Geopolitical Choice Research Articles

THE LIMITATIONS FACED BY GEORGIA IN TERMS OF GEOPOLITICAL OPTIONS

The recent intensified challenges to Georgia’s democratic development, which since the fall of the Soviet Union has been recognized as a democratic beacon among post-Soviet states in Caucasus area for its’ continued path towards Euro-Atlantic integration, have in fact revealed to an unprecedented degree, the extreme lack of real geopolitical choices. The story seems as simple as never before, with either an option to enter and embrace the Russian domination zone, or to seize the absolutely unique opportunities for unprecedented rapprochement with the EU and realistic prospects for accession to the European Institutions, as well as for enhancing the multidimensional relationship perspectives already established with the United States, opportunities which, along with other factors, have emerged decisively due to the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian War. Our academic inquiry also examines the erosion of the concept of neutrality, as well as the Realpolitik discourse.

Russia's Geopolitical Choice as a Choice of Identity

Russia's Geopolitical Choice as a Choice of Identity

The Russian-Ukrainian war has shattered the European far right. The opposing influences of Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin

ABSTRACT This study analyses the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the European far right by examining the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party and the Swedish Sverigedemokraterna (SD). The political and geopolitical choices of the AfD and SD are contextualized in the political history of the two parties, in the influences that thinkers such as Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin have on the European right, and in the context of geopolitical change taking place at the international level. A dichotomous reality of the European far right emerges with opposing political and geopolitical visions. On the one hand, the Westernist and Atlanticist extreme right, which is based on white supremacism and the West's indispensability to place itself at the helm of the world order, whose army is identified with NATO, on the other hand, an anti-American, Eurasianist, pro-Russian extreme right and that sees in the end of the American unipolar order an opportunity. Two components of the European far right that are irreconcilable and that focus attention on the inappropriateness of looking at the movements and parties of the European far right as if they were a single ‘black thing’.

The evolution of the Pridnestrovian identity in the context of the unresolved conflict with the Republic of Moldova

The construction of the Pridnestrovian political nation is carried out both naturally and through a purposeful state policy on nation-building. The identity of the modern Pridnestrovian state was formed initially on anti-nationalist principles, in contrast to the identity of the Republic of Moldova, on the basis of late Soviet internationalism, as well as a successor republic of the MASSR, but over time it began to transform, there was a departure from Soviet principles in favor of self-sufficiency and irreducibility to any models. In many ways, this was facilitated by the position of Pridnestrovian political and scientific elites looking for sources of their own statehood in the identity of the Pridnestrovian people. To date, a system has been created in Pridnestrovie that ensures the retransmission of values and meanings among the population, it includes society and government institutions, as well as civil society institutions. At the same time, the development of civil and political identity leads to a complication of the dialogue between the PMR and the RM. In the conditions of a multidirectional geopolitical choice, the application of the Pridnestrovian model for Moldova turns out to be impossible, since the Republic of Moldova has not abandoned the national model of the state. The spread of the Pridnestrovian multiethnic model in Moldovan society and politics can be perceived as interference in internal affairs and forced Russification. The author suggests not to confuse concepts when talking about the identity of the population – not to confuse the political discourse and ideology of the state with the identity that has naturally formed over the centuries, based on multiethnicity, peacefulness and attraction to the Russian world. The political ideology of the modern Pridnestrovian state is directed towards the future and has a political goal – independence, identity connects the people with its origins, in this case with the past, in which Russia's special role in the development of the region is noticeable.

History and Modernity in the Textbook by Professors A. V. Postnikov and M. V. Konstantinov

The textbook “History and Modernity” is a specific historical work devoted to topical problems of studying the history of Transbaikalia and the Far East in the XVIIth – early XXth centuries. There are two levels of coverage of the historical process. The section that reveals the history of the Trans-Baikal section of the state border between Russia and China (XVIIth – early XXth century) belongs to the first level. The second level includes sections on Russia’s geopolitical choice between Alaska and the Amur, on the history of the international project for construction of a telegraph line between Russia and America, on the little-known pages of Siberian studies of such a world-famous personality as P. A. Kropotkin. Sections of the second level cover the second half of the XIXth – early XXth centuries. The textbook consists of separate independent parts, but is not devoid of integrity, which is largely due to the coverage of the importance of cartographic and geographical research in solving border and geopolitical problems in all parts. In this regard, the history of the project for the construction of a telegraph line between Russian and America is revealed in a meaningful and new way. But the authors do not bypass the emergence and development of political ideas. In the part on the Alaska – Amur dilemma, a whole paragraph highlights the ideas of expanding the territory of the United States and its global influence. It should be emphasized that the textbook is written on the basis of archival studied not only in Russia but also abroad.The connection between history and modernity is determined by the relevance of historical work. The authors made a number of “exits” to the present. They show the historical roots of the current global dominance of the United States and the modern information revolution, give an answer to the question of legality of the sale of Alaska to the United States, highlighting the historical role of N. N. Muravyov-Amursky. The textbook teaches history and awakens in students a sense of pride in historical past of Russia.

Shifting attitudes towards identity, borders and geopolitical choices: The case of Moldova

AbstractThe ongoing war at the immediate borders of the European Union (EU) poses the greatest security risk Europe has known since the end of the Second World War. Although the entire continent is on high alert, the proximity to the conflict is definitely an important factor to consider when assessing security risks. In this regard, not only is Moldova at Ukraine’s border, but its recent history (especially the frozen conflict in Transnistria) and the complicated relations with Russia, add to enhancing people’s fears and uncertainty. Moreover, the closed cultural, historical and ethnic ties that Moldova shares with Romania – a NATO and EU member – often fuel Russia’s threat perceptions to its Transistrian proxy. Within this context, this paper aims to assess the attitudes that Moldovans – a population that is traditionally divided between West and East, between EU (respectively Romania) and Russia – display towards their own identity and the path that their country should embrace in this difficult geopolitical design through mixed methods research. The main findings indicate a clear shift in Moldovans’ attitudes towards a stronger alignment with European integration that is also reflected in the preference regarding their country’s future geopolitical path.

Energy Security in the Context of Geopolitical Instability

Problem setting. Energy is the main resource, and therefore acts as an object of strategic interest and policy. There are many uncertainties in modern energy governance, as it is influenced by many political positions that have different approaches to how best to achieve the desired future and avoid undesirable developments in the energy market. The energy transition should be recognised as one of the main pressures that increasingly complicate and restructure energy supply pathways. The shifts it generates are not only purely technical, but also social, conceptual and political. Obviously, energy supply is in some way linked to national identity, the position a state takes in international relations, and technological development. However, as energy markets and resource supply chains are becoming increasingly global, national approaches to energy security (security of supply) are responding to international developments, in particular the Russian aggression against Ukraine, to varying degrees. Аnalysis of resent researches and publications. In the scientific literature, energy security, as well as energy sovereignty, are defined differently, since there is no clear consensus among researchers on these phenomena, but there are some dominant approaches. Over the past decade, domestic authors have devoted a lot of attention to the study of the conflict of ensuring energy security of Ukraine in the context of the need to make geopolitical choices. However, the problem of ensuring energy security in martial law and the post-war period is only being raised in scientific research, which determines its relevance. The target of the research is to determine the priority directions of energy policy to improve energy security based on the analysis of the problems of functioning of national energy security systems, as well as current threats to vital national interests in this area. Article’s main body. The issue of energy security is one of the cornerstones of the energy policy of modern states. The Russian-Ukrainian conflicts that began in 2006, in the phases of their greatest aggravation (2014 and 2022), significantly affect gas supplies, which have a very negative impact on the functioning of the EU and impede the implementation of the course of the global energy transition to a low-carbon economy. The concept of energy security has been studied by various authors and, although there is no consensus on its content, it is important for both individual states and regions, in particular Europe. An expanded concept of energy security based on three aspects should be considered optimal: sovereignty, reliability and sustainability. Conclusions and prospects for the development. An indicator of the effectiveness and balance of the national energy strategy is the moderate dependence of the state on imports of foreign energy resources. From the point of view of economic security, there is a need to build a balanced diversified structure of energy imports to avoid dependence (dictate) on individual exporting countries. The imbalance of foreign economic strategy in the energy sector is one of the reasons for the acute energy crisis in most European countries. The energy-related causes of the crisis are the inability of most states to significantly reduce energy consumption and increase the innovative component of technological renewal of the fuel and economic complex. Prevention of such crises requires a transition from the traditional paradigm of ensuring economic growth through the import of cheap energy to the strategy of energy saving and increasing the use of renewable energy sources, which is in line with the principles of sustainable development.

History of a Geopolitical Choice of the Russian Empire

Abstract This article analyses the cession of Russian America (Alaska) to the United States (1867), the role of American geopolitical plans and dreams, and Nikolay Muravyov-Amursky’s strategic decision to concentrate Russia’s resources on its continental regions. He considered Russia’s main task to be the development of the Amur and its consolidation at its mouth and on the Pacific Ocean coast to head off the clear aspirations of Britain and France. The East Asian achievements of Nikolay N. Muravyov-Amursky are recognized, while his personal authorship of the original political plan linking Alaska’s peaceful concession to the United States was a hidden consequence of subsequent events. The undeclared but real connection between the development of the Amur and the cession of Alaska was no mystery to contemporaries in Europe, but in Russia itself, due to the censorship, this issue has not entered the public consciousness, remaining the topic of basic historical works alone.

La neutralité flexible. La Riksbanken et la souveraineté de la Suède (1936-1948)

The article examines the issue of Swedish neutrality between 1940 and 1945 from the perspective of monetary sovereignty and the role played in this respect by the Swedish central bank, the Riksbanken. Faced with pressure from the Reich, the economy of Sweden was fully integrated into the German war effort from April 1940. But in 1944, the changing balance of military power was in its favour and in 1945 it took advantage of its comfortable economic and financial situation to implement an ambitious strategy that was supposed to contribute to the economic and political reconstruction of its neighbours, both in the West and in the East, and thus to peace. But this strategy soon came up against the geopolitical choices of the American Congress, which also considered that having traded with Germany during the war meant having been its accomplices. The conclusion underlines the very active role of the Riksbanken and its president Dag Hammarskjöld, the profound innovations introduced by the war in the management of public finances and the extent to which Swedish sovereignty was dependent on changes on the international scene.

India at the Geopolitical Crossroads

The article refutes the widely circulated claim that India has made its geopolitical choice in favor of the USA through joining it in confront-ing China by participating in the QUAD dialogue format. While considering the factors of substantial advance in US-Indian relationship, the author points out that it was rather the geopolitical choice of the USA itself, that the Obama Administration’s “pivot” went to consolidate after quite a prolonged period of ultimately futile attempts by Washington to incorporate Beijing into its “uni-polar moment.” With China-India rivalry having definitely increased, their mechanism of regular meetings on the border problem has enabled them to put the issue outside the general context of their relationship. It facilitated the creation of possibilities for a substantial advance of relations between the two countries in trade and investment spheres, setting up the political dialogue, including at the summit level, and interaction within a number of multilateral formats. Analysis of the geopolitical concept of India’s present Foreign Minister shows, that it is based on a design to take advantage from the interest taken in obtaining India’s support by the opponents of the establishment in the Indo-Pacific region of “China’s hegemony” while avoiding “excessively antagonizing” the latter. This is confirmed by India’s care to avoid giving the QUAD the shape of a military bloc, which has been taken into account by its partners within “the four” at the current stage. Highlighted is the importance attached by India to promoting its continental geopolitical interests by enhancing its relations with Russia and participating in the SCO and the RIC, especially taking into account the disorderly withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan. The Indians attaching lately a place of importance in their Indo-Pacific doctrine to Russia has been taken note of. The article comes to a conclusion that India continues its geopolitical maneuvering, which remains an important part of the real picture of world politics with a potential to be used for the benefit of its positive evolution.

Geopolitical election of the Republic of Moldova. a study based on the example of the early parliamentary elections (2021)

For a long time, the key topic in the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova is the geopolitical choice between West and East, integration with the European Union or with the Russian Federation. This is reflected in the confrontation between political parties, the split of political elites and Moldovan society along geopolitical lines. Furthemore this problem had an outlet not only to the foreign policy of Moldova, but also reflected in the domestic policy of the country. Representatives of the state-forming ethnic group - Moldovans - were more often supporters of European integration, while representatives of ethnic minorities more often identified themselves with an orientation towards Russia. The purpose of this article is to analyze the geopolitical choice of the Republic of Moldova using the example of the early parliamentary elections on July 11, 2021. Taking into account the specifics of the elections, the study is focused on reflecting the problem of geopolitical choice in the electoral platforms of Moldovan electoral competitors. Based on the results of early parliamentary elections and sociological polls, the authors analyze the attitude of the Moldovan population to various geopolitical projects - integration with the European Union or the Eurasian Economic Union. The study showed that in the parliamentary (2021) elections in the Republic of Moldova, the problem of geopolitical choice was not a dominant topic. The idea of combating corruption, reforming justice, which was promoted by the winning Action and Solidarity Party and the President of the Republic of Moldova M. Sandu, became the main idea that determined the victory in the elections and united various ethnic groups. Moldovan public opinion indicates an increase in the number of supporters of integration into the European Union and, accordingly, a decrease in interest in the Customs Union, a Russian geopolitical project.

Prosopographic portrait of the founding fathers of the Ukrainian independent state and the Republic of Lithuania: a comparative analysis

The prosopographic portraits of the founding fathers of the Ukrainian independent state and the Republic of Lithuania, restored in 1990 and 1991, are revealed. The research is based on general scientific and special historical methods, among which the comparative method and the method of prosopography occupy a special place. The first part of the article is dedicated to the leaders of those sociopolitical organizations that formed the core of the opposition movement against the dictatorship of the Communist Party - Vytautas Landsbergis, Vyacheslav Chornovol and Levko Lukyanenko. Thanks to the appropriate methodological tools, it was possible to reveal the common and distinctive features of leaders in both countries: national-democratic bias, duration of dissident activity, belonging to one or another social stratum, participation in political activities, personal contribution to the development of the country's independence, etc. Attention was also drawn to the fact that the leader of the national-democratic forces of Lithuania V. Landsbergis was the highest political figure of the Restorative Seimas for almost three years (1990-1992), while the leaders of the Ukrainian democratic movement were given mediocre roles in the shadow of the communists. Which at that time dominated the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The second part of the study paints a prosopographic portrait of the first presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Lithuania. Ukraine is considered number one here because the institution of the presidency was founded on its territory in 1991, and in Lithuania in 1993. Despite the fact that the presidency of Leonid Kravchuk and Algirdas Brazauskas is considered taking into account the time factor, it depicts significant differences in the strategies of the state behavior of these two natives of the same communist system, who were almost the same age. In particular, this concerns the issue of distancing from the Russian Federation and the country's geopolitical choice of joining the European Union and NATO. Thus, in conclusion, we see that the path to independence in both countries was paved by national-democratic movements led by the intelligentsia. However, not everyone achieved the final result of the activity. We also notice that both in Ukraine and in Lithuania, former Communist Party members became the first presidents.

Cursory Viewpoint on Transnistria as the Focus of the Russian Federation Policy

The article outlines cursory viewpoint on Transnistria as the focus of the Russian Federation policy. Russia pursues political interests in Transnistria connected with its geostrategic ambitions on the post-Soviet state. It is revealed that Moscow has a great impact on the life of Transnistria and cooperates with Tiraspol in political, military, social, cultural, and economic spheres. It is discussed that Russian military presence in this de facto state helps not only to control Transnistria but also Moldova concerning its geopolitical choice. In the article Russia’s activity concerning conflict resolution in Transnistria is shown. A special attention is paid to the Kozak Plan aiming at unification of Transnistria and Moldova, according to which too-extensive rights to Transnistria had to be given. Although this plan was not implemented, in fact now its idea is promoted gradually through convergence of Moldova and Transnistria. In the article it is stressed that russification of the region influences on the mood of the population concerning the future status of the region. Social and economic relations between Russia and Transnistria are researched. It is revealed that all three presidents of this de facto state had close ties with the Russian government and coordinated their politics with it. It is discussed that officially Russia supports territorial integrity of Moldova but at the same time it gives comprehensive support of Transnistria. Although it is not declared in the documents, now the Russian Federation favours status quo in Transnistria.

The role of Ukrainian "traditional" Churches in the transformational processes of transition from the totalitarian to the democratic system of Ukraine (1989 – 2005)

The article analyzes the participation of the Churches of the Kyiv tradition (these include the UGCC, UOC-MP, UOC-KP, UAOC) in the processes of transition of Ukrainian society from a totalitarian to a democratic system. During this period, the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine's independence and a large-scale democratic Orange Revolution took place. Undoubtedly, just as the Ukrainian Churches joined these events, so did the socio-political vicissitudes themselves influence the formation of the identity and positioning of many Christian denominations. The author considers the role of the UGCC and UAOC in the processes of national uplift and establishment of Ukrainian statehood in the late 80's of the XX century. Given that, the religious factor played an important role in the collapse of the totalitarian state and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood. At the beginning of independence, sovereign Ukraine faced the path of geopolitical choice, and eventually the scales prevailed in the direction of European integration, which gradually began to play an important role in shaping the country's foreign policy. The author finds out the cultural and religious reasons for the geopolitical choice of the majority of Ukrainians. One of the conclusions in the article is the fact that the Ukrainian Churches undoubtedly fall into the field of geopolitical confrontation, some of them choose the path of supporting the European integration process; others, on the contrary, argue in favor of the pro-Russian vector. This civilizational confrontation in society led to the Orange Revolution. As the Churches integrate into public life, one can observe their involvement in the events on Maidan in 2004. The events of the Orange Revolution contributed to the revival of democratic processes in Ukraine. And the experience gained by churches in participating in socio-political vicissitudes has helped to improve communication between churches, rethink their relationship with the state and form new relationships with society.

Геополитическая конкуренция акторов мировой политики за влияние на современную Сербию

The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.

Formation of Digital Society and Geopolitical Competition

The article discusses the growing interdependence between the geopolitical competition of great powers and the development of digital technologies. Throughout the 2010s, the contradictions of the leading states regarding the control and regulation of the Internet have noticeably intensified. In the absence of universal rules for information security, the Internet is evolving towards a kind of “gray zone” in which various actors can use the wide range of available tools to achieve their political or other goals without fear of being drawn into a full-scale conflict.Nowadays, the geopolitical rivalry, primarily between the United States and China, covers a wide range of digital technologies, including artificial intelligence. It is highly likely that during the 2020s, China and the United States will create two competing and increasingly less compatible global ecosystems for the development of the Internet of things, big data processing technologies, 5 G mobile communications, additive technologies, robotics, etc. The choice of one of the ecosystems will at the same time become a geopolitical choice, which, obviously, during the next decade all state actors in the system of international relations will have to make.

A Geopolitical Study of the Indo-Pacific through the Theories of Ancient East and Modern West

The core of the debates on politics through times and regions is concerned with territories and exercise of power over the territories directed towards certain end(s). This is seen in the theories of Ancient India, of which Kautalya’s Arthashastra is but a representative literature. Much later in time, geopolitical theories in the west during the twentieth-century significantly highlighted this point. This study aims to understand geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific if Kautalya's ideas and geopolitical choice theories from the west are applied, then results of the study would be the same as has been affirmed in the opening sentences. Methodologically, the study, qualitative in approach though, looks at the data available in the secondary source materials to test if territories determine the power dynamics at a given point of time. Kautalya’s Arthashashtra offers a good theoretical insight that can explain the contemporary geopolitical structures and behavior of the states. The theory has scientific and empirical elements that can help explain issues of aggression, conflict and peace. Peace (Shamah) and conflict or war (Vigraha) are shaped by the inter-dependent factors, both, tangible and intangible, as well as, internal and external. While the study primarily explores “the empirical” and “the scientific” in Kautalya’s Arthashashtra, but takes the twentieth-century western geopolitical theories to develop parameters of testability of the theory

The Influence of Armenian Elite Groups on Relations with Russia after the Power Transition

Small states in the Post-Soviet area have to make a geopolitical choice by leaning towards one of the great powers. The peaceful power transition that took place in Armenia in Spring-Fall 2018 was described by some Russian experts as “a color revolution” actively supported by external actors. However, it was exactly this unique case in which, despite such external influence, Armenian protesters did not demand a change in the geopolitical orientation of the country. Still, in spite of the preservation of the alliance between Russia and Armenia, part of Nikol Pashinyan’s team is evidently oriented to the West.Having conducted focus groups and in-depth interviews with Armenian experts, the authors try to answer the following questions: what is the structure of the Armenian establishment? What do its representatives think of the strategy of Armenia-Russia relations? What messages are they sending to the Russian audience?The authors are convinced that it was not a revolution, though called a “velvet revolution”, but a change of the elite groups. The political system remains as it was, institutions have not been demolished or upgraded. The partnership between Russia and Armenia is still characterized as strategic.Nevertheless, there is some misunderstanding between the current authorities in Russia and Armenia. It has to do not only with the generation and ideological gaps between Russian and Armenian officials but also with the lack of communication between Nikol Pashinyan’s team and Russian decision-makers. The problem is that the Armenian elites do not understand Russia as they do not have an experience of dealing with the country. Hence the importance of enhanced coordination among Russian organizations advancing Russia’s soft power in Armenia.

Україна і Казахстан у контексті світового інтеграційного процесу (публікується російською мовою)

The article analyzes the events that took place in Ukraine in 2004 and 2013-2014, in subsequent years, their influence on European and world order. The consequences of these events (Russia's annexation of the Crimea, the organization of conflicts, Russia's open war in the East of Ukraine, the military conflict in the Sea of Azov) for the global integration process are traced, and in this connection, the relevance of the study of the crisis of the unifying idea of Europe, Jean Monet, the need for it modernization in new conditions. Russia's actions grossly violated international law and destroyed the world order, thereby defining another formula for the relationship and the rules of bilateral relations between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, Ukraine and the West, including with the Republic of Kazakhstan, influenced global integration. An example of the creation of an independent Orthodox Church of Ukraine demonstrates the hidden aggressive nature of the so-called The "Russian Peace" and the official policy of the Kremlin to protect the interests of "true Orthodox" in the territory of Ukraine and a number of other states.The author scientifically argues the process of transformation of existing, the emergence of new values and standards in the interstate relations, which are formed under the influence of these events in Ukraine, on the formation of a new world political and integration order. The geopolitical choice of the people of Ukraine, which testifies to the maturity of civil society and the strength of the state,– in Europe, but Ukraine faced new huge problems, turned into a knot of world geopolitical contradictions, became an "apple of discord", a point of merge of global interests and, unfortunately, it was precisely This quality has moved to the center of geopolitics. Today there are no ready-made recipes and, especially, the program for the exit from the hybrid war, which involves Ukraine, and with it and many countries of the world. The author does not pretend to answer all the questions in the first attempt, but he tries to look into the inner world of Ukrainian society and the state in the last two decades, to understand the chronology and the essential problems of their development, to demonstrate the danger of the conflict escalating into the center of the world disintegration process, the beginning of a new large-scale war and reformatting the world political order. The theme and the fact that 5 years ago the Ukrainian Crimea was occupied by Russia is marking 5 years since the beginning of hostilities in the Donbass, when Russia violated the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, despising all international legal acts and rules of peaceful coexistence.

Украина и Венгрия: беспокойное соседство

The Ukrainian crisis started in 2014 has become a severe test for the Hungarian foreign policy strategy complicating its implementation. The primary and by far not a final outcome of this crisis for Hungary is that the already usual need to reconcile European and Euro-Atlantic obligations with national interests has acquired a new painful sharpness. At this stage Budapest is more concerned not about a geopolitical choice of Ukrainians but about their ability to maintain civil peace in their own country. In this context the Hungarian government takes a special inter-est in protection of its compatriots rights living on the territory of Ukraine. This creates additional reasons for diplomatic tensions with the official Kiev.