of democracy and human rights measures by employing case studies and analyzing policy efforts. Through this approach, the study seeks to shed light on the impact of these measures on the bilateral relationship. This report provides a comprehensive overview of the Bangladesh-US relationship, seeking to establish whether the US foreign policy strikes a delicate balance between promoting democracy and human rights while addressing its geopolitical interests.

China’s Digital Expansionism in Africa and the US Counter-Strategies

This article explains that digital geopolitics is a key component of Sino-US rivalry, as digital technologies have taken the centre stage in the new global conflict between the United States and China. China’s digital expansionism through its Digital Silk Road (DSR) projects is promoting its geopolitical agenda in African countries. Chinese financial institutions are funding African countries’ digital infrastructure projects, which are being implemented by Chinese companies. Chinese companies, which are dominating the African digital technology space, are also setting new technology standards and norms that challenge the existing US-led global digital order. DSR projects have improved the digital connectivity of African countries, boosted the emergence of local companies, created job opportunities for Africans and enhanced governments’ governance capabilities. However, African countries’ dependence on the Chinese digital technology curtails local companies’ growth capabilities while promoting China’s ‘digital authoritarianism’ and ‘data colonialism’, as China’s companies possess market manipulation tools and capabilities. In addition, unmanageable loans given by Chinese financial institutions to implement DSR projects are creating sovereignty-eroding debt traps for African countries. As China’s digital expansionism poses a severe challenge to US geopolitical interests in the African continent, the United States, as a part of its counter-moves, has started a global campaign against Chinese digital expansionism, imposed a ban on Chinese tech companies, adopted the Digital Connectivity and Cyber-security Partnership (DCCP) and launched the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) scheme. Pursuing an aggressive strategy, the United States should launch a ‘Digital Marshal Plan’ to counter the Chinese digital expansionism at the global level in general and Africa in particular. Hence, in this context, using the descriptive-qualitative approach, this study is based on the content analysis method.

INDIA’S STRATEGIC DRIVE INTO THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

The South China Sea (SCS) is known for its strategic location and abundant of natural resources. It has become a source of conflict among countries in the region due to its importance as a major trade route for China, the US, India, and Japan. Its significance has led to tensions and disputes over control and access to its resources. Its geopolitics is greatly affecting the region owing to the growing conflict between the two emerging powers in the region, such as China and India. The comprehension of geopolitics necessitates an understanding of the divergent geopolitical interests of both states involved in the area. This paper focus on understanding the India’s increasing naval posturing in SCS. New Delhi is swiftly enhancing its naval capabilities and stretching its maritime interests in the SCS. India has been increasing its presence in the SCS, which is of utmost importance to its trade relations with Japan. While, China is a strong contender in the SCS by retaining its top position among other nations. India is becoming a pre-eminent maritime power in the SCS. Moreover, China is not ready to recognize India’s naval advancement. The study, thus spotlights India’s maritime interests and campaigns in the SCS along with other major powers.

Veterans, Families and the Domestic Geopolitics of Remembering War

ABSTRACT This paper makes a key contribution to emerging debates at the intersection of domestic geopolitics and critical military studies by focusing on how veterans and their families experience memory and the commemoration of war. Veterans of the Malvinas War in Santa Fe, Argentina, framed the ‘next generation’ – encompassing their daughters and sons – as central to sustaining memory of the 1982 war and interest in the contemporary geopolitics of the sovereignty dispute. It then presents the sometimes complex experiences and emotions of veterans’ family members in order to highlight the tensions bound up with remembering war, commemorative performances and the everyday geopolitics of the sovereignty dispute. The paper concludes by calling for a domestic geopolitics that engages the voices of veterans and other family members to enable sensitive analyses of the ways memory and the commemoration of war are lived, negotiated, (re)produced, evaded and even resisted through familial spaces and relations.

«Сказание о хождении в Тибет пандита-хамбо-ламы Заяева из цонгольского рода» как источник по истории буддизма

The history of Buddhism and the initial period of its spread in Transbaikalia in the XVII-XVIII centuries are insufficiently studied due to the lack of archival materials and sources, while the surviving historical records provide different information about some events, such as the year of construction of the first Buddhist temple and the first sermon, the years of D.-D. Zayaev's life. The earliest extant sources are "Autobiography" and "Travel Notes" written by D.-D. Zayaev in 1768. They contain valuable information not only about the history of Buryat Buddhism, but also about the life and activities of D.-D. Zayaev (1711-1776), the first Buryat pandita Khambo-Lama, whose name is associated with the beginning of the spread of Buddhism among the Buryats and its institutionalization in the Russian Empire, but also with the description of his pilgrimage to Tibet. In this regard, in order to clarify some dates on the early history of Buryat Buddhism, texts related to him have been searched for and analyzed in the funds of the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs (CVRK) of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the RAS. It was established that of the six sources found, the most informative work is "The Legend of the Tsongol Kin Pandita Khambo-Lama Zayaev's Journey to Tibet" in the Old Mongolian script, stored in the Mongolian collection of the CVRK. As a result of the study, it was revealed that this work is a late manuscript consisting of the "Travel Notes", the Biography of D.-D. Zayaev and of an anonymous manuscript containing a brief description of Buddhist sacred places and shrines in India, Nepal, Tibet and Mongolia, what has determined its structure consisting of 3 parts. It was found out that this manuscript contains information about the socio-economic situation of the population of Tibet and neighboring countries, as well as information about the history of Buddhism in Transbaikal region in the middle of the XVIII century. It testifies to Russia's geopolitical interests in this region of Inner Asia and the peoples living there, as the author reports, saying that it was written at the behest of Catherine II, who outlined a range of issues: "to describe what I’ve seen on my way to Tibet, the length of the road and distance, as well as about the customs and habits of people". The unique historical information preserved by the Buryat pilgrim and the Russian citizen D.-D. Zayaev is also relevant for conducting comparative studies of the phenomenon of modern pilgrimage that is becoming popular not only for believers but among ordinary lay population.

Djibouti: A strategic choke point in the Bab el-Mandeb region

Djibouti's strategic position at the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a crucial maritime chokepoint, linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, underscores its geopolitical significance. This narrow strait is essential for global trade, with a significant share of the world's oil and commercial shipments passing through. Djibouti’s location at this juncture enhances its role as a pivotal hub for international maritime traffic and naval operations. The geopolitical landscape in Djibouti is currently influenced by its relationships with global powers. The country hosts military bases for the United States, China, France, and Japan, each seeking to secure their interests in this vital region. The establishment of China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti signifies a notable shift in the balance of power, emphasising Djibouti's strategic importance on the global stage. These bases are crucial for safeguarding maritime routes, countering piracy, and managing regional conflicts. At the same time, they also prove to be a potential source of power struggle between great powers. In the contemporary period, it is important to reevaluate the importance of this region in resonance with China’s rising influence through trade relations and investments. The intersection of military, economic, and geopolitical interests in Djibouti along with its regional dynamics certifies its enduring strategic importance. The resurgence of piracy, involvement of the Houthi rebels and the ongoing Israel Hamas conflict also reassure the shift of power relations in the Arab region from the lenses of global security.

SRPSKO-BUGARSKI ODNOSI S KRAJA 19. I POČETKA 20. VEKA KROZ PRIZMU ISTORIJSKE GEOPOLITIKE

Serbian-Bulgarian relations have a long history marked by different stages, from friendship to hostility and fierce conflicts. Therefore, dealing with Serbian-Bulgarian diplomatic relations in the period after the Berlin Congress and during the wars of the beginning of the 20th century offers numerous answers to the complexity of relations between neighbors, but also shows the geopolitical interests behind it. In the first part of the paper, we will present the development of Serbian-Bulgarian relations throughout history, in order to understand in that context what led to the deterioration of relations. Following the development of events, an analysis of the activities of foreign political factors with regard to Serbian-Bulgarian relations is inevitable. With this in mind, we will use historical geopolitics as a sub-discipline of geopolitics in order to understand the context, interests and reasons that led to the deterioration of relations between the two nations.

The Suitability of the Mandate Used by the United Nations Humanitarian Military Intervention in North Kivu Province, Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, 2004-2022

North Kivu is one of the provinces in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) where conflict seems to defy the multiple interventions by a number of national, regional and international organizations. It hosts several United Nations Humanitarian Military Intervention (UNHMI) bases and has shown a humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict in Eastern DRC including hostilities by the armed groups. This study interrogated the suitability of the mandate used by the UNHMI through the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) between 2004 and 2022. This study was informed by two complementary theories namely; Realism and New Institutionalism. Realism argued that that humanitarian military intervention by the UN in Eastern DRC was motivated by the need to promote the geopolitical interests of powerful states. New Institutionalism on the other hand contended that North Kivu province was characterized by weak institutions and there was lack of trust between the different actors. This study took the form of an exploratory research design employing the use of both primary and secondary sources. Purposive and snow ball sampling techniques were used to select 99 respondents who included 19 representatives from international humanitarian organizations in North Kivu, 20 representatives from the civil society, 10 government officials, 15 experts in conflict management, 15 security specialists, and 20 Congolese nationals. Questionnaires and interview schedules were the main research instruments. The study concluded that in as much as the UNHMI was suitable in the context of conflict management, the operation faced a number of setbacks. The study recommended that the government of DRC, taking advantage of the suitability of the Mandate of UNHMI, should cooperate with and provide more support to MONUSCO in addressing the conflict.