Gender Agenda Research Articles

WOMEN IN REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF POWER IN 2017-2021: A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS

The paper analyzes similarities and differences in the social portrait of female politicians in the countries of Western, Eastern Europe and North America (Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Poland, Russia, and USA), as well as the correlation between the state specifics of socio-economic and political spheres and the level of women's representation in politics. A cross-national study of the trajectories of women entering politics was implemented on the basis of the database “Women in representative bodies of power, political parties and activism, 2017-2021” prepared by the research team. The sections of the database help in covering the gender agenda of political parties, the presence or absence of gender quotas at the intra-party or state levels, the representation of women in party bodies and electoral lists for 2017-2021. They also help in providing a detailed portrait of female deputies. Based on the concept of descriptive and substantive representation, the authors identify the key characteristics of the portrait of a female parliamentarian in the selected countries and conclude that parties, in particular their regional branches or youth organizations, are the main channel for recruiting professional female politicians. Activism, despite its visibility in the media, becomes a channel for promotion to parliament for only one in five female parliamentarians in the selected countries. Based on the application of correlation analysis, an assumption is formulated, which needs to be confirmed on a larger sample, that intra-party decisions on gender quotas, rather than state ones, play a more significant role in increasing the representation of women in the party’s faction.

Gender Equality vs ‘Morality’: The Erosion of Gender Agendas in Kenya

This article seeks to interpret the recent erosion of gender equality agendas in Kenya through a lens of anti‑gender pushback, or patriarchal backlash. Since 2013, Kenyan governments have increasingly been appealing to citizens’ emotions through apparently ‘sound’ discourse, citing simple de‑contextualised narratives that resonate with many people, such as ‘family values’ and ‘Kenyan moral codes’. Gender equality – and policies and praxis to advance this – is increasingly framed as ‘non-African’, with laws, policies, and practices focused upon gender justice depicted as destructive of the ‘African family’, underscored by a particular framing of religion and morality. By including a broader understanding of the diverse manifestations of backlash within the Kenyan context, this article focuses on how notions of morality are mobilised by a range of implicated actors – government, politicians, media, and repressive religious forces – to undermine policies, laws, and discourse that seek to further gender justice in Kenya.

La sociedad contra las élites: aproximación a las bases sociales del apoyo electoral a Petro en Colombia

Objective/Context: One of the effects of the internal war in Colombia was to hinder the expression of the social conflict and of the organizations that mobilize the popular sectors. The plebiscite to ratify the Peace Accord aimed at putting an end to the war was a politically polarized juncture channeled through the electoral process. The shift in the centrality of the issue of the internal war after the signing of the Accord opened the possibility of expression of the social conflict. However, in a country with weak social and political organizations to shape this conflict, it is expressed: 1) without politically aligned framings; 2) as a generalized discontent with the elites and a feeling of “tilted playing field”. Therefore, political polarization after the plebiscite is low. We develop this argument based on the analysis of voters’ positions in relation to the most important issues of the political agenda: Peace Agreement, redistributive agenda (taxes and welfare) and governmental management of the COVID pandemic, and gender agenda. Methodology: The article is based on 16 focus groups conducted between September and November 2021 in three regions of Colombia —Bogotá, Antioquia and the Caribbean— in which voters from the two main 2018 electoral options participated, with gender balance and variation in occupation and between middle and lower classes. Conclusion: The data show that there is no political polarization at the citizen level. Instead, a high level of discontent towards political and economic elites is observed, which may be at the basis of electoral support for Petro in 2022. Originality: The article offers an alternative look at the perception that many Colombians have that they live in a polarized society and contributes to the understanding of electoral support for an “anti-system” force in the 2022 election.

A (des)proteção das mulheres no MERCOSUL: uma visão institucional

Abstract The main objective of this research is to verify the existence of norms, policies and/or institutions within the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) for the promotion and defense of women's rights, given the position of subalternity, oppression, objectification, sexualization and, repeatedly, racialization that they are subjected to at the domestic level of its Member States, due to a colonial legacy that supported the formation of patriarchal societies in Latin America, therefore, including the southern cone. Not only that, once they exist, we also intended to determine when these measures and actions were adopted, in an attempt to note a link between them and Mercosur's progressive moments. After all, we aim to advance the idea that gender agendas only gain prominence when right-wing politicians are not in office at the States Parties, suggesting, in the end, that for there to be continuity and an effective decolonization of gender in the framework of regional integration, significant institutional changes in the bloc would be necessary.

Kurdish gender politics: Funeral ceremonies of female fighters

AbstractThe funeral ceremonies of female fighters are a relatively recent phenomenon that gained popularity in Kurdish politics in Turkey in the early 2000s and after the 2011 uprisings in Syria. As a sociocultural rite, these funerals have become a spectacular site, a political means, and a symbolic investment serving an intersectional agenda pursuing Kurdish national and gender‐egalitarian aspirations simultaneously. The funerals provide a ground for mobilizing women to claim symbolic authority in public and inscribe women as nation builders to the notion of nation. Women undertaking this intersectional task through national discourse garnered significant academic interest in the national dimension of the ceremonies. However, the emphasis on the national aspect overshadowed the gendered strategy the ceremonies signify. This article investigates the gender aspect of funerals to draw attention to the use of national discourse to subvert patriarchal dynamics within society, highlighting the role of national struggle in women's pursuit of liberation from social oppression. Therefore, it speaks to the scholarship focused on gender in nationalist endeavors and revisits the discussions on gender‐nation relations by focusing on national discourse instrumentalization serving the gender agenda. The analysis reveals the intricate dynamics between gender and nation and how they intersect in pursuing women's liberation.

The underrepresentation of women in sport leadership in South Africa.

The lack of representation of women in sport leadership, despite global movements and policies that have found some traction, is a persistent, unremitting challenge globally, and especially in South Africa. This study aimed to explore the intersections of gender and sports ideology and its impact on gender (in) equity in the South African context. The study draws on African feminist theories and perspectives as a conceptual framework. Twenty-eight interviews with prominent administrators, gender activists in sport, and practitioners from the sport-for-development sector and thematic document analysis provided qualitative data for the generation of three main themes relating to: (i) norms and values; (ii) male resistance; and (iii) agency. The results of the study show minimal traction on changing patriarchally informed cultural beliefs towards women with men as gatekeepers and masculinity framed for leadership attributes in most sports. Within an African feminist viewpoint, gender justice is multilayered and the inclusion of women within a holistic environment of shared decision-making and equitable resource mobilisation and distribution cannot be achieved through advocacy alone but necessitate the mainstreaming of a gender agenda to meaningfully address transformative change of sport systems and practices.

Pan-African gender governance: The politics of aspiration at the African Union

Abstract The African Union (AU) has developed an elaborate gender governance architecture, including gender machineries and women’s desks, policy frameworks, path-breaking women’s rights laws, and ongoing campaigns on women’s rights–related issues. At the same time, the member states’ engagement with this architecture is at best lukewarm, with a lack of domestication, compliance, and accountability. This paradox is addressed in this article by developing the theoretical thinking around aspirational politics (Martha Finnemore and Michelle Jurkovich, ‘The politics of aspiration’, International Studies Quarterly, 64:4 [2020], pp. 759–69) and political brokers (Stacie E. Goddard, ‘Brokering change: Networks and entrepreneurs in international politics’, International Theory, 1:2 [2009], pp. 249–81), showing the social and relational origins of pan-African gender governance. In doing so, the article examines how ‘aspirational politics’ can be operationalized to examine the sociocultural and political production of shared future imaginaries. The paper focuses on AU femocrats as the key actors for AU’s aspirational gender agenda and argues for their importance as political brokers between AU member states, donors, UN agencies, and civil society organisations. By mobilizing actors and facilitating common ground and agreement, their institutionalized broker position allowed for various political entrepreneurs to emerge and thrive. At the same time, their pursuits are met with ‘aspirational fatigue’ or outright contestation by the member states. The case of the AU demonstrates how aspirational politics is not a ‘phase’ leading to norms governance but part and parcel of normative negotiation and engagement.

International Legal Mechanisms for the Protection and Promotion of Women’s Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean

At both universal and regional levels, women are identified as a vulnerable category of individuals, as they are at the increased risk of becoming victims of human rights violations. Historical experience points to practices and traditions that have purposely limited women’s rights, resulting in entrenched stereotypes against women. The most acute form of violation of women’s rights is gender-based violence. In 2021, at least 4,473 women in Latin America and the Caribbean were victims of feminicide, 1 an extreme and deadly form of gender-based violence. The purpose of this article is to analyze the Inter-American international legal mechanisms for the protection and promotion of women’s rights. Both universal international legal instruments and regional Inter-American agreements provide mechanisms that enable individuals, whose rights were violated as a result of discrimination or violence, to submit individual communications. In addition, both universal mechanisms and regional Inter-American mechanisms promote the gender agenda in Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as the implementation of international law in national legislation. The in-depth analysis of Inter-American mechanisms for the protection and promotion of women’s rights reveals both the system’s unique features and its shortcomings. In particular, the two-level system of individual communications submission means that not all cases, which deal with the protection of women’s rights against violence, reach the Inter- American Court of Human Rights. Moreover, the insignificant number of cases of women’s rights violations heard before the Court points to the weak law enforcement practice within the existing Inter-American mechanisms. In addition to the Inter-American regulation within the framework of the OAS, this article examines the activities of integration sub-regional unions, such as Mercosur and the Andean Community. In particular, these integration unions, as well as ECLAC — the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, contribute to gender equality and the empowerment of women within the region.

User Request for Content Produced by Female Influencers Online

The article represents the trends in information content, which is produced by the most popular Russian women bloggers. The purpose of the article is to study the discursive fields formed by female influencers in the Russian segment of the online space. Women influencers are able to formulate the gender specificity of published content, which leads to the transformation of discursive fields, first in the online space, and then in offline reality. The main channel of communication between influencers and the target audience is social media, which, on the one hand, provide an illusory freedom of expression, on the other hand, build a new, latently functioning hierarchical system for managing public opinion. Having a direct channel of communication with the audience, female influencers are able to broadcast the gender agenda, reproduce gender stereotypes, fixing them in the existing transit of social action from online to offline space. As a result of the network and linguo-discursive analysis, conclusions were drawn about which discursive fields broadcast by female influencers are the most popular among users, which in the future will not only construct their lifestyle, but also affect the perception of the gender agenda that reveals various aspects of a woman (self-realization, family, career, politics, education, etc.).

Global Care Crisis and COVID-19: The Actions of States and the Initiatives of Female Domestic Paid Workers in Latin America

Since 2020, social movements, organizations, and nation-states in Latin America have taken concrete actions in response to the COVID-19 crisis. Although contingency policies were promoted, it did not take long for inequities to become visible. The paid domestic work sector, historically feminized, was strongly affected by the COVID-19 crisis. While Latin American governments launched various assistance policies for the domestic work sector, a contemporary regional initiative of Latin American women, CONLACTRAHO, was also working with its members to help them retain their jobs while risking contracting the disease. Here, we will explore the initiatives developed by some Latin American governments and strategies from CONLACTRAHO in the context of the care crisis and the COVID-19 crisis. These examples will allow us to reflect, from a qualitative, intersectional, and decolonial approach, on commonalities and differences between the civil society agenda and the gender agenda of nation-states in the region. We understand that the unequal labor conditions of domestic workers are strongly related to the societal gender regime that historically distributes roles, opportunities, and resources among gender categories. This work is part of a broader reflection regarding the process of Latin American regional construction and its interrelation with contemporary ideas of nation.

ДЕРЖАВНА ПОЛІТИКА У СФЕРІ ПОДОЛАННЯ ГЕНДЕРНОЇ НЕРІВНОСТІ

The article examines the methodology of implementing gender policy, which is one of the main factors in achieving democracy. It is substantiated that the analysis of the world political practice and the regulatory framework of states showed that gender policy is perceived by the leadership of countries as an important direction of state activity, which is implemented with the aim of achieving a high political and legal status at the world level, striving to become a universally recognized democratic state. The national laws of Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway, the USA and Canada, signed international agreements and the creation of special state structures entrusted with the function of gender policy implementation were considered. It has been proven that women are still underrepresented in parliaments, governing bodies and political parties in the region, although gender issues have entered public discourse and debate. It was established that the interests of women are rarely taken into account and acted upon. It is substantiated that the populist and illiberal turn in European politics caused negative consequences for the gender agenda. Therefore, the study of political representation of women remains timely and relevant.

Женский депутатский корпус Российской Федерации субфедерального уровня: социально-политический состав

The paper analyses the social-demographic characteristics of the female deputies at sub-federal level of the Russian Federation in eight federal districts. The results of the analysis suggest a model of construction of the political field ‘from the top’, where the influence of the gender approach is minimal. Basis for female deputies’ representation is the heads of budget-funded educational and health care institutions, being co-opted into political bodies through nominations from poli­tical parties. The basic social resource for women remains their education and professional experience, which are applied in their choice of the relevant political area through their representation in ‘public committees’. Therefore, we can hardly speak of the gender agenda, other than a simple representation of gender in the political field. In this case, the electoral system type is of little importance and does not affect the gender representation ratio.
 The model of recruiting women into politics has changed in its basic features with regard to the minimal inclusion of women with experience in state and municipal service as the most obvious administrative resource. A traditional view of female deputies as a ‘teacher-doctor’ combination in the public sector is also undergoing a transformation: business community is approaching the government-financed sector in terms of the number of representatives. Pedagogics and other ‘humanities’ occupations are no longer dominant among female deputies; economics, management, and law together exceed the representation of pedagogues, indicating a social change in women’s representation.

Gender, Populism and Collective Identity: a Feminist Analysis of the Maoist Movement in Nepal

This article examines the construction of gender agendas in left-wing populist movements that mobilise for armed struggle, by focusing on the case of the Maoist movement in Nepal. Feminist scholarship has highlighted how left-wing populism, when appealing to a generalized “people”, tend to produce homogenizing discourses that erase inequalities and difference, even when such movements integrate a gender dimension. Examining the trajectory of the Maoist movement over time, we argue that this ‘sameness’ may become contested and utilized by women participating in the lower echelons of the movement, as the political reality shifts from conflict to post-conflict context. As our main contribution, we develop a bi-directional approach that employs the concept of collective identity and allows us to examine the construction of populist agendas as a two-way interaction between the leadership of a movement and its grass roots supporters. Through this approach we show how the gender dimension was not merely a bi-product but central to both the construction of the Maoist movement’s war time ‘progressive’ identity, and the fragmentation of this identity and the movement’s populist appeal in the post-conflict context.

Repositioning African women in politics: From critical mass to critical acts

abstract Affirmative action has been implemented through the African Union’s (AU) gender agenda to attain women’s political empowerment and to achieve gender justice goals both within the AU and by member states. Accordingly, quotas are used as the fast track means to ensure the increase in representation and participation of women in politics to achieve agreed gender parity and mainstreaming policy goals. Literature, particularly in relation to Africa, has tended to focus on the increased ‘quantity’ of women in political institutions rather than turning critical attention to the quality of change experienced as a result of women’s political participation and representation. The article asks what does it mean for African women to participate in the institutions of political decision-making? Drawing from interviews with gender policy makers and implementers at the AU, the article examines the ways in which political representation (critical acts) may have no more than symbolic value, instead of moving towards substantive representation in which women’s political actions have consequences and weight. It questions the ways in which women are hindered from substantive participation, including through being subtly undermined and marginalised, for example, through body-shaming or bringing aspects of their private lives under scrutiny in ways their male counterparts rarely are. The article considers the importance of the AU’s gender policy as a means to advance women’s political participation on the continent and raises the problem of feminist advocacy which has the potential to tokenise women in politics. Within the AU, and outside of it, women continue to advocate for women’s political empowerment in and through this influential regional body, whose gender policies inform those of the rest of the continent.

The trend towards sustainable development as a factor in reducing gender inequality

COVID-19 was called a "pandemic of inequality", which led to aggravation of all types of inequality, including gender. The pandemic actualized the issue of finding new ways and opportunities to improve the situation with gender equality in Russia. The article presents result of the analysis of Russian reports for the period 2016-2020 on the implementation of The 2030Agenda for Sustainable Development in terms of the country's progress towards achieving gender equality. The article analyzed not the whole national reports, but only the 5th Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) aimed at ensuring gender equality. The novelty of the author's approach to the analysis of the reports was that the indicators used in them to achieve the 5th SDG by 2030 wwere considered as factors of progress towards gender equality in the country. The article consists of two sections, an introduction and a conclusion. The first section provides a historical background that shows the stages in formation of the concept of sustainable development, starting from the ideas of Gro Harlem Brundtland, who headed the International Commission on Environment and Development (ICEDD) in 1987, to the system of indicators developed by Nobel laureates Joseph Stiglitz and Amartya Sen, who headed the Commission on Basic Indicators of Economic Activity and Social Progress in 2008-2009. When developing the Sustainable Development Goals, the experience accumulated over thirty years was used as the basis for them. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which includes the SDGs, was signed by 193 countries in 2015, including Russia. In 2020 Russia submitted to the UN two reports on the achievement of the SDGs — one prepared by the government and the other by civil society organizations. These reports reflected the progress in implementation of the SDGs for 2016-2020. The results of a brief comparative analysis of both reports are presented in the second section of the article. The analysis showed striking differences between these two reports: the outright bureaucratic formalism of the first and the creative constructive nature of the second. This indicates that it is the civil society, not the government, that is aware of the severity and urgency of the problems of gender inequality in Russia and is ready to solve them. The content of the report and the recommendations addressed by the civil society to the state show that implementation of the gender equality targets set in the SDGs can serve as an important factor in the country's progress towards gender equality. From the analysis of the form and content of the government report, it becomes obvious that the gender agenda is not among the priority areas of the Russian social policy.

Contribution of N. M. Rimashevskaya to development of gender economic research

The article is devoted to the contribution of the great Russian scholar economist N. M. Rimashevskaya to development of gender economic studies in the USSR and in Russia. N. M. Rimashevskaya found a scientific school of gender studies in the USSR, then developed it in Russia, amid the changing economic and socio-political order. The authors consider the scientific and socio-political path of N. M. Rimashevskaya and the directions of her work in the field of gender economic studies in the Soviet, transitional periods and in the new Millennium. The article shows the role of N. M. Rimashevskaya in institutionalization of gender studies in the USSR and Russia, in particular, in creation of the Moscow Center for Gender Studies, academic journal "Population", in conducting the Taganrog project, which is unique in terms of duration and its socio-economic and gender analysis' depth. Ahead of the spread of the gender agenda among international organizations such as the UN, as early as in the 1960s and 1970s, N. M. Rimashevskaya conducted gender comparison of the daily time-use and its distribution to paid and unpaid work based on the data collected in Taganrog, predetermining one of the most relevant areas for development of gender economic analysis and gender budgeting, as well as economic analysis in general. The article also pays attention to the research and development of strategic concepts concerning the country's socio-economic policy and the programs carried out by the Moscow Center for Gender Studies. The impact of the scientific school of gender studies in Moscow on the formation and institutionalization of women's social and political movements in the newly formed democracy in the early 1990s also deserves a special attention. And finally, the key areas of economic research on gender inequality conducted under the leadership of N. M. Rimashevskaya are structured and described. Keywords: gender inequality, gender economic studies, N. M. Rimashevskaya, Moscow school of gender studies, gender economic theory.

From minors to equals? Kalanga women and marriage legislation in post-colonial Botswana, 1966-2005

This article examines rural Kalanga women's reactions to marriage legislation in Botswana between 1966 and 2005. This legislation, it could be argued, fails to challenge the broader inequality which exists between women and men in Botswana. This becomes even more apparent when women are identified as belonging to a minority ethnic group and are resident in rural spaces. This article discusses how modernity, tradition-custom, and the law in Botswana converge today. It aims to demonstrate how some women reacted to the abolition of marital power, with a focus on how they perceive marriage. Focusing on rural Kalanga women, the study investigates reactions to Botswana's constitution of 1966, to the marriage laws of 1967, and the 2004 Abolition of Marital Power Act. Finally, it investigates the gendered impact of these laws - as well as the complex discourses surrounding marriage and human rights - on the lived experiences of Kalanga women. The article reflects on the divergent ways in which many women negotiated their struggle for recognition within their ethnic groups - while also circumventing their inferior position as wives under Botswana law and a patriarchal system. Some women in this study preferred to support a more 'traditional' form of inequality within the household. While this study cannot purport to represent all Kalanga women, it does ask important questions about the Botswana gender agenda and in so doing, raises questions of both the perpetuation of patriarchy and women's agency in Botswana.

From minors to equals? Kalanga women and marriage legislation in post-colonial Botswana, 1966-2005

This article examines rural Kalanga women's reactions to marriage legislation in Botswana between 1966 and 2005. This legislation, it could be argued, fails to challenge the broader inequality which exists between women and men in Botswana. This becomes even more apparent when women are identified as belonging to a minority ethnic group and are resident in rural spaces. This article discusses how modernity, tradition-custom, and the law in Botswana converge today. It aims to demonstrate how some women reacted to the abolition of marital power, with a focus on how they perceive marriage. Focusing on rural Kalanga women, the study investigates reactions to Botswana's constitution of 1966, to the marriage laws of 1967, and the 2004 Abolition of Marital Power Act. Finally, it investigates the gendered impact of these laws - as well as the complex discourses surrounding marriage and human rights - on the lived experiences of Kalanga women. The article reflects on the divergent ways in which many women negotiated their struggle for recognition within their ethnic groups - while also circumventing their inferior position as wives under Botswana law and a patriarchal system. Some women in this study preferred to support a more 'traditional' form of inequality within the household. While this study cannot purport to represent all Kalanga women, it does ask important questions about the Botswana gender agenda and in so doing, raises questions of both the perpetuation of patriarchy and women's agency in Botswana.

Female political leaders in Spanish popular culture: Institutionalized feminism in Isabel (TVE1, 2012–14)

A successful Spanish TV show, Isabel (three seasons, 2012–14; broadcasted through the national TV channel La 1) recovers an important female political figure in Spanish history, Isabella I of Castile – the Catholic monarch – as a powerful leader who achieved the unification of Spain and the expansion of a true empire during the fifteenth century. This recovery is not naïve, but fully charged with ideological positions that are played out in Spain’s current context. By virtue of being a woman – in fact, one of the most formidable female figures in Spanish history – the show brings to the fore questions regarding the relationship between gender and power both in the past and present history of Spain. Reference to her government allows drawing connections with the current state of affairs, most notoriously the mainstreaming of a Spanish gender agenda. It is our contention that the show’s chronological progression from a life devoted to attaining and consolidating power to the aspiration of having love and family, as well as the casting choices and characterization of the main protagonist, reveal ongoing political debates regarding the Spanish institutionalization of feminism and the prevalence of an understanding of feminism in line with a neo-liberal logic.

Strengths and shortcomings of Latin American participation in post-conflict Colombia

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse the characteristics of the Latin American participation in the United Nations Mission in Colombia (UNMC), looking into the contributions of regional actors to the peace process in the immediate post-conflict. Testimonies from Latin American actors involved in the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration process help identify their perceptions of strengths and shortcomings of the mission. This paper analyses both the enduring relevance of their individual/institutional trajectories and the adaptations needed to implement the Peace Agreement in the Colombian context.Design/methodology/approachThis is an exploratory case study. Primary data collection relied on in-depth, semi-structured interviews, allowing the authors to tap into how the trajectories of those involved help explain continuities and innovations of the UNMC regarding previous UN missions.FindingsThis paper argues that cultural factors are central to understand how Latin Americans participated in the UNMC. The design of the Monitoring and Verification Mechanism and the inclusion of a strong gender agenda make the UNMC a salient case, both for scholars studying Latin American presence in peace processes and for those looking into peace building, more generally.Originality/valueThe fieldwork, conducted with military/security forces, UN officials and civilians, has made available a diverse spectrum of testimonies that provide crucial insights into “lessons learned”, contributing to tracing the trajectories of these actors and providing insights for the improvement of future political and peacebuilding multilateral missions.