Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. All translations are mine except those from the English version of the Museum's online exhibit. I would like to thank the two anonymous readers for their insightful critiques of an earlier draft of this essay. I would also like to thank Tatjana Gajic for her encouragement on this project. 2. To be sure, this image of the regime leaves out accounts that highlight its inchoate nature, especially in the immediate aftermath of the war. Consider the following from one A.V. Phillips Phillips , A. V. Spain under Franco . London : United , 1940 . [Google Scholar], an English journalist incarcerated for 132 days in late 1939: “As late as December, that is to say, nine months after Franco had taken Madrid, leaflets were being handed round to the prisoners with questions like these: What is your name? Why and when were you arrested?” (1940: 9). The website does not express (or works to repress) this disconnect between Francoism's knowledge and power. 3. Because this reading reflects my own engagement with the text, I will accordingly refer to the web user with masculine gendered pronouns. 4. In a similar way, Resina discusses the tension between forgiveness and rehabilitation that arises in ideologically charged competing memories of the same events (“Introduction” 8). 5. Following Landow, I use the terms hypertext and hypermedia interchangeably (4). 6. Ángela Cenarro offers an alternative perspective on the impetus of recent criticism when she writes: “the recovery of the darkest episodes of the Spanish recent past has not been sponsored by the state. The task has been demanded by civil society, and historians have been the leaders in this process” (“Public Sphere” 165). 7. For a discussion of the problems associated with representation, see Spivak Spivak , Gayatri Chakravorty . “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture C. Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg . Urbana : U of Illinois P , 1988 . 271 – 313 .[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]'s essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” The justice I am attributing to the web user's navigation of the Museum's website recalls the following remark from Derrida Derrida , Jacques . Spectres of Marx . New York : Routledge , 1994 . [Google Scholar] in his Spectres of Marx: “No justice … seems possible or thinkable without the principle of some responsibility … before the ghosts of those who are not yet born or who are already dead” (xix). 8. Contemporary criticism has vociferously questioned the reduction of subjectivity to a function of the body. In conflating the two here, I am only pointing out the logic of the website. For a broader discussion of the topic as it pertains to the moment in Spain under discussion, see the following two articles by Michael Richards Richards , Michael . “Morality and Biology in the Spanish Civil War: Psychiatrists, Revolution and Women Prisoners in Málaga.” Contemporary European History 10 . 3 (2001) : 395 – 421 .[Crossref], [PubMed] , [Google Scholar]: “Morality and Biology in the Spanish Civil War: Psychiatrists, Revolution and Women Prisoners in Málaga” and “Spanish Psychiatry c. 1900–1945: Constitutional Theory, Eugenics, and the Nation”. 9. Angel Suárez Suárez , Angel . Libro blanco sobre las cárceles franquistas 1939–1976 . Châtillon-sous-Bagneux, , France : Ruedo Ibérico , 1976 . [Google Scholar] points to numerous decrees signed by Franco before the end of the war: 25 October 1936, the suppression of political and union activity; 19 April 1937 (the “Unification”), the creation of a single political party; 22 April 1938, the “Ley de Prensa” (“Law of the Press”), limiting freedom of expression; 9 February 1939, the “Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas” (“Law of Political Responsibility”) (45–46). 10. This insight comes from one of my anonymous reviewers. 11. This strategy met with resistance from the prisoners who recognized its demoralizing purpose. In response, many created what Vinyes calls an “economía identitaria” (“economy of identity”) in which they “crear[on] sus propias redes alternativas de distribución” (“created their own alternative networks of distribution”) (173). 12. The distinction between justice and law [droit] is fundamental to Derrida's argument in Spectres of Marx and pervades the entire work.