Japanese Geography Research Articles

Eco-Efficiency Assessment of Japanese Municipalities Based on Environmental Impacts and Gross Regional Product

Governments at different levels need to appreciate the environmental impacts of socioeconomic activities within their boundaries. They also need to decide relevant environmental policies after carefully examining future pathways based on the relationship between the environment and the economy. This study focuses on Japanese basic administrative divisions (i.e., municipalities) and attempts to quantify the annual environmental efficiency of processes and socioeconomic activities within each of these divisions using life-cycle impact assessment (LCIA) concepts. A key element of the LCIA is the integration of different environmental loads across various impact categories, such as global warming, air pollution, and land use, and their representation through a simple indicator. First, we conduct annual environmental impact assessments for all Japanese municipalities based on reliable, verifiable, and comparable statistical information. Next, we estimate the environmental efficiency of socioeconomic activities within each division by dividing the gross regional product (GRP) with the environmental damage amounts calculated through LIME2, an LCIA-based tool tailored for Japan. Assessment results for each municipality are visualized on maps of Japan in order to highlight the spatial distribution of the values for each indicator. The findings of this study can aid local, regional, and national governments in Japan to inform environmental policy design and decision-making at different spatial levels.

A slender symbiotic goby hiding in burrows of mud shrimp Austinogebia edulis in western Taiwan

The present study recorded the population of the goby fish (Perciformes: Gobiidae), Eutaeniichthys cf. gilli Jordan & Snyder, 1901, from the tunnel burrowed by the mud shrimp Austinogebia edulis Ngo-Ho and Chan, 1992 in a mudflat in Shengang and Wangong of Changhua County, western Taiwan. This finding is not only a new record of the genus in Taiwan, it is also the first record of this species in a mudflat near an industrial park. In total, 56 individuals of E. cf. gilli were collected from June 2016 to September 2018. Morphological traits of males and females were measured. The resin casting method trapped bodies of E. cf. gilli that were present in the tunnel burrow and proved that the fish inhabits burrows of the mud shrimp A. edulis. In addition, a species of snapping shrimp was also found in the same tunnel. Symbiotic interaction may occur between E. cf. gilli, A. eduli and the snapping shrimp. The China Coastal Current (CCC) runs along the coastlines of Japan, Korea, China, and reaches western Taiwan during the northeast monsoon period. The CCC, therefore, might play an important role in the biogeographic distribution of E. cf. gilli in the western Pacific Ocean. Since E. cf. gilli is listed in the Red List as an endangered species of Japan for many years, Taiwan waters may provide a refuge for this fish species warranting a broader investigation. Since Taiwan is some distance away from the previously recorded locations in Japan, Korea, the Yellow Sea, and the Bohai Sea, a phylogenic analysis is warranted for population and species differentiation in the future.

Exploring the social position of tactile maps in Japan

Abstract. It seems that the aim of conventional studies on tactile maps for visually impaired people have been to improve their utility in terms of instrumentalism. However, given the recent progress of disability studies in social science and post-representational approach in recent map studies, it is necessary to examine how tactile maps work in the society and how they relate to “disability” as a social phenomenon. These are also important issues to think about how geospatial information technology for visually impaired people embed in the society. Hence, regarding the map as more-than-representation, this paper analysed various documents (e.g. newspaper articles, essays, instruction manuals for orientation and mobility specialist), and considered the social position of tactile maps in Japan. The results showed the following.The tactile map has a long history as a teaching material of geography. It was used for education for the blind in Western countries in the late 18th century. This situation was introduced to Japan by overseas memoir. For example, in the late Edo era, Namura Gohachirou who was a member of Japanese Embassy to the United States witnessed geography education using tactile maps at the blind school in New York. In his diary named Akou Nikki, Namura said that the education for blinds using tactile maps seemed to “translation” from the words of those who can see both eyes well to the words of visually impaired people. His statement clearly shows the material difference of tactile maps. Many tactile maps have acquired social status as “translated objects”. The material form of tactile maps is different from the “map” (visual map) known to the general public, so it makes awareness of physical differences between the body of visually impaired people and sighted people. In 1880, the first blind school in Japan, Kyoto Moua In had exhibited teaching materials and other instruments to the exposition, including a tactile map representing the city of Kyoto. Such a social event also had a role to attract the attention of sighted people to the material heterogeneity of the tactile map and visually impaired people.The 1960s-80s was the period of the situation of tactile maps changed significantly in Japan. In the 1960s, rehabilitation techniques for visual impairments was introduced to Japan from USA, and the concept of “orientation” which was lacking in conventional walking training diffused. In accordance with these movement, the teaching manual of orientation and mobility (O&M) training became write the methodologies to make and use the tactile map for the training. In 1964, Kazuo Honma, the founder of Japan Brail Library, visited all over the world and bought lots of tools for visually impaired people, including tactile maps, at the blind libraries in various places and brought them back to Japan. He held an exhibition to show those materials in the following year. Furthermore, as the International Year of Disabled Persons 1981 and the subsequent enforcement of various laws related to people with disability, it has been emphasized to create cities where physically impaired people can go out of their homes. Since that time the tactile maps began to be installed in public facilities, and were introduced in the assistive technology catalogs. In this way, the tactile map was incorporated into the context of “outdoor behavior” and “walking”. Not only the body of visually impaired people but also the tactile maps as material objects have increasingly been exposed to the “outside” spaces (e.g. city, road). As a result, the tactile map became understood from the viewpoint of “safety”, and it became involved with human and non-human actors (e.g. government offices, volunteer organizations, barrier-free laws, traffic guidelines) different from those of geography education.

A Report on “Old Map Collection” by Geospatial Information Authority of Japan

Abstract. Historical maps are valuable resources to understand the topography, land use, and land cover of the country in the past. Recently they have been used as basic data in fields such as education, disaster prevention or research on local history. Geospatial Information Authority of Japan (GSI) has been working on collecting and archiving historical maps which were drawn before than Meiji period. However, public use of these maps is often confined because they are almost non-existent or have the possibility of being damaged. Therefore, in order for everyone to use these maps, GSI created a website “Old Map Collection” (Figure 1), which provides various digitized historical maps. In this presentation, we introduce the summary of “Old Map Collection” and some of its new contents.In 2005 GSI created a website “Old Map Collection” to provide historical maps for public use as historical, cultural, and academic documents. Users can browse about 1,500 map sheets including various related information, e.g., name, size, date-of-creation, author, and pictorial image. Also all maps are categorized into 15 fields such as maps made in Meiji period, maps of Japan, world maps, and Ino’s maps, based on their age of publication, range of area, and purpose of use, which enables users to find maps more easily.2018 marked the 150th anniversary since the beginning of Meiji period, when the modernization of Japan started. In order to bequeath the history of Meiji to future generations, Japanese government has promoted the policy named “MEIJI 150th”. One of the projects GSI conducted related to “MEIJI 150th” was the additional release of 1:20,000 scale original rapid survey map, e.g., Figure 2, on “Old Map Collection”. This map was created from 1880 to 1886 (the 13th -19th years of Meiji period) in advance of the national survey by General Staff Office of the Imperial Japanese Army, and is now owned only by GSI. It contains 921 colored map sheets which cover the area of capital Tokyo and its surrounding regions.

The national map of Japan compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate

Abstract. In early modern Japan, it was a political tradition for the central government to compile a national map. Edo Shogunate had compiled nationally the nihon-sōzu (national map of Japan) from the kuni-ezu (provincial map). The Shogunate government ordered the major Daimyōs (feudal lords) of each kuni (province) to produce personally their own kuni-ezu (provincial maps), and present it to the Shogunate. Then the government compiled nationally the map of Japan from those provincial maps, which were consists of 68 pieces of all kuni traditionally in Japan.Each Shogunate national map of Japan was a huge chromatic hand writing map. For a considerable time, the national map created by the Shogunate government was mistakenly believed to have been produced total of four times (during the Keichō, Shōhō, Genroku, and Kyōhō eras) in all. This is because it was generally known that the Shogunate government collected provincial maps from each province in all these eras.By the way, recently it was revealed in my study that the national maps created by the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo era 260 years (1608-1867) was six times in all, as shown in Table 1, except for the last Ino’s map. Ino’s map was not compiled from kuni-ezu and the making of this map had a big personal role rather than work of the government. Therefore, in this report, it has not taken up about the Ino’s map.It was assumed that the Keichō era’s national map was based on its provincial map. However, it is now a general view that Keichō era’s provincial map not created nationwide but having been created only in western part of Japan with many lords promoted by Toyotomi Hideyosi. This raises an important question; how can a national map be correctly produced if all provincial maps in Japan are not included?On the other hand, the third shogun Tokugawa Iemitu sent Junkenshi (Administrative inspectors) to all provinces for the first time in 10th year of Kan’ei (1633), and each inspector collected provincial maps from their respective province and then the Shogunate government compiled the national map of Japan for the first time in the Edo period. Its copy remains nowadays in four places, including the Saga prefectural Library.The Revolt of Simabara occurred four years after the first national map of Japan was made, and Shogunate government had difficulty in dispatching armies to distant Kyūshū. Not only was strongly aware of the lack of traffic information in the previous map, but the 3-disc set map was too large for usable. From that reflection, Inoue Masashige, the chief officer of the government hurriedly thought about the revision of the national map, and collected the provincial maps again only from the Chūgoku district leading to kyūshū and quickly reproduced the map. That is the map of 15 years of Kan’ei.

대한제국 칙령 제41호 전후 석도와 독도 등의 명칭 관련 한국의 인식

This article analyzes Korea’s recognition of the names of Seokdo and Dokdo before and after the Korean Imperial Decree No. 41. Shimane Prefecture Office intended to insist the Japan’s dominion of Ulleungdo. In this context, this chaotic circumstance was fundamentally derived from the aim of Shimane Prefecture Office that attempted to register two Korean islands in the East Sea, Dokdo and Ulleungdo, into the Japanese territory under the jurisdiction of this prefecture. However, when it was confirmed the historical fact that Ulleungdo had been the territory under the jurisdiction of Korea; the Shimane Prefecture Office aimed to absorb Dokdo its jurisdiction. In order to achieve this goal, it induced the confused situation to the names of Dokdo and Ulleungdo on purpose around 1905. To conclude, in the meantime, both Korea and Japan have sought to maintain their own name for Ulleungdo and Dokdo. The reason for this is that they tried to provide Ulleungdo and Dokdo as the basis for claiming their ownership. However, there is a clear difference between Ulleungdo and Dokdo in Korea and Japan. Korea had a consistency of long naming regulations in the consciousness of its territory. However, Japan changed its name partly because of the consciousness that it should be defined as its own territory. It was because Japan’s political intent was hidden in the name of Dokdo.

Gender geography in Japan: the trajectory, fruits of research and future challenges

The indication by female geographers outside of Japan that, due to the original dearth of female geographers, a gender perspective had been missing from geography held true for Japan as well. In 1993, Yoshida was the first person to discuss the importance of a gender perspective in a Japanese journal of geography. Nearly 25 years have passed since its publication, and the aim of this paper is to investigate what developments have taken place in Japanese geography on gender research. As the accomplishments of feminist geography in English-speaking countries was merely ‘imported’ to Japan around 1990, there is no firm starting point of ‘feminist’ geography, which originated in women’s liberation movement of the 1970s, in the country. Rather, it can be said that Japanese geographers, regardless of sex, undertake gender geography, which does not limit a particular sex as the sole subject and/or object of research. The results of research on gender geography by men geographers began to appear from the year 2000. The use of life history method emerged as a trend in research since 2000. While there has been gradual progress in research on gender geography in Japan, the number of researchers are still by no means large. While Japanese geography has hitherto involved a one-way absorption of the fruits of overseas research on gender/feminist geographies, at least based on studies that have already accumulated in Japan, it is now necessary that Japanese study results also be communicated to overseas.

Contribution of Prof. Motosuke Ishii to Japanese Geography

Contribution of Prof. Motosuke Ishii to Japanese Geography

Analysis of Development Trend on Korean, Chinese, and Japanese High School Geography Curriculums

Analysis of Development Trend on Korean, Chinese, and Japanese High School Geography Curriculums

STANDARD LANGUAGE DISTRIBUTION IN LINGUISTIC ATLAS OF JAPAN (LAJ) AND LIMESTONE CAVE MODEL:

This paper presents a novel technique of showing the railway distance on a real map. Standard Japanese words were grouped into several categories to explain their historical distribution patterns. The influence of the old capital, Kyoto, was significant in the historical development of Japanese, against popular belief that Tokyo speech is the base of the standard language. It has already been shown that the railway distance is effective for explanation of regional differences in dialect. By taking the railway distances from Tokyo and Kyoto as a clue, and by plotting usage values laterally left-to-right on the graph allowed straight-forward visual interpretation of the East-West distribution throughout the Japanese Archipelago. In this paper, we report on the further results of application of two attempts. (1) We used past data on railway distance, comparing the railway distance data in 1980 and in 1910. The railway distance in 1910 showed closer correlation with the standard form usage rate than that of 1980. The correlation coefficient of the railway distance from Kyoto was low. However, it suggested a lot about the correspondence with the actual geographical distribution pattern. (2) The display method was improved. We superimposed a line graph reflecting the standard form usage rate and railway distance on a map of Japan. By visualizing this relationship, it became possible to intuitively understand the correspondence of standardization with traffic conditions and so on. We were also able to interpret the results from (1) above, and we discussed the theoretical possibilities related to railway distance. This analysis made it possible to see two peaks, one at Kyoto and one at Tokyo, for the propagation rate of standard Japanese on the basis of the railway distance. We also explored the possibility of applying the “limestone cave model” to other phenomena. We examine the possibility that geographical location can be used in interpreting the historical diffusion process.

The Genealogies and Developments of “Ecological Method” in Fisheries Geography in Japan

The Genealogies and Developments of “Ecological Method” in Fisheries Geography in Japan

March 1st Movement and Zhang Binglin’s Cognition of ‘Issue of Chosŏn’

章炳麟은 1913년 1월초에 東三省籌邊使의 職銜으로 長春에 赴任한 후특히 間島 韓人들의 實狀을 알게 되면서부터 ‘朝鮮 問題’에 대해서 제대로된 사실 파악을 하게 되었고, 그에 따라 역사적 현실에 대한 그 자신의 認識도 또한 깊어졌다. 그럼으로써 간도의 분쟁에 대해 “그 땅에 거처하는 사람은 모두 한인으로, 귀화를 허여하지 않아 이름만 우리 소유이지 실제로는 일본 영토와 다를 바가 없다”고 서술하였던 것이라 보인다. 그는 그러던 1913년 東三省籌邊使 시절 長春에서 「安君頌」을 著述하여 安重根의 義擧를 稱頌하였다. 그는 ‘깊이 마음에 새겨 말하기를’, “황새가 울고 태풍이 거세니 숨겨온 권총을 잡고 하늘같은 이리를 쏘았도다 / 의협義俠 의 함성은 사방에 진동하였으니 국가 제사는 끊어졌어도 백성은 망하지 않으 리.”라고 해서 安重根의 義擧를 더할 나위 없이 높이 칭송하였던 것이다. 특히 그는 3・1운동에 대해 매우 긍정적으로 높이 평가하면서, 비록 일제의 강압에 의해 독립이 성사되지는 못하였으나 앞으로도 좋은 기회가 있으리라고 전망하고 있었다. 더욱이 그는 “조선 문제는 언제든지 중국 문제가 완전히 낙착되는 날에 같이 될 것이오. 그런데 중국 문제를 해결할 기회가 멀지 아니하기 때문에 조선 문제도 그와 같다고 하오”라고 말함으로써, 장차 두 나라의 문제가 함께 해결되기를 소망하는 자세를 견지하였던 것이다.Zhang Binglin came to learn of real situations of Koreans living in Jiandao particularly after he took office at Changchun with the title of DongsanSheng governor early January 1913. As a result, his own cognition of historical reality deepened. So, in regard to Jiandao conflict, he mentioned: “People living there are all Koreans whose naturalization was not allowed. And so it belongs to our nation only in name and it is actually no less than Japanese territory.” And while working at Changchun as the governor during 1913, he authored Eulogy to Patriot An applauding An Chung-gŭn’s patriotic deed. He praised An’ s deed to the highest terms saying: “Cries of patriotic heroes are echoing all around the corner and people shall not perish, though the nation ceases to exist temporarily.” He appreciated particularly the March 1st Movement highly and positively, and projected that there would be a good opportunity for Korea in the future though for the present its independence was not achieved because of Japanese oppression. He said: “‘Issue of Chosŏn’ will be resolved at any time when the issue of China is completely resolved. As sooner or later we will have the opportunity to resolve the issue of China, so will the issue of Korea be resolved.” Like such, he maintained his position wishing the issues of the two nations would be settled down at the same time.”

시마네현의 ‘죽도의 날’ 제정 이후 국제사법재판소에 대한 일본의회의 인식

The Japanese government asked the Korean government to resolve the Dokdo issue with the International Court of Justice. The Japanese government has asked for three joint lawsuits so far. The Korean government refused all of this. The purpose of this study is to analyze the reasons why Japan requested joint litigation. To this end, the minutes of the National Assembly of Japan from 2005 to 2018 were divided by period.In February 2005, Shimane Prefecture established 'takeshima day'. The Korean government protested. At that time, Japan 's opposition lawmakers insisted on the Japanese government to resolve the issue of takeshima in the International Court of Justice. In response, the Japanese government has submitted a joint petition to Korea two or three times in the past, but it has been rejected. He also said he was reviewing the most appropriate method. As such, the Japanese government repeated only formal responses. And that it is impossible to resolve it by a third party's adjustment.In 2011, the Korean government plans to expand the helipad and build a marine science base on Dokdo. In the Japanese parliament, the opposition member again insisted that the International Court of Justice should resolve the Dokdo issue. The Japanese government responded the same as before. The opposition lawmakers then argued that if a joint litigation is not possible, a single litigation must be filed. In response, the Japanese government responded that it was looking for the most appropriate method considering various situations. There is a reason for the Japanese government to continue this same answer to the opposition lawmakers' claims. This is because former governments have tolerated the effective domination of Korea diplomatically. And the Korea-Japan agreement. Therefore, the Japanese government does not lead the 'takeshima day' or the 'independent litigation' to the International Court of Justice. This is because Dokdo has no territorial authority to become Japanese territory. Therefore, the Japanese government acknowledges that Dokdo is not a disputed area.

Evolución del caso japonés como referente internacional en la educación para la reducción del riesgo de desastres

This article offers the analysis of education for disaster risk reduction in Japan. This country has been selected as it is considered to be the reference on education for risk reduction. In fact the Three World Conferences in Disaster Risk Reduction (Yokohama 1994, Hyogo 2005 and Sendai 2015) have taken place in the Japanese territory. The methodology of the article lays on the historical study of the conceptual change of education for risk reduction. At the first stage only some measures in order to palliate disasters were adopted, at present, Japan offers an integrated model that tackles the risk management. The text offers a description of the Japanese model study starting from the l961 Law that regulates the participation of all administrative levels with defined functions in the integrated system. The Japanese model also has introduced in the curriculum two key strategies: the introduction of contents referred to risk reduction management in main subjects and a specific timetable for integrated study designed by the teachers. In fact teachers are considered to be key actors in the disaster risk reduction not only for the training they receive but also for the commitment with the community. In this sense the article refers to the work of the civil society, in particular through the volunteer association, that many times surpass the work of the Ministry of Education. The article ends with some brief conclusions concerning the Japanese model.

Musha shugyō: la peregrinación del guerrero. Una aproximación a la formación marcial del guerrero japonés a través de sus viajes

Samurai completed their martial training with a trip through the Japanese geography to learn from other schools and sometimes challenge other samurai to test their martial skills. However, these pilgrimages also included other aspects such as religious and artistic considerations related with the Japanese sword (nihontō).

Internationalization of Japanese Geography: Contribution to the World

Internationalization of Japanese Geography: Contribution to the World

일본 메이지시기 오카무라 마스타로(岡村増太郎)의 지리교과서에 나타난 독도 인식

일본 메이지시기 오카무라 마스타로(岡村増太郎)의 지리교과서에 나타난 독도 인식

The Transformation of Hokkaido from Penal Colony to Homeland Territory

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on penal transportation to Hokkaido and considers the role of convict transportation in nation-state building and empire building in Japan. In the course of its discussion, the fluidity of the status of the new Japanese territory of Hokkaido will be examined along with continuities of transportation and incarceration. Although Hokkaido was officially incorporated into Japan only in 1869, many Japanese politicians and intellectuals had believed ideologically that it had been a Japanese territory since the early modern period. Depending on the domestic and diplomatic matters confronting them, the Japanese modified the status of Hokkaido and their policy towards it. For example, to secure their borders with Russia, the Japanese introduced penal transportation on the French model in 1881, but the Japanese Ministry of Justice later shifted their legal system to the German model and articles concerning transportation were deleted from the penal code. Nonetheless, the Japanese government continued to send long-term prisoners to Hokkaido, which was reframed as incarceration in a mainland prison.

Issues in Australian Foreign Policy July to December 2017

The Turnbull government faced an international environment marked by disruption and volatility that was “unprecedented in both scale and pace”1 during the second half of 2017. The period was launched, quite literally, on 4 July by North Korea testing an Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM), the first of eight missile tests — two of which overflew Japanese territory — to occur between July and December 2017. Dramatic in their own right, the tests revealed a stark reality to the rest of the world: North Korea’s missile and nuclear technology was expanding rapidly. It was a reality to captivate global media and public attention. Yet, the absence of a swift, coordinated global response, exacerbated by United States (US) President Trump’s goading Twitter commentary, raised potentially devastating prospect of conflict on the Korean Peninsula for the first time in several decades. For Australia, “joined at the hip”2 to the US, the stakes could not have been higher.

The Tenpō-Era (1830–1844) Map of Matsumae-no-shima and the Institutionalization of Tokugawa Cartography

ABSTRACTJapan’s early modern Tokugawa government (1603−1868) sponsored a series of projects of national mapping. The Matsumae family, ruling what is now Hokkaido, were loosely incorporated into these projects. It was only during the last of these, in the Tenpō era (1830−1848), that their lands were represented in the same manner as the rest of Japan because the central government made the final Matsumae-no-shima map. This article examines the production of this final official map of Japan’s north to argue that the Tokugawa’s institutional mapping made this region part of the nation through its own mapping framework, distinct from the cartographic forms with which national or imperial states are usually associated.