Genealogy Of Christ Research Articles

Critiquing the Presence of Outsiders, Women of Questionable Pasts in Jesus’ Genealogy: Lessons for Contemporary Christianity

The book of Mathew has an unusual beginning and a casual reading shows a monotonous account of people “begoting” another and this itself, is somewhat boring and repetitive. Asides this repetitiveness, a striking feature of this account is the mention of four women and a fifth, Tamar, Rahab, Ruth, Bathsheba and Mary. Extant literature on the genealogy of Jesus in Matthew have largely focused on it from the perspective of his role as the messiah, his ancestry and lineage, and in comparison with the Lukan genealogy, with scant attention paid to the presence of women, especially from a critical point of view. This study, therefore critiqued the unusual mention of women in a chronicle of men given the patriarchal setting of the history. The aim of this research was to answer the following research questions: who are these women and why were they mentioned in an historical account that was predominantly masculine? What purpose did they serve in the Mathean genealogy? These questions were answered critically with the view of drawing lessons for contemporary Christians, especially as they concern women. The study used philosophical methods of contextualism and the verification principle. The study revealed that the inclusion of Tamar, Rahab, Ruth, Bathsheba and Mary in the genealogy of Christ was not accidental but purposeful, especially in a history that looked down on women. More so, many lessons could be drawn from the lives of these women by contemporary women, Christians generally and the society at large and the major one is that no one should be written off.

The Tree of Jesse and the Passion content in the setting of the Altar of the Holy Cross in the post-Dominican church in Klimontów

The article presents issues concerning the interpretation of the prophecy of Isaiah (11, 1-3) in the works of religious art. One of these works is the altar in the post-Dominican church in Klimontów near Sandomierz. The town belonged to the Ossoliński family from the 15th century. In the first half of the 17th century, a Dominican church and monastery were built in Klimontów. In the altar, made around mid-17th century, there is a carved and gilded wood of Jesse. The image of the Tree of Jesse surrounds the main part of the altar. It presents the content of the passions (from the top: the Veil of St Veronica, Judgment on Jesus, crucifix). The author of the article discusses the meaning of individual parts of the altar. He emphasizes that the content of the Virgin Mary – which appears in other representations of the Tree of Jesse – has not been shown in it. In the altar the following idea was realized: announcement – fulfilment (an event from the New Testament is the fulfilment of what was announced in the Old Testament). In this case, the Tree of Jesse (the genealogy of Christ) foreshadows a Saviour from the lineage of David. He is the king who triumphs from the cross.

THE JESUS GENEALOGY CONTROVERSY REVEALS THE SECRET OF THE SALVATION PLAN

This study aims to uncover the secret of the plan of salvation that lies in the genealogy of Jesus Christ recorded in Matthew 1:1–17, especially in the context of the presence of foreign and sinful women in Jesus' lineage. In this effort, the method of theological analysis was used to understand the theological significance and moral message contained in the inclusion of women such as Tamar, Rahab, Ruth, and Uriah's wife in the genealogy of Christ. This research delves into the historical and cultural context of Matthew's writing and analyzes how the inclusion of these women complements and illustrates the fulfillment of God's all-encompassing and gracious promise. The findings of this study will deepen understanding of the redemptive narrative woven into the genealogy of Jesus Christ, provide deep insight into the inclusiveness of God's plan of salvation, and offer an evocative testimony of His infinite love and mercy to all mankind.

“The Virgin Eleusa with the Tree of Jesse” icon of the late 17th c. from the Voinyliv church in Ivano-Frankivsk region: motifs and symbolism of iconography

The purpose of the article is to interpret the meaning and symbolism of the Virgin Eleusa with the Tree of Jesse icon of the late 17th century from the Voinyliv church in the Ivano-Frankivsk region. The methodology of iconography and iconology, formal analysis, semiotics, and reconstruction were used to achieve this goal. The scientific novelty of the article is that the symbolism of the Virgin Eleusa with the Tree of Jesse icon of the end of the 17th century from Voinyliv was comprehensively interpreted for the first time, the idea of the connection of the old and new testaments was emphasized, the composition of the icon was reconstructed, and most persons were identified. Conclusions. The 17th century Virgin Eleusa with the Tree of Jesse icon from the Voinyliv church presents a symbolic composition with a complex theological program. In the Ukrainian art of that and later times, there are several other examples of the Theotokos icons of complex iconography, but with other content and composition. The iconography of the Voinyliv icon reveals a connection with the praise of Our Lady, with the genealogy of Christ, with the continuity of the New Testament Church of Christ, and with the Synaxis of the Theotokos. The image of the Virgin Mary with the Jesus Child reproduces a variant of the miraculous Lidda-Rome icon, widespread in the Western Ukrainian art of the Peremyshl and Lviv dioceses of the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries.

Les traditions généalogiques de la famille de Jésus et les généalogies évangéliques

In his Letter to Aristides, Julius Africanus (c. 170 - c. 250) relates a tradition about the “Desposynoi”, members of Jesus’ family in Galilee, and their use of a family genealogy in the context of missionary work. Since this tradition was mistakenly assimilated with later material, which Africanus used in order to reconcile Matthew’s and Lukes’ genealogies of Jesus, its significance has not always been fully appreciated. In this essay, both these tradition and information that Africanus had about the “Desposynoi” are placed under close scrutiny. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the tradition preserved in the Letter to Aristides is a precious witness to this group’s activity in the second half of the first century, probably before 70. The study also explores the possibility of a connection between the Desposynoi’s genealogy and that of the canonical Gospels. The evidence suggests that the former could be the source of the genealogy of Luke 3:23-38.

Eusebius of Caesarea, Gospel Problems and Solutions Quaestiones ad Stephanum et Marinum (review)

Reviewed by: Eusebius of Caesarea, Gospel Problems and Solutions Quaestiones ad Stephanum et Marinum Claudio Zamagni Eusebius of Caesarea, Gospel Problems and Solutions Quaestiones ad Stephanum et MarinumTranslated by David J. D. Miller, Adam C. McCollum, Carol Downer, et al.Ancient Texts in Translation, 1 Ipswich: Chieftain Publishing, 2010. This work edited by Roger Pearse fills a true gap. It makes readily available the subsisting traditions of the Questions and Answers on the Gospelsby Eusebius, publishing their original text together with their first English translation. This is a relatively unknown work by the famous bishop of Caesarea: it concerns the exegesis of the gospels and is probably the very first Christian book written in a questions-and-answers form. Eusebius briefly asks questions on problematic sections of the gospels and then gives ample and documented answers to solve such problems. The first part of this book deals mainly with the two genealogies of Jesus, which greatly differ between Matthew and Luke. The second part of the work discusses the contradictions among the four gospels in the narratives of Jesus' resurrection. Although the original form of Questions and Answers as written by Eusebius is lost, we still have many textual remains of it. There is, first of all, a Greek "abridged selection" of this book. We have further some very important Greek fragments preserved in the catenaon Luke by Nicetas of Herakleia, containing many sections of the text otherwise lost. Finally, we have some other minor textual traditions, either in Greek or in other ancient languages. Before the publication of this book (which in fact appeared in June 2011), all these fragmentary traditions were published in several books or journals and were not easily available. Roger Pearse has collected all the testimonies that exist in printed form, reprinting their original texts together with an English translation. For some of the testimonies here edited, this is even the first translation ever made in any modern language. This book tries also to do something more than merely collect and translate the known sources: it proposes dozens of corrections to the Greek texts (by David Miller) and identifies a possible new Greek fragment (Pearse actually proposes thirteen additional fragments, but they were already known [except p. 168 n. 23]). The corrections proposed to the Greek are always interesting, although they may represent a step back in the textual criticism of this text, as they sometimes adopt a lectio facilior(an example, p. 77 n. 56) or even mix different textual traditions (this goes in both senses between the "selection" and Nicetas, cf. p. 21 n. 6 or 147 n. 8). Concerning the fragments in other languages, this volume translates the well-known Latin allusions from Jerome and Ambrose (not a true textual tradition for me). It translates then three oriental versions of this text: Syriac, Coptic, and Arabic. The Syriac tradition is well known and has been reprinted here only in its major manuscript, an appendix to the Syriac catenaon the gospels by Severus of Antioch, which has also been vocalized by Adam McCollum. Furthermore, two new Syriac fragments have been published (n. 13-14, p. 344-48). The Coptic and Arabic fragments represent one of the more interesting contributions of this volume, as both of these textual traditions have [End Page 649]not been taken into account up to now in studies devoted Eusebius's Questions(although Caubet Iturbe, the editor of the Arabic version, correctly indicated this source already in 1970). The Arabic is a thirteenth-century translation of the Coptic text, which is itself a translation from a Greek catenaor, perhaps more correctly, from a Monophysite dogmatic florilegium (on this point one can refer to the article by G. Dorival in Studia Patristica15 [1984]). All twenty-two new fragments attributed to Eusebius from these two versions are edited and translated here (Carol Downer and others for the Coptic, and Adam McCollum for the Arabic, here unvocalized), but only five of them are actually from the Questions: Coptic 1 (= Arabic 1), 4, and 6 (= Arabic 5). This book is unfortunately not informative about all these different textual traditions, their status, and their historical development. It even...

Las genealogías de Jesús

The article takes up a previous study, entitled "The Genealogies of Jesus" (RevBib 71/3-4 [2009] 193-218), in order to present complements in a visual and written way, bringing not only clarifications, but also the treatment of minor issues.

Überlegungen zum Adressaten von Eusebs Historia ecclesiastica

ABSTRACT In this essay, a prevailing confusion concerning the readership of Eusebius' Historia ecclesiastica is sought to be remedied by virtue of a literary reading of the Historia ecclesiastica as a unified whole. The approach taken does neither intend to find out who actually read the work nor who the intended readers were. Instead of that, the question of the implied readership is raised. It is contended that the Historia ecclesiastica is characterized by an immediate understanding between the reader and the narrator, and that the reader must possess a certain amount of knowledge of Christianity in order to profit from the work. Furthermore, it is shown that the implied reader must able to follow rather technical discussions concerning the genealogy of Christ or the delimitation of the New Testament canon. It follows that the reader should not be regarded as uneducated. While the predominant emic-perspective of the Historia ecclesiastica suggests that the implied readers should be understood as Christians, the apologetic introduction to the work might imply that adversaries of the Christian faith should also be counted among the implied readers. As regards to this problem, the stance of the essay is to regard the adversaries as a secondary audience. Furthermore, it is rejected that the implied readership should also consist of pagans and Jews sympathetic towards Christianity, as these groups are not offered any foothold in the work.

Las genealogías de Jesús

In the course of history, both Christians and Jews and pagans argued heatedly over the genealogies of Jesus, who are found in Mt 1:1-17 and Lk 3:23-38 (cf. the respective lists in the items 2.1 and 2.2 of this article). This discussion was due to the fact that they have huge differences between them. For their part, Christians tried to justify some of these differences by means of thesis of harmonization, due to the theological necessity that there be only one genealogy. On the other hand, sometimes this complication has been adopted even in critical studies, preferring to formulate incongruent proposals that sin by the lack of a proper and thorough analysis. This article aims to review them and undertake an analysis detailed structure of the lists and the names that the makeup. For this purpose, new details and observations will be presented that can lead to more logical, appropriate and enlightening solutions.

From the horizontal to the vertical genealogical image of the Nemanjic dynasty

Sometime in the XIV century, towards the end of the second or beginning of the third decade, the 'horizontal genealogical image' of the Serbian rulers gave way to a new depiction of their genealogy. We find the earliest surviving Nemanjic family tree, painted in a vertically arranged composition in the narthex of Gracanica, followed by those in Pec, Decani, Mateic and Studenica. The appearance of the new type of image presenting the Serbian dynastic genealogy was, on the one hand, due to the problems caused by the ever lengthening series of rulers' portraits. They led to the deformation of the thematic programmes and did not correspond to the dynamic spirit of 'Palaeologan renaissance' art. On the other hand, from the mid-XIII century there was a obvious intention to link the idea of a 'chosen people' and the genealogy of Christ with the Nemanjic dynasty. This process unfolded simultaneously in literature, royal charters and visual art. It was facilitated by the fact that presentations of Christ's genealogy - the Tree of Jesse - were introduced in the programmes of Serbian churches from the second half of the XIII century. A correspondence had already been established between the presentations of Christ's genealogy and the portraits of the Nemanjic family included in the broader thematic ensembles inspired by dynastic ideology, in Sopocani and, subsequently, in Moraca, Arilje and the King's Church in Studenica. Even in the description of the family tree of the Serbian dynasty itself, the notions of 'pious lineage', 'the holy root', 'the branch of good fruit', 'the blessed shoots' etc. were used in the written sources. In this way, a process gradually matured along the path towards creating a dynastic picture of the house of Nemanjic that was iconographically coordinated to the Tree of Jesse. However, the 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici was not a simple transposition of the 'horizontal genealogy' into the structure of the new iconographic scheme. It is possible to notice significant contextual differences between the two types of the Serbian dynastic picture, especially regarding the presentation of the rulers' wives or the rulers' daughters, or male relatives from the lateral branches. A number of questions that had earlier been of particular importance, such as the order of succession to the throne through the direct bloodline, became submerged in a multitude of new messages and slowly lost significance. The 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici focused far more on the proclamation of general dynastic messages. As a more developed and complex picture than the 'horizontal' genealogy, it was able to convey more carefully nuanced details about what effect dynastic history had on the awareness of the court. Apart from that, in contrast to the presentations of XIII century 'horizontal genealogies' that illustrated Nemanja and his direct successors as monks, the new type of dynastic picture quite clearly stressed the 'imperial' nature of the ruler's family. A similar change of meaning can also be noted in contemporaneous royal charters. One should view this interesting phenomenon through the prism of the increasingly tangible influences of Byzantine imperial ideology on Serbian dynastic thought. The distinct influence of Byzantine perceptions can also be recognized in the motive of the ruler's investiture being performed by God himself, depicted at the top of the Nemanjic family tree. Therefore, the new Serbian genealogical picture reflected much more clearly than its predecessor, the Byzantine teachings about power, which blended the 'dynastic principle' with dogma regarding the providential election of the ruler. In later monuments, where a composite family tree was depicted, linking the Nemanjic dynasty to the Byzantine and the Bulgarian royal families (Mateic, and perhaps even Studenica), the concept of the 'new Israel' was redefined in Serbian imperial ideology, according to the universalistic views adopted from Byzantium. Although all the essential iconographic details of dynastic genealogy in the form of the family tree were of Byzantine origin, no credible testimonies were found in scientific research that the theme itself was designed in artistic form in Byzantium. Hence, one cannot exclude the possibility that the Nemanjic family tree was an authentic, iconographic creation devised in Serbia. With the necessary caution, here, we should stress that the Serbian environment was quite singular because it had a long lasting and, moreover sacred dynasty. For that reason it was particularly absorbed in dynastic issues and the idea of 'a new chosen people'. That environment traveled the path to a 'vertical' dynastic picture slowly, following the evolutionary logic of its own culture and art.

A Note on the Ancestors of Christ in the Sistine Chapel

The writer suggests an alternative interpretation of how the figures and names painted by Michelangelo in the lunettes of the Sistine Chapel in the Vatican, Rome, may be related. Although the locus classicus for interpretations that make strict connections between the figures and names is Charles de Tolnay's account for the lunettes as “the sphere of shadow and death,” this analysis has generally suffered since cleaning in the 1980s revealed the rich range of colors in this part of the chapel. The writer proposes that the names do not act primarily as strict indicators of individuals, but, in the Genealogy of Christ, are terms in a chain from Abraham to Jesus. She concludes that all the names must be taken together to denote the Ancestors of Christ.

Le Triptyque du "Buisson ardent" de Nicolas Froment et son programme iconographique

The Burning Bush triptych by the fifteenth-century French painter Nicolas Froment allows a triple thematic reading involving, in addition to the Burning Bush, allusions to the revelations to St. Joachim and St. Joseph. These three themes are closely linked to typological interpretations regarding Christ's genealogy and, by extension, the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin which appeared frequently in the illustrations of the Biblia Pauperum and the Speculum humanae salvationis from the fourteenth century on. The interpretation of the genealogy of Christ is found in the Breviare Romanum, the possible source for the inscription taken from Exodus 111:2 at the bottomof the central panel, which is in accordance with the text of the Book of Hours in front of the donor in the right-hand panel Ecclesiastes 24:11); and in the Missale Romanum, in which the text of Proverbs 8:22-35, part of which is shown at the top of the panel, is followed by the account given by St. Joseph, husband of Mary, of Messianic genealogy in Matthew 1:1-16. The blessing bestowed by Moses on Joseph, son of Israel, in Deuteronomy 33:13-16, corresponds closely to Jacob's blessing in Genesis IXL:22-26 in its reference to the twelve tribes of Israel - which are represented by the figures framing the central panel -and thus could be the primary source for the thematic coupling of Moses and St. Joseph.

The Emperor Julian as a Witness To the Text of Luke

A reference to the Gospel of Luke ascribed to Julian the Apostate is preserved in one of the few fragments of an assumed commentary on Luke of Theodore of Mopsuestia.1 The reference deals with the story of Jesus' agony in Gethsemane which as one may expect, is severely criticized by the emperor for more than one reason.2 We do not know from which source Theodore got his information concerning this critical statement of Julian, but his source may have been the emperor's second book against the Galilaeans. The reference is not found in Cyril's refutation of Julian Pro christiana religione,3 which is our main source for the reconstruction ofJulian's work.4 In his first book he mentions in passing that the genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke disagree and he promises that in his

Book Review: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Book Review: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Shorter Notice: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies: With Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Shorter Notice: <scp>The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies</scp>: With Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Book Review: II. Biblical Studies: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies, with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Book Review: II. Biblical Studies: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies, with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Book Review: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Book Review: The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus

Typology in the Sistine Ceiling: A Critical Statement

In an essay on “Sante Pagnini and Michelangelo A Study in the Succession of Savonarola,”1 I observed some years ago that the Genealogy of Christ, the representation of which in the Sistine Ceiling poses an iconographical problem of difficulty, forms the subject of a large group of Renaissance sermons, tracts, and anthologies. Among these I mentioned the sermons collected in the Renaissance Homeliarius (1506), the commentary of St. Antonine of Florence in his Summa (1480), the debate on the Genealogy between Annius of Viterbo (1498) and Samuel of Cassino (1502),2 and the summation of these tendencies in the Isagoge (1536) of Sante Pagnini, Savonarola's pupil.3 I notice that in Mr. Hartt's article on the Sistine Ceiling,4 in which this subject is discussed at length (pp. 201–213), no mention is made anywhere of the existence of these Renaissance sermons and tracts, and that the Isagoge of Sante Pagnini is dismissed without even a record of its title.5 From Mr. Hartt's own arguments it is evident that these sources were not consulted by him, which may be owing to the fact that accessible libraries are not always equipped for the study of Renaissance theology. Yet this hardly suffices to excuse the extraordinary action of avoiding any reference to the existence of so large a body of relevant Renaissance literature, or of substituting for it quotations from Hrabanus Maurus who wrote in the ninth century. Among the many mediaeval commentaries of Matthew 1, which offer a mystical interpretation of the names in the Genealogy, the text of Hrabanus is not outstanding either for the singularity or the wealth or the influence of its propositions,6 and it does not fit Michelangelo's pictures.

The Source in Art of the So-Called Prophets Play in the Hegge Collection

The seventh play in the Hegge collection of English mystery plays is unique: in it is to be found a striking, and I believe hitherto unnoted, influence of art. James Orchard Halliwell, in his edition of the Hegge plays,' calls this play " The Prophets." But whatever its superficial likeness to the liturgical Processus Prophetarum, and other prophet plays, it is my conviction that this single English play is directly influenced by -indeed, largely derived from-that pictorial representation of the genealogy of Christ which is known in art as the Tree of Jesse, Stirps Jesse, or Radix Jesse. In order to make this matter clear, I must first set forth what is meant by the Tree of Jesse; how it was usually represented; what its probable age; and what the extent of its dissemination. Then a brief consideration of the play will indicate the chain of relationship between the iconographic and the dramatic form. It is convenient to begin with the prescription for the representing of the tree of Jesse, found in that Byzantine Guide to Painting discovered by AIl. Adolphe Napoleon Didron: " The righteous Jesse sleeps. Out of the lower part of his breast spring three branches; the two smaller ones surround him, the third and larger one rises erect and entwines round the figures of Hebrew kings from David to Christ. The first is David; he holds a harp. Then comes Solomon; and after him, the other kings following