Geographies Of Resistance Research Articles

Affordances and Borderscapes: Language Ideologies, Nationalisms, Generations and Geographies of Resistance in Cyprus

In this article, we explore the ways language has been used in Cyprus during different historical periods as a means of a dividing power, with the use of Cypriot dialects as a form of resistance and reunification of the island. We situate these translanguaging themes within a context of affective biopolitics that impacts Cypriot generations in shaping their everyday life through borderscapes and nationalisms. More specifically, we first examine how the official languages of the island (Greek and Turkish) have been used in the dominant public sphere(s) of Cyprus to marginalise Cypriot dialects, which, in turn, have been used as an oral means of communication, but also to impose symbolic signifiers of the biopolitics of borders and nationalisms in dividing communities. Secondly, we explore ways in which Cypriot dialects have been used as forms of linguistic resistance to nationalism, offering an alternative collective identity for generations of both communities, even during periods when nationalism was dominant in both communities. The translanguaging exploration centres on a close discourse analysis of one particular radio programme—the ‘Cypriot radio sketch’—that has been very popular among Cypriots since the appearance of radio in Cyprus in 1953. Finally, we analytically and discursively contextualise attempts of revival of the Cypriot dialects by younger generations as communicative forms of resistance to powers of partition, as well as translanguaging pathways to actualise their desire for the reunification of the island. We eclectically draw on a multi-method approach to combine datasets from interviews, media and social media while combining critical discourse analysis to theorise the affordances, borderscapes and affective biopolitics of generational language use within geographies of nationalism and resistance in the borderscapes of a divided Cyprus.

Unintended Lessons of Revolution: Student Teachers and Political Radicalism in Twentieth-Century Mexico

The long political history of the rural normales (teacher training institutions) has been dominated by recent manifestations of student teachers depicted in acts of flagrant resistance to the state and then further obfuscated by the outsize repressive state violence enacted in retaliation. Tanalís Padilla's unparalleled study of the rural normales, spanning the twentieth century, makes revelatory observations about the fraught relationship between these iconic institutions and the state. At the peak of revolutionary reform, the rural normales were the gem of Cardenista educational policy, representing the state's commitment to a social justice orientation and a recognition that rural education had its fortunes tied to agrarian reform.As Cold War concerns about a radicalized countryside sullied ideological commitment to the fate of rural Mexicans, the rural normales became hubs of political energy that drew the suspicion—and armed response—of the increasingly wary state. Unintended Lessons of Revolution draws from declassified intelligence documents, the press, the US State Department, the Mexican Ministry of Education archives, local school archives from across the nation, memoirs of former teachers in training, and oral histories. The scope is national, featuring evidence from most of the nearly three dozen official rural normales, but it homes in on the geographies of resistance in Guerrero and Chihuahua to mount an argument about the entrenched animosity that student teachers (normalistas) experienced in those regions. It provides the much-needed historical context for the events leading up to the disappearance of the Ayotzinapa student teachers and dignifies the struggle of the rural poor for equity in access to education.The book opens with chapters on the institutional history of rural normales, tracing a chronology from their crucible in the missionary spirit of the José Vasconcelos years to their politicization in the socialist education era and the conservative turn of the 1940s. As the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) steadily withdrew resources from the rural normales, citing inefficiencies and moral corruption, student teachers of the mid-twentieth century appealed to the “revolutionary ethos” in which their beloved institutions were founded a generation before (p. 188). The 1950s ushered in a wave of rural and working-class discontent, as strikes from student teachers and railroad workers spurred each other into solidarity and unions shifted from state-dominated institutions of control to hotbeds of subversive activity in the eyes of the PRI. The proximity and suasion of the Cuban Revolution accelerated the political urgency of the normalistas over the decade of the 1960s, a theme drawn out poignantly in the chapter on the ill-fated attack on the Madera military barracks in Chihuahua led by a normalista-campesino guerrilla coalition.If the political zeitgeist of the 1960s politicized youth on the margins, it also prompted a tightening of the authoritarian state. Padilla demonstrates how state officials did not hesitate to wield their military power at the least provocation, but she dedicates even more space to the finer points of bureaucratic violence, chronicling the reforms to the rural normal system that normalistas saw as punitive in the wake of Tlatelolco. Padilla deftly evades a causational argument that would link the student strike of 1968 to the suite of reforms in 1969–71 that effectively disenfranchised the rural normal system, but the legislation enshrined the state's official adversarial position toward rural educators. By the 1970s, the animosity had become so entrenched that an increasingly aggrieved cohort of normalistas resorted to more public, violent, and transgressive ways of calling attention to their historical frustrations and present demands. The book's epilogue hurtles through the neoliberal period, demonstrating how the rural normal system has continued to suffer a slow death by a thousand technocratic cuts.The Mexican Federation of Socialist Campesino Students (FECSM) persisted as an organizing presence that Padilla argues maintained the revolutionary mandate at the time of its foundation (1934) over the course of the twentieth century. The FECSM became the engine of political consciousness-raising for the rural student teachers, often very young and naive, in the dining halls and dormitories. The student condition and national politics became synonymous for those living and studying in these rural outposts, and in the agrarian roots of the students' family histories the FECSM found fertile ground. Through the FECSM's efforts, the spirit of Lázaro Cárdenas stayed alive in the rural normales and allowed the young students to take the state to task for abandoning the revolution's stated aims. Meanwhile, Padilla shows that even when material conditions and official commitment to the revolution deteriorated, the state expected rural schoolteachers to maintain the self-abnegating spirit vaunted by Vasconcelos's generation of cultural missionaries.Unintended Lessons of Revolution does much more than contextualize Ayotzinapa. It shows the profound power that the disenfranchised have, even from a position of dispossession, in occupying the imaginary of the state.

Feminism and futurity: Geographies of resistance, resilience and reworking

This article is designed to stimulate debate over the possibilities for thinking feminist futures. It argues for moving away from a linear understanding of feminism which assumes that past feminism produces present and future feminism as a response to its previous waves. Instead, we argue for embracing the multiplicity and simultaneity of contemporary feminisms, taking inspiration from Elizabeth Grosz’s writings on futurity and Cindi Katz’s work on resistance, resilience and reworking. Drawing on Katz’s framing, we review three analytically distinct ways of conceptualising feminist politics and consider how feminist geographers are asking new questions of familiar domains, as well as finding gender formations and political possibilities in unexpected empirical sites. In doing so, we point to the contemporary relevance of feminist scholarship and politics, and affirm feminism's ongoing importance.

Airbnb’s contribution to socio-spatial inequalities and geographies of resistance in Barcelona

Red flags are increasingly being raised over the contribution of short term tourism rentals (mediated by platforms such as Airbnb) to socio-spatial inequalities and residential displacement. In many cases, the most vocal reactions have come from social movements claiming the Right to the City through particular geographies of resistance that underpin protest counter-narratives in the digital and non-digital spheres. In order to evaluate this relationship, a digital content analysis based on a sample of around 16,000 tweets illustrates the depth and diversity of tourism counter-narratives within the Twitter activity of social movements in opposition to tourism saturation in the city of Barcelona. This approach is triangulated with a spatial analysis of Airbnb-mediated rentals in Barcelona, based on GIS mapping, as well as correlations with a variety of geo-referenced data sources and the application of different socio-economic variables. The relationship between these two dimensions is key for policymakers in influencing regulatory approaches to collaborative platform activity and mitigating socio-spatial inequalities generated by short term rentals and the platforms that mediate them.

From the drought to the mud: rediscovering geopoetics and cultural hybridity from the Global South

This article addresses the notion of geopoetics, arguing for a decolonial rediscovery of ideas and practices associated with this concept through authors, narratives and (geo)poetical traditions from the Global South. For this purpose, I analyse a body of narrative work, poetry and archives by Brazilian geographers Mauro Mota and Josué de Castro, inserting their texts into the cultural and environmental contexts of their region, the Northeast of Brazil, which is characterised by ethnic hybridity and a history of anti-colonial insurgency from socially and racially marginalised groups. Extending and putting into relation literature on geopoetics, on the ‘creative (re)turn’ in geography and on the Global South as a notion associated with subaltern spaces and geographies of resistance, I argue for geopoetics as an engaged, activist, cosmopolitan, anti-racist and decolonial field of study, one which has the potential of extending the disciplinary reach of cultural geography. The literary works of these Northeastern geographers provide important contributions for blurring the classical European epistemological divide between nature and culture by addressing ideas on more-than-human hybridity associated with Northeastern environments, as well as indigenous and Afro-Brazilian cultural and ethical legacies.

Civic mobilisation around immigration detention: Exploring motivations and experiences

While there is a burgeoning literature critically mapping the spatial logics of immigration detention around the world, there is relatively little systematic research on geographies of resistance, particularly the role of ‘outsiders’ – members of the public with relatively secure status. This article considers how people mobilise around immigration detention in the UK to challenge the status quo. Drawing on qualitative interviews and survey research, it offers in a fine-grained analysis of what nourishes civic mobilization, considering the concerns and positionalities of volunteers. It examines their experiences of taking action, visiting detention centres or campaigning for change, highlighting rewards and challenges. Probing divergences as well as convergences in people’s approaches to the issue, a picture is built up of a vibrant detention movement working across multiple spaces and scales against government efforts to isolate, contain and exclude ‘unwanted’ migrants. How this civic mobilization challenges moral distance and political closure offers a fresh insight to the geography of detention and study of pro-migrant mobilisation.

World Literature and the Geographies of Resistance by Joel Nickels

MLR, .,   third part of Cohen’s study argues that, although European literature aer the fieenth century took on a decidedly imperial cast, ‘the central mode of representation of empire in Renaissance literature is nonrepresentation’ (p. ). Erich Auerbach’s Mimesis () is both touchstone and counterpoint here as elsewhere in this study. e nineteenth-century European novel is presented as inseparable from its non-mimetic engagement with empire, resulting in what Cohen calls ‘the severing of the relationship between the European novel and the world beyond Europe’ (p. ), though, as later chapters argue, this is not necessarily the case for nineteenth-century poetry. In the study’s final part, Cohen offers a superb chapter which persuasively argues that Jewishness constitutes modernism’s most significant demographic component, before claiming Jewish modernist literature as the demarcation point of European literature’s return to ‘world literature’. If the study’s final chapter on ‘world literature’, with its survey of contemporary Anglophone and translated literature, feels flat compared with earlier chapters, this is perhaps indicative of the conceptual limitations of the frequently all too nebulous term ‘world literature’ itself, such as the tendency of an infinitely capacious approach to obscure the specificities of literary works and languages. Cohen’s remark that ‘if prose fiction from around the world now draws centrally on Western forms, and especially on the novel, why not see all of it as Western literature?’ (p. ) may be troublingly worded, but is answered with the declaration that European literature’s expansionist vocation leads to its simultaneous fulfilment and abolition in the category of ‘world literature’ (p. ). e future viability of both ‘European literature’ and ‘world literature’ as hermeneutic categories is thereby put into question. Especially in the current political climate, however, this monograph is a timely intervention, which emphasizes the enduring significance of European culture within a wider context without shying away from its troubled history. Cohen succeeds admirably in delineating and magnifying the story he sets out to tell—one version of events, to be sure, but a compelling and insightful one. His championing of comparative literary criticism that pays attention synchronically and diachronically to the formal properties of languages in literary works is also welcome. Even at the risk of fragmentation, reading widely and deeply remains as rewarding as ever. U  L I E World Literature and the Geographies of Resistance. By J N. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . ix+ pp. £. ISBN ––– –. at world literature is read as an embodiment of liberal cosmopolitan universalism is well known. at postcolonial literature is approached as a critique of colonialism and as an embodiment of nationalist revolution is equally familiar. But to read world literature as resistance literature and postcolonial texts as more than a corollary of nationalist revolution is less common. For that reason, this monograph by Joel Nickels makes a significant contribution to the field of world literature.  Reviews Nickels’s book is a continuation of the project of subaltern studies, in that it deals with areas le out of traditional approaches to world literature, reading world texts and authors as offering alternatives to existing state-controlled, capitalist , and communist spaces. To illustrate his new approach, Nickels argues that world literature, read as a site of resistance, can help us to imagine alternatives to existing hegemonic systems. In this study he is able to establish a connection between various forms of non-state space in the twentieth century and their counterparts in the twenty-first. His contention is that there is no clear rupture when the world mutates from older moments of colonialism into neocolonialism. e main focus of the book is on various fiction and non-fiction texts that help us to imagine non-state space—sites of self-government and resistance that are external to state-centric forms of power—as represented in workers’ organizations , mass strikes, alternative governance systems, and mutual aid networks, all of which contribute to challenging international power relations, institutions, and their bureaucracies. To explore such ideas, Nickels deals with the works of writers representing different parts of the world and different periods: Patrick Chamoiseau, Ousmane Sembene, Miguel Ángel Asturias, Claude McKay, Arundhati Roy, T. S...

Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans During the Age of Revolutions by Rashauna Johnson

Reviewed by: Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans During the Age of Revolutions by Rashauna Johnson John Garrison Marks Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans During the Age of Revolutions. By Rashauna Johnson. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xxii, 236. $49.99, ISBN 978-1-107-13371-6.) In Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans During the Age of Revolutions, Rashauna Johnson has produced an essential new contribution to the literature on urban slavery in the United States and the Atlantic world. By introducing the concept of "confined cosmopolitanism," Johnson pushes back against the tendency of slavery studies to associate mobility with freedom and in so doing reorients the way we think about urban slavery (p. 3). She carefully explores the tension between the "geographies of containment" that slave masters attempted to create in New Orleans and the "geographies of resistance" [End Page 946] that the enslaved and people of African descent in the city constructed to subvert white control (p. 6). Johnson argues convincingly that although mobility, autonomy, and multicultural fluency offered enslaved people opportunities to move closer to freedom, it could also expose them "to capture, kidnapping, rape, and even death" (p. 14). This tension played out in New Orleans throughout the Age of Revolutions as the mobility of enslaved people "became central to the New Orleans economy," transforming the city into a modern, capitalist metropolis in the empire of slavery (p. 12). Organizing her study around the different spaces within which this tension of containment and resistance played out, Johnson brilliantly recreates the social and cultural worlds of enslaved people in all of their complexity. Slavery's Metropolis is built on meticulous, exhaustive, and altogether outstanding research, as Johnson gleans a remarkable level of detail and nuance from the archival record. Through the creative use of court documents, notarial records, Works Progress Administration interviews, newspaper accounts, and a host of other sources—all of which were recorded in multiple languages—Johnson adeptly examines not just the world of New Orleans slavery, but also the everyday lives of enslaved people, in a way that is as impressive as it is edifying. This incredibly detailed portrait of the worlds of enslaved people in New Orleans offers a new way of understanding how slavery operated in urban spaces that existed at the crossroads of national and imperial boundaries. Slavery's Metropolis also sits on a solid theoretical foundation, and Johnson's ability to weave together theories of gender, power, incarceration, and culture is impressive. Her analysis of the gender dynamics of white men's consumption of black masculinity and her chapter on the incarceration and punishment of enslaved people are particularly interesting. As scholars and the public have begun paying greater attention to mass incarceration's roots in the Reconstruction era, Johnson's argument in chapter 4, that "slavery and incarceration worked in tandem to produce modernity," and, more plainly, that "There was nothing post-slavery about mass incarceration," will surely generate further discussion (p. 127). Johnson offers some of her most important and cogent observations in her conclusion, when she comments on New Orleans's place within the broader context of the urban United States and Atlantic world. In both the public imagination and scholarly discourse, the exceptional nature of race and slavery in New Orleans has made it, for many, a place to which other cities and regions cannot be compared. Johnson engages straightforwardly with that notion, arguing that the continued focus on New Orleans's "cultural uniqueness… obscures the concrete ways that circuits of capital, communication, and migration" rooted the city within the "American expansionist project and Atlantic plantation complex" (p. 205). Johnson's is the clearest and best articulation I have seen of this objection to New Orleans exceptionalism, and her claim that "New Orleans was no exception in the modern world; it was an exaggeration" stands out as both concise and convincing (p. 205). Given the book's focus on space, more maps might have complemented Johnson's analysis, particularly in her chapter on neighborhoods. Yet in the end, this is a mere quibble with a book that is beautifully written and impressively sourced. Ultimately, by carefully...

Geographies of Resistance Within the Black Belt South

The Black Belt South is a strategically unacknowledged racialized space. Current framing and discourses describing the region continue to “naturalize . . . poor and black agony and distress” (McKittrick and Woods 2007, p 2). Yet, communities in the region have strong traditions of resilient responses to social, political, economic and cultural oppressions (Woods 1998). In this article we draw upon frames from the emerging field of Black geographies to gain insight into the narrative of a recent movement, the Black Belt Initiative (BBI), within the Black Belt South, to understand the tensions, struggles, political resistances and triumphs accompanying the ongoing production of Black geographical spaces that affirm humanness and community.

The Boxing Ring: Embodying Knowledge through Being Hit in the Face

The Boxing Ring: Embodying Knowledge through Being Hit in the Face

‘It’s a very isolating world’: the journey to HIV care for women living with HIV in British Columbia, Canada

HIV health services research conventionally defines place in terms of proximity to care. However, understandings of place must also include the social spaces that women living with HIV (WLWH) occupy which shape their experience of health and access to care. Drawing on focus group data from the Canadian HIV Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health Cohort Study, we explored how 28 WLWH navigate geographic place and social space in attempting to access HIV-related healthcare within and across a range of urban to rural localities in British Columbia (BC), Canada. We describe how existing services, even if physically close, can be socially marginalizing as women confront HIV stigma, racism, and classism, which operate to exclude women from the places and spaces they must access for care. We also emphasize how women enact ‘geographies of resistance’ and succeed in carving out their own safe options for care and support. Finally, we share recommendations identified by women themselves towards developing local and community-driven ‘geographies of change’ that support the health and healing of diverse communities of WLWH. Our findings stress the urgent need to acknowledge and redress socio-spatial barriers to care and to work with WLWH to co-create a therapeutic landscape that reflects women’s diverse identities, localities, emotions, and experiences.

The Sicilian MUOS Ground Station Conflict: On US Geopolitics in the Mediterranean and Geographies of Resistance

This paper analyses the alternative territorialities that characterise the conflict on the installation of a US military MUOS ground station in Sicily (Italy). On the one hand, the proponents see territory from a techno-centric vision as a site of strategic importance for the global politics of securitisation since it serves the optimisation of the US military ‘system of systems’. On the other hand, the No-MUOS mobilisation resists this image of territory by claiming it as a place of everyday life, and opposes hegemonic territorialisation through the manipulation of an ensemble of discursive and practical mediators within different spheres of action. The local conflict around a radar infrastructure evolves into a clash between different logics of territorial organisation: a conflict mostly concerning the control over spatial borders, knowledge production, and imaginary circulation.

Militarised violence in the service of state-imposed emergencies over Palestine and Kenya

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to ‘order’. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

Decolonizing the Geographies of Resistance: Imperialist Cartography of the Arab World

As the first phase of the Arab Uprisings unfolded, uncertainties and skepticism emanating from Western interventions and counter revolutionary forces began to surface. This article provides some in...

Geographies of postsecular rapprochement in the city1

This paper explores the emergence of urban spaces of partnership between people of faith and those of no religious faith who come together to offer care, welfare and justice to socially excluded people. The activities of such groups are understood in terms of adjustments to the secularization thesis pointing to the possibilities of a series of emerging geographies relating to postsecular rapprochement and different forms of reterritorialization in the city. In particular, the accounts of postsecularism by Klaus Eder and Jürgen Habermas are used to explain both how the hushed-up voice of religion is being released back into the public sphere in some settings, and how the assimilation and mutually reflexive transformation of secular and theological ideas may represent crossover narratives around which postsecular partnerships can converge around particular ethical precepts and practical needs. Taking the particular example of Christian religion in western Europe, the paper traces both how a critique of secularism has led to some instances of contemporary political expression underpinned by theological precepts that are converted into practical ethics, and how a greater propensity among the Christian faith to explore faith-by-praxis has fuelled increased activity in the public sphere. Not all such activity can be regarded as postsecular, but emergent spaces of postsecular partnership in the city offer possibilities for new, perhaps liminal, geographies of resistance that cannot be explained away as simply the incorporation of religious capital into neoliberal governance. The possibilities of mutually transformative possibilities in these partnerships open both politics and faith up to processes of poststructural reterritorializing as part of the faith-in-practice of postsecularism.

Will There Be a Place for my Life?: Cities, Subjectivities and Geographies of Resistance

The present paper pursues an encounter between pressing questions in both human geography and psycho-social and cultural theory, namely, between processes of subject-formation and the production of subjectivity and the way these are always already emplaced, enfolded within a culturally signified geography that in turn they come to sustain or contest through different means. The argument, or rather, the invitation, is that insofar as subjectivities take place, it might be promising to regard cities and urban spaces as spaces of subjectivation. Thus, firstly, the question of how it is we come to engender a subjectivity is posed and addressed following performativity theory. Secondly, some of the implications of the proposed notion of ‘spaces of subjectivation' are stressed and a theoretical case of abject urban spaces is analysed. Finally, the question of resistance and the possibility of contesting those geographies of subjectivation through geographies of resistance is posed and a possible approach is offered.

Will There Be a Place for my Life?: Cities, Subjectivities and Geographies of Resistance

The present paper pursues an encounter between pressing questions in both human geography and psycho-social and cultural theory, namely, between processes of subject-formation and the production of subjectivity and the way these are always already emplaced, enfolded within a culturally signified geography that in turn they come to sustain or contest through different means. The argument, or rather, the invitation, is that insofar as subjectivities take place, it might be promising to regard cities and urban spaces as spaces of subjectivation. Thus, firstly, the question of how it is we come to engender a subjectivity is posed and addressed following performativity theory. Secondly, some of the implications of the proposed notion of ‘spaces of subjectivation' are stressed and a theoretical case of abject urban spaces is analysed. Finally, the question of resistance and the possibility of contesting those geographies of subjectivation through geographies of resistance is posed and a possible approach is offered.

Vernacular Anti-Imperialism

Geographies are taking center stage in debates about new, contested forms of imperialism. Geographers have developed a powerful analysis of the spatial dynamics of imperialism, which remains somewhat rarefied, obscuring many of the ways in which people speak about imperialism in their daily lives. Taking seriously the postcolonial injunction to listen to colonized peoples and to those who stand with and for them, this article describes empirical research among activists who bring anti-imperialism to practical political projects and in so doing animate and renew this way of thinking and speaking. Interviews were conducted with members of three politicized communities, who mobilized distinct anti-imperial traditions in their opposition to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. These interviews—with Muslims, nationalist-separatists, and socialists in the United Kingdom—chart a series of interconnected, vernacular spaces of resistance. They show and suggest how, in the grounded and heterogeneous places of activist practice, and through imaginative and rhetorical geographies of resistance, the ideas and languages of imperialism are being mobilized and measured, sometimes found wanting, but ultimately animated and renewed.

Introducing Popular Icons Of Political Identity*

A few years back a colleague laughed at the topic of my conference presentation: What, you study postage stamps? Are you professionally self-destructive, or high? He clearly saw little intellectual value in these pieces of paper but listened carefully and asked questions. He then concluded that a change of opinion was needed: I never understood how serious everyday can be. And your students must love it! Sure enough, not only postage stamps but also currency, flags, and other state-issued items designed for everyday (and ceremonial) use make me high. They are a gold mine for a geographer with interest in politics and culture. These items contribute to the expanding understanding about visual methodologies, culture, and data (Mirzoeff 1998; Schwartz and Ryan 2003). The required interdisciplinary sensitivity encourages eye-opening dialogues between geographers and scholars in such fields as semiotics, aesthetics, and material-culture studies. And a revisit to the visual tradition in geography--maps, landscapes, and the basics of propaganda--is most instructive, for it concretizes the length and depth of applicable expertise (Duncan and Duncan 1988; Harley 1988, 1992; Herb 1997; Kosonen 2008). These items support the study of the everyday in geography and generally help kill any remaining prejudice toward soft topics, intimate scales, and the mundane. And they appreciate the concept of power in the study of culture. And yes, the students love it. They are all familiar with this everyday stuff and have ready access to it. Raw material for a show-and-tell can be pulled out of one's pocket. The selection of T-shirts in the classroom has inspired spontaneous discussions about representation, identity, and consuming citizenship. What worldviews inform a particular film or comic book? How are the messages fed to their audiences? What are the motives and effects of using a country's flag on commercials and in product differentiation? The students quickly learn that not only people but products and places, too, have identities and that these connect to complex issues of ideology, power, and territorial affiliation. These questions are guaranteed to catch attention in the classroom and boost the students' self-confidence. The attendees are motivated to participate, for they know about this stuff and can create around it projects that are inexpensive, manageable, and instructive (Morgan 2001; Raento 2006). In the background lurk society, history, and the global media, as well as influential theoretical and methodological frameworks. These include banal nationalism (Billig 1995), imagined communities (Anderson 1991), visual methodologies (Rose 2001), propaganda and persuasion (Jowett and O'Donnell 1999), and geographies of resistance (Keith and Pile 1997). And there is more, for these popular icons of political identity relate to multiple scales. Many iconographic standards have become global in the world of nation-states and global entertainment industries. Products from postage stamps to motion pictures motivate worldwide networks of similarly minded people, generate massive income, and support subcultures: those of collectors, scholars, producers, and consumers. The emblems of a nation-state communicate the way brands do. States (and their supranational coalitions, like the European Union) also produce propaganda films and educate the youth and the illiterate about good citizenship via comic books. Unwanted messages are subject to censorship, but resistance to the dominant view takes a plethora of forms. Involved technologies, conventions, and institutions (Rose 2001) range from printing presses and cameras to color codes and film boards. Representations of national values, or a certain world-view, root in particular territories and particular cultural realms. The message-receiving citizens have multiple, sometimes competing affiliations in their most intimate spheres of belonging. …

Géographies de la Résistance et de la Décolonisation

Cet article porte sur le mouvement contemporain de « reconstruction territoriale » chez les Mapuche au Chili et la production d’une cartographie mapuche. Par l’analyse de ces processus culturels et politiques, en relation avec les perspectives theoriques des etudes postcoloniales, il decrit l’emergence de geographies mapuche de la resistance et de la decolonisation.