War Generation Research Articles

When Service Is Not Enough: Charity's Purpose in the Immediate Aftermath of the Civil War

This essay argues that antebellum notions of charity persisted during the Civil War and its immediate aftermath. Sympathy, rather than an obligation owed those who had served their nation in good stead, remained the criterion on which relief workers judged petitioners. To make the case, the essay considers how the largest wartime private relief agency, the United States Sanitary Commission, provided aid to soldiers who made the wartime transition to veteran status due to injury or illness and those veterans who were mustered out of service in 1865-1866. Equally important, it surveys intellectual and cultural currents that informed the war generation's understanding of charity. Sympathy, it demonstrates, demanded affinity, a shared sense of feeling, an appeal to the heart rather than to reason, but it did not demand inclusivity.

This War Ain't Over: Fighting the Civil War in New Deal America by Nina Silber

Reviewed by: This War Ain't Over: Fighting the Civil War in New Deal America by Nina Silber Gaines M. Foster (bio) This War Ain't Over: Fighting the Civil War in New Deal America. By Nina Silber. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. Pp. 248. Cloth, $32.95.) This War Ain't Over provides a fascinating exploration of "how Americans used a troubled past," not just the Civil War but also slavery and Reconstruction, "to navigate a complicated present," the Great Depression and World War II (1). In the midst of the suffering of the Depression, Nina Silber shows, Americans turned their attention to the Civil War, an earlier national trial that foretold ultimate survival and "shaped a history that often spoke directly to their present-day political concerns" (2). Silber has done extensive research in a wide variety of sources and wisely and carefully shows how various groups viewed that troubled past differently and employed its memory for differing purposes. She looks at "conservative southern Democrats; anticommunists; New Dealers; civil rights activists; and the communists and Popular Fronters" (3). If any group gets less attention than it deserves, it may be white northerners, particularly the more conservative of them. The book begins with a discussion of the state of Civil War memory on the eve of the Depression. The Lost Cause, with its utility in maintaining white supremacy, remained important in the South, Silber argues. A "more muted" and "diffused" vision of the war survived in the North, with African Americans doing the most to keep the memory of the war alive there, but even among them the importance of the war had declined (17). Nevertheless, "the story of the white family feud, now healed in defense of sectional reconciliation and white supremacy, had a strong presence in American culture" (21). With the Civil War generation having passed from the scene, however, Americans could and did reshape the war's meaning. They did so in "messages . . . less tethered to events and emotions of the 1860s and far more to the concerns, sensibilities, and structural imperatives of twentieth-century life" (36). Silber then discusses the role of New Deal arts programs in exploring slavery and the Civil War and the shift of responsibility for Civil War battlefields from the War Department to the National Park Service. The Park Service deemphasized the war's bloodshed and instead put the war into [End Page 669] a longer sweep of history, often with a southern bias. She also makes a convincing case for the role of movies in shaping the new messages, and throughout the book they serve as important sources for understanding memory. During the Depression, Silber shows, factory workers, sharecroppers, labor leaders, and many other Americans came to see themselves as slaves, most prominently whites. Some portrayed whites and blacks as united in slavery, but a "key argument of this book," and a compelling one, is that "slavery was increasingly portrayed, in speeches, novels, and films, as a problem with particular applicability to white suffering." White Americans, in other words, "appropriated the legacy of black enslavement" (5). At the same time, the federal arts programs tended to treat the African American experience of slavery as "either quaint, inconsequential, or a subject best left unexplored" (85). Along with its fascinating analysis of whites' appropriation of slavery, the book provides an equally insightful discussion of the changing image of Abraham Lincoln. Honest Abe "underwent," Silber convincingly demonstrates, "a series of remarkable transformations: no longer a bland symbol of reconciliation, he emerged as a figure more firmly associated with federal power and racial justice, although the racial message was often tempered by an appreciation of Lincoln's racially neutral 'humanitarianism'" (100). Silber then turns to the South and the role of the Lost Cause. The white South had always had a special tie to its Civil War past, she argues, but its interest in the war intensified and the Lost Cause became more conservative in response to the New Deal, particularly in the late 1930s after the Democrats and the federal government displayed a new interest in intervening in southern race relations. Even before that, the white South blamed its poverty...

The Commanders: Civil War Generals Who Shaped the American West by Robert M. Utley

Reviewed by: The Commanders: Civil War Generals Who Shaped the American West by Robert M. Utley William A. Dobak The Commanders: Civil War Generals Who Shaped the American West. By Robert M. Utley. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2018. Pp. 256. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) The years after the Civil War saw ever-increasing organization, both private and corporate, in the American West. As civilian entities of the federal government multiplied, so did those of the military branch, often assuming strange shapes that were ill-adapted to the army’s post-war tasks in the West. Robert M. Utley, one of the foremost historians of the nineteenth-century western military, has undertaken a sketch of the army’s activities during the two decades that followed the Civil War. His approach is biographical. Among the generals Utley discusses are: Philip Sheridan, commander of the Military Division of the Missouri (the central part of the United States during most of these years); Alfred Terry, commander of the Department of Dakota (the Territories of Dakota and Montana, headquarters at St. Paul); Christopher C. Augur and Edward O. C. Ord, commanders (consecutively) of the Department of the Platte (Nebraska, Wyoming, and Utah, headquarters at Omaha) and the Department of Texas (Texas and sometimes the Indian Territory, with headquarters at San Antonio). One of the longest serving generals was John Pope, whose spectacular failure at the Second Battle of Manassas in 1862 sent him to the Plains for twenty-one years, mostly in the Department of the Missouri (Kansas, Colorado, [End Page 467] New Mexico, and sometimes the Indian Territory, with headquarters at Fort Leavenworth). Other high-ranking officers, each the subject of a chapter, are George Crook, Oliver O. Howard, and Nelson A. Miles. These latter officers’ experience was largely with indigenous tribes in the Military Division of the Pacific (Arizona, California, and the Pacific Northwest, including part of Idaho). The army’s chief duty, before and after the Civil War, was to guard transportation routes, wagon roads before 1865, and railroads after that. This duty led to the awkward shapes of military departments, which were often dictated by the availability of water for draft animals and later for steam engines. Water was likewise a requisite for Indian tribes—for people, horses, and game animals. Competition for water and grass was a frequent source of conflict between ethnic groups in the West. These conflicts form the focus of The Commanders. The exploits of lower ranking officers, Mackenzie and Custer among them, take backstage to the performance of lesser known but higher ranking men who helped to orchestrate the series of conflicts known as the Indian Wars. The episodic violence Utley records, though, was only one facet of Indian-white relations during the post-Civil War years. For instance, the army fed Indians in addition to fighting them. When Indian agencies ran out of rations to issue, the commissary at a nearby army post would often make up the deficit, with higher headquarters in Washington, D.C., reconciling the accounts. General Pope believed that to hold Indians on a reservation without food was a crime against humanity. During the last three years of his tenure in the Department of the Missouri, Pope also devoted about half his cavalry force to driving the “Boomer” invaders from the Oklahoma District (roughly, today’s greater Oklahoma City), where white settlement was forbidden under the terms of a treaty. This might have been a better book if Utley had concentrated on the lesser known incidents of peaceful interaction between Indians and the army, with which the history of the postbellum West abounds, instead of persisting in detailing the record of hostilities that the post-Civil War generation took part in as junior officers. William A. Dobak Hyattsville, Maryland Copyright © 2019 The Texas State Historical Association

Nie nasza to wojna – społeczne ramy niepamięci o I wojnie światowej

W artykule postawiono pytanie o miejsce I wojny światowej we współczesnej polskiej kulturze i polityce pamięci. Analiza jubileuszowych obchodów w 100-lecie rozpoczęcia i zakończenia Wielkiej Wojny wskazuje na zasadniczy brak odniesień do związanych z nią wydarzeń w polskiej oficjalnej polityce pamięci. Dostrzeżenie tej sfery „niepamięci” skłania do postawienia pytań o jej skalę, spójność oraz przyczyny. W celu określenia ram społecznej niepamięci o Wielkiej Wojnie w artykule podjęto próbę odnalezienia i zarysowania miejsc w przestrzeni pamięci, w których pojawiają się odwołania do osób, miejsc i wydarzeń z nią związanych. Problem ten został rozpatrzony w trzech rejestrach działania pamięci zbiorowej, określonych tu jako: wymiar oficjalnej, państwowej polityki pamięci, wymiar pamięci lokalnej oraz wymiar pamięci na poziomie indywidualnym. Zebrany materiał badawczy wskazuje, że pomimo znaczącego wpływu I wojny światowej na życie całego wojennego pokolenia oraz pomimo skali i dotkliwości działań wojennych mających miejsce na terytorium dzisiejszej Polski doświadczenia z lat 1914–1918 zostały przez Polaków zapomniane. Wielka Wojna w oficjalnej narracji państwowej jest przeważnie przemilczana bądź traktuje się ją jedynie jako swego rodzaju „preludium” do odrodzenia się polskiej państwowości. W jeszcze większym stopniu jest ona nieobecna w świadomości współczesnych Polaków, którym zazwyczaj brakuje podstawowej wiedzy faktograficznej. Nie mają także skojarzeń kulturowych związanych z I wojną światową. Popularna symbolika Józefa Piłsudskiego i 11 listopada 1918 roku funkcjonuje w oderwaniu od kontekstu historycznego i nie jest przedmiotem debaty publicznej. W ostatnich latach w wymiarze lokalnym mamy jednak do czynienia z pewnym renesansem pamięci o I wojnie światowej oraz jej uczestnikach i ofiarach, niezależnie od tego, jakim posługiwali się językiem i pod jakim występowali sztandarem. Artykuł kończy przedstawienie trzech hipotez na temat społecznych i politycznych przyczyn, które sprawiły, że pamięć o doświadczeniach wojennych Polaków nie weszła do kanonu kultury narodowej.

Hungary in the Great War and Total Propaganda. Review of: Bertényi, Ifj. I., Boka, L., & Katona, A. (Eds.). (2016). Propaganda: politika, hétköznapi és magas kultúra, művészet és média a nagy háborúban [Propaganda: Politics, Everyday Life and High Culture, Arts and Media in the Great War]. Budapest: Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. 542 p., ill.

In many countries of Europe, the years between 2014 to 2016 marked the 100 th anniversary of World War I also known as the Great War. Hungary is one of the states which suffered catastrophic losses in this global military conflict. It joined the war as an equal part of a big composite monarchy and eventually, in accordance with the peace treaties signed in 1920 in Versailles, lost two thirds of its territory, turned into a virtually monoethnic state and found itself surrounded by hostile powers. In this regard, it is clear why the Great War is of considerable importance for the contemporary humanities and Hungarian society. Recently, dozens of exhibitions and scholarly conferences have been organised all over the country. This article considers the proceedings of a representative interdisciplinary forum where Hungarian historians, literary historians, and art historians examined the phenomenon of propaganda, formulated the task taxonomising its forms, or mechanisms of influencing the population, control over the written press and media, formation of public opinion, intellectuals’ attitude to the war and studying of the propaganda message of material objects — from monuments in public spaces to utensils and souvenirs. The authors of the work reviewed come to the conclusion that if war and propaganda have been interconnected since the wars of religion of the early modern period, the total war which erased the division line between the front and the rear, and total propaganda, which turned texts, images, visual, and material objects surrounding people in their everyday life into patriotic messages, first appear in their full form in the early twentieth century. It seems that the conclusion most of the authors come to is that the memory of the Great War was replaced by the trauma after the collapse of the multinational empire, and historians in their case studies and comprehensive works have to measure the extent to which propaganda influenced mass and individual consciousness of the Great War generation.

Okinawan Caves as Sites of Forgetting

10 A & Q Okinawan Caves as Sites of Forgetting Jessica Nakamura In Okinawa, the past echoes. The events of the 1945 Battle of Okinawa cannot be left behind. Rather, in the physical spaces of Japan’s southernmost island prefecture, they manifest in unexpected and emotional ways. After U.S. bombs destroyed infrastructure in the months leading up to the battle, ground combat raged across the main island for more than eighty days. The battle’s high number of civilian casualties—­ more than one-­ third of the population—­ reflects Japan’s imperial cruelty. As the nation’s recent imperial acquisition in 1879, assimilationist practices converted Okinawan people into Japanese citizens. Yet, during the battle, Japanese soldiers grew to mistrust Okinawans and demanded or forced them to sacrifice themselves to prove their loyalty to the nation. Today, memories linger in Okinawa’s landscape. Okinawans live among former battle sites, and the battle asserts itself in everyday life when the discovery of unexploded shells closes neighborhoods and suspends residents in fear and uncertainty for hours. Another part of Okinawan life, U.S. military bases, installed soon after the war’s end with no regard for landownership or cultural value, border on civilian neighborhoods. Frequent sightings of soldiers and military machinery haunt the present as lingering ghosts of the war. While memories of the battle besiege contemporary Okinawan life, its commemoration and historicization have been harshly debated in contemporary Japan (1989 to the present). From the battle’s end to the mid-­1980s, atrocities from the battle, especially Japanese military violence against Okinawan civilians, remained largely out of the public eye. Today, such topics have been widely documented and circulated, but conservative historical revisionists, aiming to maintain a dominant narrative about civilian sacrifice, continue to downplay the extent of the Japanese Imperial Army’s role in civilian casualties. Conservative historical revisionism, a movement active in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, and thus at the center of the Japanese government , aims to control the official past of the Asia-Pacific War (1931–­ 45), with revisionists enforcing a positivist view of history that calls for written documents to verify and legitimize survivor testimonies. These arguments are built on information-­ based epistemologies—­ about what happened in the past, what events should be taught to schoolchildren. The passing of the war generation and lack of official documentation bring these debates to an impasse. As Minoru Iwasaki and Steffi Richter A & Q 11 (2008) argue, historical revisionists claim to seek “objective facts,” but in reality, they advance an emotional agenda driven to vouchsafe Japanese national history. In the face of written documents, revisionists do not alter their interpretations. The contradictions inherent in historical revisionism point to ways in which such epistemologies cannot fully represent the war past. Younger generations in Okinawa are caught between an impoverished “official” past, riddled with amnesia, and their lives amid the pervasive consequences of war. What is the responsibility to this felt, but undocumented, kinesthetic and affective history that erupts in the present? And, beyond Okinawa, given debates about remembering the war, how can and should those without direct connections to the past attend to it? The circumstances of the Battle of Okinawa and its remembrance demand other approaches to the past that fall outside of official forms of commemoration and historiography. Instead, as Norma Field (1997, 36) suggests, we must “extend our imagination” to what can constitute remains of the past. Along these lines, I turn to modes of engaging with the past that may have embodied and ephemeral attributes; these resist documentation but, as Lisa Yoneyama (2016) describes in Cold War Ruins, may be able to provide agency in silence. The landscape of Okinawa already proposes alternative modes of relating to the past. During the battle, many civilians took shelter in natural caves throughout the island; some of these became sites of atrocity when Japanese soldiers forced Okinawans to commit suicide to avoid enemy capture. These caves remain sites of mnemonic potential, active below the surface. Initially forgotten in postwar Japanese discourses of the war, the caves have been forever changed by the events of the Battle of Okinawa and remain as significant spaces in Okinawa’s contentious, packed terrain of U.S. military bases...

고령층의 자산빈곤과 소득빈곤에 미치는 영향요인 연구 : 베이비붐 세대와 해방전쟁 세대를 중심으로

한국은 OECD 회원국 중 고령화 속도 1위, 노인빈곤율 1위인 가운데 2018년 고령사회로 진입했다. 본 연구는 규모가 커진 고령층에 대한 빈곤정책을 연구함에 있어, 고령층을 세분화 할 필요성이 있다는 점에 주목하였다. 이에 초고령층을 제외한 초기 고령층에 집중하고, 이를 세대별로 베이비붐 세대와 해방전쟁 세대로 구분하였다. 은퇴를 겪은 고령층의 빈곤 특성을 고려하여, 자산빈곤과 소득빈곤을 모두 살펴보았다. 분석을 위해 한국복지패널조사(KWPS) 11차년도(2016년) 데이터를 사용하였으며, 베이비붐 세대(1955~1963년)와 해방전쟁 세대(1945~1954년)의 자산빈곤·소득빈곤 여부를 종속변수로 하는 이항로지스틱분석을 실시하였다. 연구결과, 해방전쟁 세대는 소득빈곤율이 더 높고, 베이비붐 세대는 자산빈곤율이 더 높은 것으로 나타났다. 소득빈곤 결정요인은 양 세대 모두 가구주의 경제활동상태, 부양가족수, 개인의 장애여부, 교육수준, 경제활동상태, 근로능력과 총 가구원수로 나타났으며, 개인의 연령은 베이비붐 세대에만, 주거형태 변수는 해방전쟁 세대에만 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 자산빈곤은 양 세대 모두 가구주의 교육수준, 배우자유무, 건강상태와 개인의 경제활동상태, 가구의 주거형태 변수가 영향을 받았으며, 가구주의 성별, 경제활동상태는 베이비붐 세대에서만 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같은 분석결과를 바탕으로 본 연구에서는 두 세대 각각의 빈곤유형을 고려한 정책적 함의를 제시하였다.

Memory and war: Tamil women’s experiences of Sri Lanka’s civil war

ABSTRACTThis article explores how Tamil women in Australia reconstruct memories of Sri Lanka’s war through postmemory and personal experiences. Tamil women’s understandings of war are important for unravelling multiple sites of marginalization across social and political landscapes that challenge dominant perspectives of being Tamil-Australian. The article draws on sixteen in-depth interviews with Tamil women resettled in Australia as children in the 1980s and 1990s, foregrounding their unique position as part of a war generation. It shows that Tamil women’s experiences of political engagement during the final stages of war were motivated by memories of individual and collective sufferings. However, loss, exclusion and forced migration characterize their ambivalent connections to homeland. Not always tied to dominant memories of war, victimhood and subordination, the article concludes that each Tamil woman represents ongoing resistances, survival and renegotiations of Tamil diasporic experiences of war that are produced by their memory and memory work.

The War Generation and Generation Wars: French Veterans and the Association des Écrivains Combattants, 1919–1945

This article examines the ways in which veteran writers, notably through the activities and publications of the Association des Écrivians Combattants [Association of Combatant Writers], were essential to the conscious elaboration of a generational identity amongst French veterans in the interwar years. In particular, it explores how the AEC constructed the war generation in France, examining how its successes, limitations, and legacy beyond the First World War illustrate the ambiguities surrounding the notion of generation. It shows how the AEC mobilized the memory of the war through a range of commemorative textual practices centring on the figure of the dead combatant author in order to assert the rights, interests, and moral authority of French veterans in a society that the latter now sought to ‘correct’ through the example of their generation's sacrifice. It will also explore the political choices this led AEC members to take, focusing in particular on the ambiguous relationship veterans entertained with the French Republic. Finally, it places veterans’ struggle within a pattern of generational politics and conflict that characterizes twentieth-century France and which would see the veteran of World War One supplanted by another generation of veterans: those who had resisted Nazi occupation and collaboration during World War Two.

Literackie obrachunki z dzieciństwem na zesłaniu w Związku Sowieckim. Wstępne rozpoznanie

The article discusses autobiographical prose of the writers of the war generation, devoted to the problems of deportation into the interior of the Soviet Union during World War II. The considerations include the works published in Poland after 1989: Andrzej Turczynski’s Chlopiec na czerwonym koniu (1991), Piotr Bednarski’s Blekitne śniegi (1996), Andrzej Czcibor-Piotrowski’s Rzeczy nienasycone (1999), Zbigniew Domino’s Syberiada polska (2001) and Tajga. Tamtego lata w Kajenie (2007). The carried out analysis of the literary texts provides the grounds for justification of the thesis that the writers broke with the earlier existing conventions of war writing, referring to the close to the child’s imagination poetics of fairy-tale, parable, dream, mythologisation of reality, and that while showing exiled childhood in the Soviet Union they used very specific topoi (the image of parents, mainly of the mother, the motif of friendship and peer groups, as well as of adventure and initiation).

Do Investors Still Gravitate to Preferred Habitats on the US Treasury Yield Curve?

The purpose of this study is to test the preferred habitat theory non-econometrically using interviews with the help of a questionnaire for self-guidance on a group of focused investors. Frequencies and simple percentages were used to analyze data. Though many generations of post-World War II economics and finance students were taught that the nature of the liabilities on the balance sheet and the desire to avoid mismatches against assets caused particular classes of investors to gravitate to a preferred habitat on the yield curve, our study based on the responses to questionnaires by a group of U.S. based bond traders and risk analysts shows that more than half of the respondents have no preference as to where on the curve they trade, whether the trade is on behalf of their customers or for the house, and that their arbitrage strategies are driven by opportunities for profit.

Mellem to verdener - Krigsrepræsentationer hos Walter Flex, Ernst Jünger og Erich Maria Remarque

This article compares representations of war in Walter Flex’ The Wanderer between Two Worlds (1916), Ernst Jünger’s Storm of Steel (1920), and Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front (1929). It shows the extent to which these representations are shaped by political and ideological convictions. The difference between the romantic idealism of Flex and Jünger’s “soldierly nationalism”,which he proposed as a model for the time to come, reflects a major shift during World War I itself. By contrast, neither past nor future seem to be of any use in Remarque’s famous antiwar novel, in which the war generation surprisingly is described as having nothing else to live for beyond the present, i.e. beyond war. Finally, the article suggests how these different representations of war each, in their own way, contributed to the aesthetics and ideology of fascism.

: (Intergenerational Financial Satisfaction and Related Factors in Korea: Focusing on Financial Self-Efficacy)

Korean Abstract: 본 연구에서는 현재 우리나라의 세대별 재무만족도 수준과 재무만족도에 영향을 미치는 요인을 파악하고자 하였다. 특별히 선행연구에서 밝혀진 다양한 요인들 중에서 개인의 심리적 특성에 해당하는 개인의 재무적 자기효능감이 재무만족도에 어떠한 영향을 미치는 가를 파악하고자 하였다. 또한 재무만족도에 영향을 미치는 요인이 세대별로 차이를 보이는 가를 파악하여 재무만족도의 증진을 위해 세대별로 다른 접근이 필요한 가를 살펴보고자 하였다. 대면 면접을 통하여 전국의 만 18세 이상 성인 1,017명을 대상으로 한 조사의 주요 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 선행연구를 바탕으로 응답자 연령을 기준으로 M세대(1988년 및 이후 출생), N세대 (1975~1987년 출생), X세대(1964~1974년 출생), 베이비부머(1955~1963년 출생), 전쟁세대(1954년 및 이전 출생)로 구분하여 각 세대의 재무상태 및 금융상품 보유 행태를 분석한 결과 세대별로 자산의 구성과 금융상품 보유에 차이를 보였다. 이는 각 세대가 처한 라이프사이클 상의 특성에 의한 차이와 코호트적 특성의 차이를 반영하는 것으로 보인다. 재무만족도에 영향을 미치는 변수를 파악하기 위한 회귀분석 결과 다른 변수를 통제한 상태에서 세대별 재무만족도의 차이를 볼 수는 없었고 전체 응답자를 대상으로 한 분석에서 재무만족도와 관련을 보이는 변수는 결혼상태, 소득, 금융자산, 부채, 재무지식, 재무적 자기효능감으로 나타났다. 하지만, 이러한 재무만족도 관련 요인을 각 세대별로 분류하여 분석해 본 결과 회귀분석의 사후검증을 통해 파악한 바에 의하면 각 세대별로 재무만족도에 영향을 미치는 변수는 다소 상이하게 나타났다. 따라서 본 연구의 결과는 재무만족도에 영향을 미치는 변수로 재무적 자기효능감과 기타 변수가 세대별로 차이가 있음을 보여 재무만족도를 증진하기 위한 노력 또한 세대별로 다르게 접근할 필요성이 있다는 것을 보여주었다. English Abstract: This study examined the factors associated with intergenerational financial satisfaction in Korea by focusing special attention on financial self-efficacy. Financial self-efficacy has been identified as one of the significant factors to financial satisfaction, but little research has examined financial self-efficacy in Korea. To examine the intergenerational differences in financial satisfaction and its related factors, face-to-face interviews with adults aged 18 and over were conducted in Korea in March 2017. A total of 1,017 respondents were categorized into five different generations: M generation (those born in 1988 and later), N generation(between 1975 and 1987), X generation (between 1964 and 1974), Babyboomers(between 1955 and 1963), and war generation (1954 and before). The results showed that each generation has different asset composition and financial products ownership and that these could reflect their life-cycle stages and cohort characteristics. Even though the financial satisfaction levels were different for the five generations when compared bivariately, multiple regression results showed no generational differences in financial satisfaction when controlling for other factors. In general, financial satisfaction level was positively related with financial self-efficacy, and with other financial status characteristics such as income and financial assets. Financial satisfaction was negatively related with debt levels. Subjective financial knowledge also showed a positive relationship with financial satisfaction. However, specific factors associated with financial satisfaction were different for each generation. These results suggested that the adoption of different approaches for improving financial satisfaction for different generation groups.

Melancholic Response to War Destruction and the Emergence of a Group Assumption of Post-Ness.

What psychological response does war and forced displacement evoke in victims? How do survivors of war communicate their experiences to their children? Finally, what culture does the psychological response to loss shape? Using data collected through interviews, psychological consultations, and children's drawings from two sources-the ongoing Syrian civil war and the Bosnian war of 1992-1995, this paper suggests that the experience of the war generation becomes the organizing axis of their identity and that of their children. It seeks to demonstrate that survivor parents communicate their experience of loss through gesture, act, and object rather than through a coherent narrative. Whereas survivor children use metaphoric and metonymic readings of their parents' everyday performance in order to construct meaning and form their identities as descendants of a given family. This paper argues that such an identity is characterized by ambivalence towards the self and towards others, melancholic longing for an idealized pre-war past, and the impossibility of letting it go.

The Destruction and Creation of a Cityscape in the Digital Age: Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum

More than 70 years have passed since the atomic bombs were dropped on Japanese soil. With the atomic bomb survivors aging and the war generation quickly disappearing, the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum urgently needed to address the shift in the nation's demographics. To meet this demand, the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum renewed its permanent exhibition for the third time and reopened the East Hall to the public in April 2017. This most recent renewal project reflected the Planning Committee's understanding that in order to preserve the memories that were beginning to fade, the museum needed to adopt a more powerful and scientifically informative depiction of the horrors of atomic bombs.This article describes how the Planning Committee of this renewal project approached history from the present by creating a cityscape designed to reinforce a sense of place and thereby evoke historical empathy in the viewer. The use of digital technology—projection mapping and computer graphics, for example—assists the museum in achieving its mission of promoting a global ban on nuclear weapons by widening the visitors’ range of view and deepening their understanding of the ‘placeless’ of a city, including its local life, its people, and its identity.

The Winchester: The Gun That Built an American Dynasty by Laura Trevelyan

Reviewed by: The Winchester: The Gun That Built an American Dynasty by Laura Trevelyan Matthew C. Hulbert The Winchester: The Gun That Built an American Dynasty. Laura Trevelyan. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016. ISBN 978-0-3002-2338-5. 264 pp., cloth, $28.00. The prologue to Winchester '73, a classic 1950 western starring Jimmy Stewart and Shelley Winters, reads: "This is a story of the Winchester Rifle Model 1873 . . . 'The gun that won the West.' . . . To cowman, outlaw, peace officer or soldier, the Winchester '73 was a treasured possession. . . . An Indian would sell his soul to own one." In addition to Stewart, the likes of Clark Gable, Gary Cooper, Paul Newman, and Yul Brynner all carried the Model 1873 on film. Not surprisingly, given its vanguard position in American pop culture, thousands of pages have been written concerning the schematics, exploits, and history of the rifle. From the very beginning, however, BBC anchor and author Laura Trevelyan disclaims that The Winchester: The Gun That Built an American Dynasty is anything but another chronicle of this iconic gun. Nor is it even a straightforward history of the family—a family to which Trevelyan belongs—that created it; rather, this book is the biography of that family's business, which began just as the sectional crisis started to boil over into civil war. In the late 1850s, Oliver Winchester (Trevelyan's great-great-great-grandfather) incorporated the New Haven Arms Company and worked with Benjamin T. Henry to produce a highly successful line of lever-action repeating rifles. As Trevelyan notes, Winchester tried in vain to market the rifle to the U.S. Army when the Civil War began, but stubborn military officials (and Lincoln) preferred the lighter weight and the slower rate of fire of the Spencer carbine. Winchester's rifles largely missed out on the conflict between the Union and the Confederacy—but they would take center stage in the new territories that the Union's victory threw open for settlement. After the Civil War, the name of the business changed to the more recognizable Winchester Repeating Arms Company, and models such as the 1866, 1873, 1886, 1892, and 1894 became immensely popular on the western frontier. Cow punchers, rustlers, homesteaders, gold prospectors, lawmen, and bounty hunters all valued the Winchester for its superior rate of fire. The company's rifles were even in the hands of Sioux, Lakota, Arapaho, and Cheyenne warriors in 1876 as they slaughtered George Armstrong Custer's 7th Cavalry at the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Despite [End Page 318] these decades of achievement, World War I would prove the company's downfall; Winchester overexpanded to meet government contracts but hemorrhaged money as the prices of raw materials and production skyrocketed. The Great War threw the company into a financial tailspin, and by the 1930s, following multiple failed recovery schemes, it had fallen out of the Winchester family's hands. While not explicitly stated, the book's narrative touches on several important developments in Civil War–era history: the growth of American weapons manufacturing in the lead-up to and during the Civil War; the process of integrating (or failing to integrate) new weapons technologies into the largest armies America had ever known; how those technologies borne of the war were transported west and used to carry white civilization to the frontier; and, perhaps most interesting of all, how businessmen of the Civil War generation, like Oliver Winchester, coped with the onset of not just industrial capitalism but industrialized warfare. That said, because these dots are generally left for the reader to connect, the main issue surrounding The Winchester is one of readership. More specifically, it's somewhat unclear what constitutes this book's target audience. On one hand, gun enthusiasts and western history buffs will likely be disappointed with the lack of technical details and gory shootouts. On the other hand, professional historians of capitalism or the military will not find much new to mine from Trevelyan's narrative or her sources. Trevelyan is a more than capable storyteller but has a tendency to repetition. Regardless, the story brims with engaging and eccentric characters, ranging from Oliver Winchester to Benito Juarez to...

Soviet School in 1937 The Communities of Teachers and Students in the Face of Coming War

This paper is dedicated to the education system in the Soviet Union and school-related issues in the context of the “Great Purge of 1937” - a very symbolic time in the Soviet history that became the climax of the Soviet political repressions but also - a time of the successful completion of the second five-year plan of economic development and other great soviet achievements. The intended research is aimed to clarify how all these events were reflected within the school communities, in what way they influenced the belief system, civil position and general trends in behavior of the senior students, who in the coming years would be bound to become the backbone of a war generation. At the same time, it was the period of the most important decisions within the country’s education system aimed at its participation in society consolidation and thorough preparations of the young generation to clash against some very strong foes. This work reveals the practical consequences of the campaign against a “pedological perversion” within Soviet education system and the process of the teacher selection which stimulated school’s development to be in line with the given ideological directions.

Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 by J. P. Clark

Reviewed by: Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 by J. P. Clark Wayne Wei-Siang Hsieh (bio) Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 j. p. clark Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2017 336 pp. J. P. Clark's Preparing for War: The Emergence of the Modern U.S. Army, 1815–1917 fills an important gap in our scholarly understanding of an important institution—the nineteenth-century US Army officer corps. Its wider event horizon due to its uncharacteristically broad chronological range allows for a study of different generations of professional officers that traces how the American army's leadership cadre evolved in relation to developments in both American military history and larger civilian society. Each generation of officers defined, debated, and experienced distinctly [End Page 599] different conceptions of military professionalism. Clark's analytical approach allows his monograph to discern both the American Army's institutional continuities and the significant changes it experienced over the course of the nineteenth century leading up to World War I. Clark lays out four generations of officers—a foundational generation of veterans of the War of 1812 and antebellum graduates of West Point, a Civil War generation that fought in the nineteenth century's longest conflict, a post−Civil War composite generation of mostly West Point graduates grappling with the earlier conflict's consequences, and a Progressive generation commissioned after 1890 that imported civilian ideas of centralization and bureaucratization into the army. Clark's approach allows him to examine the interaction between predominately military factors (e.g. the size and scale of American wars and the structures of American military institutions) and larger trends in American culture and society. Like many historians, between the analytical poles of continuity and change, Clark gravitates toward the latter—and he also locates the primary causal forces of change in larger American society. As he puts it, "the vertical ties of continuity within the military are less important than the horizontal ties across society. Therefore, each professional generation is more a product of its time than a creation of military institutions" (9). Clark's approach thus eschews an abstract and social-scientific notion of professionalism, perhaps best embodied in Samuel P. Huntington's The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (1957). While that work is dated and challenged by most historians, if still cited due to its importance and influence, American military institutions (as Clark himself well knows) remain heavily influenced by conceptions of professionalism that claim to be timeless and enduring. Even the use of history in the American military's educational apparatus tends to gravitate toward the discovery of "lessons learned," which can be applied across wide stretches of time and place. In contrast, perhaps the most trenchant lesson Clark draws from his work for the current American profession of arms is a generational gap in the present US Army between general officers who led troops in Iraq and Afghanistan as senior officers, and junior officers who began their careers in those conflicts at the small unit level. As Clark puts it, "bridging the gaps between these quite different frames of reference is not impossible, but it is unlikely because the bureaucratic artifacts that give an army substance—doctrine, regulations, training plans—rarely [End Page 600] make explicit the assumptions on which they are based. … The most insidious divides are those that go unnoticed" (xi). Among most professional academic historians, Preparing for War would find ready agreement regarding its argument for the primacy of historical change over political scientists' search for timeless continuities, but where Clark's work makes its biggest contribution is in its longer distinctive chronological spread. William Skelton's An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1861 (1993) covers the creation of a professional officer corps, but excludes from its coverage the Civil War. It also covers the creation of an American military profession, as opposed to its continuing evolution. Samuel Watson's magisterial two-volume study of the Jacksonian and antebellum US Army, Jackson's Sword: The Army Officer Corps on the American Frontier, 1810–1821 (2012) and Peacekeepers and...

Generations and Access to Land in Postconflict Northern Uganda: “Youth Have No Voice in Land Matters”

Abstract:Generational tensions are one of the many forms that land conflicts take in northern Uganda. The convention in Acholiland was that young men gained land-use rights through their fathers and young women gained them through their husbands. This pattern of generational governance has become complicated in the wake of the civil war and decades of internment in IDP camps. Lacking husbands, young women are using land of their patrilateral kin, while young men who grew up with their mothers may use that of their matrilateral relatives. This article, based on fieldwork in the Acholi subregion between 2014 and 2016, explores classic anthropological concerns about gerontocracy and patriliny in a contemporary postconflict situation. It describes the discreet land access strategies of young men and women and the ways in which they seek to complement dependence on relatives by renting or buying land. The image of the “war generation” as morally spoiled is countered by an examination of the consequences of war and internment for young people’s claims to use land.

Interpreters of Occupation: Gender and the Politics of Belonging in an Iraqi Refugee Network

Interpreters of Occupation: Gender and the Politics of Belonging in an Iraqi Refugee Network