Gallic War Research Articles

THE SUPPRESSION OF THE DRUIDS IN CAESAR'S GALLIC WAR

AbstractAncient testimonia on the Druids are few in number and sparse on details, and they have yielded a broad range of scholarly opinions on the Druids’ function among the Gauls. This article examines the suspiciously limited role played by the Druids in Julius Caesar's Gallic War (= BGall.). Considering the work of both classicists and archaeologists, it argues that, given Caesar's demonstrated propensity for tailoring his portrayals of northern Europeans to fit with his narrative objectives, he deliberately omitted the Druids from nearly all of the Gallic War save for a brief ethnographic digression on the Gauls. This he did in order to downplay the sophistication of the Gauls, and the threat they posed to the Romans, since the Druids were likely a potent source of anti-Roman sentiment during Caesar's time in Gaul, just as they seem to have been in the Early Imperial period.

Caesar on the Factors of Success in the War

This article investigates Caesar’s thoughts about the factors of victory in the war on the basis of his remarks in the «Commentaries on the Gallic War» and the «Commentaries on the Civil War». The influence of the gods, the impact of natural
 phenomena, the fortune are the factors of the military success that do not depend on people. The knowledge (scientia), an experience (usus), the valour (virtus) and the spirit (animus, voluntas) of soldiers, as well as a skilful influence of the commander on it and his correct decisions are the factors that depend on people. Caesar does not attribute the activity of the gods to the important factors of victory. In his opinion, the
 natural phenomena influence only the military operations at sea and near the river.
 According to Caesar, the fortune (fortuna) is important enough, however, the behavior of soldiers and commander is decisive for victory. He describes the influence of fortune, knowledge, experience, valour and spirit of warriors, the decisions and ac-
 tions of commander as the universal factors of success that are effective both in battles against barbarians and in conditions of civil war.

What’s with Caesar and the Third Person in the Gallic Wars?

While we say that the Gallic Wars were written by Caesar, they were really written by the scribes. The thesis of this paper is that they used the third person singular to refer to Caesar, since they were taking down dictation and would not use “I/we,” as they were not the ones who had done the action. This use of the third person is attested to in Greek authors, and Caesar obviously was pleased with how it sounded; while he had the last word on the subject, it’s the scribes who deserve the credit for style.

Caesar and Genocide: Confronting the Dark Side of Caesar’s Gallic Wars

Julius Caesar’s military achievements, described in his Gallic War, are monumental; so are the atrocities his army committed in slaughtering or enslaving entire nations. He stands accused of genocide. For today’s readers, including students and teachers, this poses problems. It raises questions, not least about Caesar’s place in the Latin curriculum. Applying modern definitions of “genocide,” is he guilty as accused? If so, is it justified to condemn him of a crime that was recognized as such only recently? Without condoning Caesar’s actions, this paper seeks fuller understanding by contextual analysis, placing them in the context of Roman—and ancient (if not almost universal)—customs of imperial warfare. It emphasizes the complexity of historical persons and events, juxtaposing Caesar the brutal conqueror to Caesar the clement victor, who established clemency among a ruler’s cardinal virtues.

Relative Absoluteness: The Case of Participial Clauses in Latin

The aim of this article is to reopen the investigation of the ablative absolute in Latin and to analyse this construction and its use from one angle, namely, the coreferentiality rules. The examples for analysis have been taken from the Gallic Wars. As has been noticed before, in several works, the use of the absolute construction in texts written by classical authors, such as Caesar or Cicero, allows us to formulate a rule concerning its coreferentiality. As far as the syntactical coreferentiality is concerned, the classical rule requires an absolute construction to be — unsurprisingly — absolute, i. e., non-coreferential. This rule seems to be increasingly ignored by later authors. However, a deeper analysis taking into account not only syntactical but also semantical coreferentiality shows that the absoluteness of the construction is not so absolute after all, even in classical Latin. The examples of such use of the ablativus absolutus may be seen as forerunners of the change that occurred between classical and late Latin. The author proposes a hypothesis that an independent but similar development of the use of absolute constructions in different languages may suggest that there is a kind of interlinguistic tendency to substitute nominal phrases for subordinate clauses, especially in spoken language.

Социально-философские идеи «Хэй да ши люэ»: встреча цивилизации и варварства

The article provides a comparative analysis of the barbarism phenomenon perception by the Chinese and ancient authors. The Chinese diplomats’ reports on lifestyle in the 13th-century Mongol Empire known as “Hei-ta shih-lüeh” are compared with the analogous Roman sources (“The Gallic Wars” by Gaius Julius Caesar, “Germania” by Publius Cornelius Tacitus and “Roman History” by Ammianus Marcellinus). Relying on the ancient and Chinese sources, the authors analyse a generalized “barbarism” image created by the Far Eastern and Roman classics. This image is practically identical for the Chinese and Roman societies (and, more broadly, for any civilized society).

La guerre civile en 49 avant J.-C. : Étude d’histoire militaire

During the first year of the civil war, the Roman could see two good armies and two great generals. Caesar had less soldiers, but soldiers militarily well educated by the Gallic War. Superiority of Caesar became evident when he conquered first Italy and then Spain. To secure the roads for logistics and information, he had to besiege Marseille ; this city made an alliance with Pompey.

Alésia : l’instrumentalisation actuelle d’une prétendue controverse, entre mythe national et théorie du complot

Le siège d’Alésia, épisode majeur de la guerre des Gaules, voit en 52 av. n. è. la coalition gauloise rassemblée autour de Vercingétorix échouer à repousser l’armée romaine menée par César. Il y a une forte dichotomie entre la place importante que prend cet épisode dans la construction du mythe national français et la brièveté du siège, avec le peu de traces archéologiques visibles et intelligibles du grand public que laisse ce type d’événement. Ces aspects ont contribué à ce qu’au XIXe siècle la question de la localisation du siège d’Alésia fasse débat. Cette controverse est sortie du champ scientifique au gré d’un siècle et demi de recherches de terrain qui ont mis au jour les vestiges de cet épisode à Alise-Sainte-Reine. Toutefois, des localisations alternatives du site sont toujours défendues et cette pseudo-controverse trouve un écho médiatique inespéré au regard de la faiblesse des arguments évoqués. On s’interroge ici sur les questions éthiques que soulèvent de telles présentations médiatiques de sujets archéologiques, lorsqu’elles soumettent une question scientifique à des considérations mercantiles. En effet, ces théories cherchent à coller au mythe, notamment en faisant correspondre un site à une idée préconçue. Elles se nourrissent également des ingrédients d’une théorie du complot : soit par déduction, car si ces localisations manquent de preuves, c’est donc que ces dernières sont cachées par les archéologues ; soit comme point de départ, par défiance envers le discours scientifique désigné comme « l’histoire officielle ». Se pose également une question éthique pour le chercheur sur l’attitude à avoir face à ces situations.

Picture Titles: How and Why Western Paintings Acquired Their Names

Julius Caesar opens his treatise The Gallic Wars by commenting that “Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres” (“all Gaul is divided into three parts”). One opens Ruth Bernard Yeazell”s Picture Title...

Roman attitudes to empire and imperialism: the view from history

In a letter written to Atticus in mid March 60 B.C., Cicero (Att. 1.19.2) flagged up a number of concerns regarding the situation in Gaul: In public life at the moment, fear of a Gallic war is the big issue. For the Aeduans, our brothers, have recently fought a hard fight and without doubt the Helvetii are up in arms and making excursions into the province. The senate has decreed that the consuls should cast lots for the two Gauls, that levies should take place with no exemptions valid, and that legates with authority should be sent to go to the Gallic communities and to make an effort to prevent them from joining forces with the Helvetii (author’s transl.)

Cezarov posjet Iliriku 57. /56. g. pr. Kr. / Caesar’s visit to Illyricum in 57/56 B.C.

This article is dealing with the chronology and subject of Caesar’s first visit to Illyricum. Namely, at the beginning of winter in 57 B.C. Gaius Julius Caesar, the governor of Illyricum and the two Gauls, set off to Illyricum with the intent to visit the local communities and to acquaint himself with the area. However, in Gaul suddenly broke out the rebellion of the Veneti and their allies. Caesar’s subordinate commander in the area, Publius Licinius Crassus, informed Caesar about these events. As he was quite distant, Caesar ordered military ships to be built on the river that flows in the Atlantic Ocean (Liger fl.) and told Crassus he will proceed to the army cum primum per anni tempus potuit. This seemingly short episode during Caesar’s governorship of Illyricum is attested with only a few words in the third book of Commentarii de Bello Gallico (bell. Gall. III, VII – IX). Although noticed in modern historiography, to date no significant scholarly attention or satisfactory analysis has been paid to it. In modern historiography it is mentioned exclusively in the works dealing with a far wider context. There is only an overview, with a prevailing opinion that due to the war with the Veneti Caesar had to adjourn his short visit to Illyricum or that he did not even arrive there. Yet with the analysis of general historical circumstances, specific chronology of the period and Caesar’s work on Gallic wars, an exactly different conclusion is to be made. Here the authors give new interpretation of Caesar’s words and contemporary information on the political events in Rome. Thus proving not only that Caesar’s departure to war with the Veneti cannot be chronologically associated with his departure to Illyricum, but that Caesar indeed visited Illyricum; that his visit lasted much longer than it has been considered so far; and that his reasons for the visit stemmed from the significance of the province in Caesar’s plans for future engagements.

Narrating and navigating troubling times: writers and readers

Questions about the relationship between memoir, what really happened, and public history especially in times of significant societal change and disruption – troubled times  have no doubt been around since the earliest examples of the genre, most likely predating Ceasar’s Commentaries on the Gallic Wars. Memoir and biography readers encounter life’s suffering, dread and loss, alongside hope, achievement, redemption. For life writers, recalling and ordering in memoir, events that shape them, is there a danger of forgetting or expunging the discomfort, pain or distress those events provoked for the self or others? Do writers have responsibility in terms of their self curation to those others either inside or outside of the text? Beyond the text what imperative if any, exists for the reviewer or critic to raise ethical questions arising from the writer’s recollections? This article considers two recent examples of life writing presenting narratives of bohemian lives which have fulfilled requirements for higher degrees in creative writing. The conversational frame of this article, which nods to Ross Watkins’ and Nigel Krauth’s (2016) exploration of new forms for the journal article, is used intentionally to foreground the authors’ personal observations and responses to the texts, particularly as these intersect with the texts. This subjectivity is a springboard for questions about the social value of memoir and life writing in troubled times.

César génocidaire ? Le massacre des Usipètes et des Tenctères (55 av. J.-C.)

In 55 B. C., during the Gallic Wars, Caesar slaughtered the Usipetes and Tencteri at the confluence of the Meuse river and the Rhine river. That offensive has long been seen as a war crime. More recently, it has increasingly been described as a genocide. However, after studying the criticisms expressed in ancient sources, that definition seems inappropriate : accusations are of a different kind. This article therefore aims at a better understanding of the very meaning of that violence and its features. A historical approach inspired by sociological methods renews former viewpoints. For instance, not only Caesar’s, but also Plutarch’s, Appian’s and Cassius Dio’s writings are detailed enough to examine the way violence progressively bursts. They also allow to assess the key-role of the cavalry. Consequently, one has to reassess Caesar’s part in ordering the slaughter initiative. There seems indeed to be a gap between the account of the facts, overestimated by the controversy, and Caesar’s real part.

Reconstructing the Chronology of Caesar’s Gallic Wars

Caesar dates only the beginning of his first campaign and rarely mentions routes, distances, and times consumed. No detailed timelines for Caesar’s Gallic Wars exist. This gap can be filled by exploiting available clues in Caesar’s text (e.g., astronomical and seasonal events) and Cicero’s letters, and by determining the routes Caesar is likely to have chosen, average traveling and marching speeds (based on data in Caesar’s works and those of other authors), and the days required to cover the distances involved. Modern, digital maps based upon a GIS interface make it possible to measure distances with unprecedented precision. The resulting chronology, though often still speculative, is much more reliable than anything suggested previously.

Roma Victor: Europe's First Serial Acquirer

Besides adopting the tactics and types of arms and armor effectively used by its adversities, the Romans also incorporated superior intangibles such as tactical knowledge of their enemies. This case is used in Darden's Post-Merger Acquisition course elective to draw parallels to M & A strategies used by corporations today. Excerpt UVA-BP-0551 Rev. Feb. 5, 2015 Roma Victor: Europe's First Serial Acquirer In 753 BC, Rome, a small settlement on the banks of the Tiber River in Italy, began an expansion of its sphere of influence over almost all Europe that would last for the next eight centuries. At its greatest extent, it stretched from the rugged territories of Britannia to the deserts of Mesopotamia and included all the states adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea. Through its approach to managing expansion and subsequent integration, Rome not only became Europe's first serial acquirer but also the continent's first enduring superpower, based almost exclusively on cross-border takeovers. Building an Empire Rome's growth was achieved almost entirely through conquests. Although these takeovers were literally hostile, the continuous expansion of the Roman Empire brought the Western World a period of major stability and prosperity. The growth and development of Rome up to the time of its zenith can be divided into four phases: domestic consolidation, Mediterranean campaigns, Gallic Wars, and expansion under its emperors. . . .

Caesar as Comic Antichrist: Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar and the Medieval English Stage Tyrant

Shakespeare's representation of Julius differs notably from those of his contemporaries, as well as from picture of that emerges from his most obvious classical source, Plutarch's Lives. Plutarch's is shrewd, resilient, and relatively dignified; Shakespeare's, in contrast, is physically weak and surprisingly obtuse, prey to laughable grandiosity. Other early modern authors such as Marc-Antoine Muret and William Alexander model their versions of on Seneca's Hercules as well as Plutarch's biography. Shakespeare, however, seems to draw inspiration for his departure from Plutarch from conventional depiction of Julius Caesar's successor Augustus, as well as other tyrants such as Herod Great, in medieval English mystery plays. Over course of these pageants depicting Christian salvation history, protagonists such as Moses and Isaac set up a typology of Christ. (1) Meanwhile, however, secular antagonists such as Pharaoh of Egypt establish a contrary pattern: a typology of Antichrist. Like Lucifer, as well as Antichrist himself, Caesar in mystery plays is typecast as a blustering, comically inadequate parody of Godhead. Vaunting speeches proclaiming his supreme worldly might echo language of God Father. These boasts are then belied, however, by his inability to forestall coming of Christ, whom he fears as a potential political rival. Mystery plays, naturally enough, tend to focus on Augustus emperor of Rome at time of Christ's Nativity. (2) Shakespeare's Julius however, stands in same medieval tradition. As a type of Antichrist, he is a foil for future Christ. His failure sets stage for a different and paradoxically more powerful Messiah. The Problem of Two Caesars In nineteenth century, Shakespeare's representation of as a self-important blowhard met with cries of critical dismay. (3) William Hazlitt complains, We do not much admire representation given here of Julius nor do we think answers to portrait of him in his commentaries. He makes several vapouring and rather pedantic speeches, and does nothing. (4) George Bernard Shaw is less restrained: It is impossible for even most judicially minded critic to look without a revulsion of indignant contempt at this travestying of a great man as a silly braggart. (5) James Boswell, son of famous biographer, saw problem as evidence of Shakespeare's proverbial small Latin and less Greek. (6) Citing Caesar's own Gallic Wars, Boswell writes, cannot be a stronger proof of Shakespeare's deficiency in classical knowledge, than boastful language he has put in mouth of most accomplished man of all antiquity, who was not more for his achievements, than for dignified simplicity with which he has recorded them. (7) By twentieth century, problem of Caesars was well-established. (8) G. Wilson Knight sums up dilemma: We are, indeed, aware of two Caesars: ailing and petulant old man, and giant spirit standing colossal over Roman Empire to be. There is an insubstantial, mirage-like uncertainty about this Caesar. How are we to see him? He is two incompatibles, shifting, interchanging. (9) In his commentary on Plutarch's Life of Julius Caesar, C. B. Pelling observes that Greek biographer seems to admire Caesar. Or at least, his portrait of is more studiously neutral than that of many other classical authors. (10) Suetonius, for instance, praises for his admirable moderation and clemency both in administration and as victor in civil war but concludes that the balance is tilted by his other actions and words, so that he is thought to have abused his power and to have been justly killed. (11) Plutarch, in contrast, ends with remarkable claim that nothing cruel or tyrannical sprang from [Caesars rule]. On contrary, he maintains, it seemed that state needed monarchy, and was Heaven's gift to Rome as gentlest possible doctor. …

Being Marcus

As a re-writing of the past, Being Marcus is an alternative ‘his-story’ of an important personage in History. In the conspiracy against and assassination of Caesar, Brutus has been seen, through the ages, to have been ‘the leading spirit of the coup’ (Lewis 1983, 58). Beware the Ides of March is a soothsayer's warning in Shakespeare's Julius Caesar. Caesar, attended by a train of friends and supporters, ignores the warning and leaves for games and races that mark the celebration of the feast of Lupercal (Perry and Vickers 2000, 8). Until then, the Ides of March holds no special significance or association in history, where Ides generally marked the 15th day of a month. Being Marcus is a work of speculative fiction that refers to this day on the Roman calendar (Idus Martias), a fateful one for Caesar. The story toys with alternate history and takes us to the life of Brutus (Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus) following the assassination of Caesar. Same Brutus upon whom Caesar had entrusted ‘important commands in the Gallic and civil wars, he held the governorship of Transalpine Gaul for three years, returning to Rome in 45 B.C. Caesar then designated him to be governor of Cisalpine Gaul in 44–43, and consul with Plancus in 42. The reason why such a favourite of Caesar – even named secondary heir in Caesar's will – joined the conspiracy remains unclear.’ (Lewis 1983, Introduction, xviii). Beware the Ides of March … Centuries later, Marcus recollects the Empire, the reign of a legend. Brutus is now immortal, is living in the shadow of his once hero Caesar.

The Unlikely Commentator: The Hermeneutic Reception of Śańkara’s Thought in the Interpretive Scholarship of Dārā Shukøh

The varieties of interreligious dialogue that Professor Leonard Swidler has advocated and practiced for the last several decades are not by any means novel initiatives; they have been occurring for millennia in many different parts of the world. Whether found in the comparisons between Roman and Vedic deities in the sixth book of Cesar's Gallic Wars, the transmission of Buddhism from South to East Asia, or modern meetings of the Parliament of World Religions, spiritual traditions have persistently sought ways to explore and encounter one another's ideas and ethical commitments. Of course, such encounters are never easy and, in fact, are often perilous. The sometimes complicated motives, hermeneutic complexities, dangers of misunderstanding, and possibly resultant mutual acrimony between traditions that can result from dialogue are formidable. But, the rewards of such encounters can also be unforeseen and offer lasting legacies and potential promise. One of the most dramatic illustrations of such dangers and rewards can be found in the creative interpretive attempt by the seventeenth-century Mughal prince Dara Shukoh to see ancient Hindu texts the first historical revelations of Islam. The legend, established for centuries now, has it that the justification for the humiliating execution of Prince Dara Shukoh by his brother Aurungzeb in 1659 was Dara's heresy. Of all his works dealing with the relation of brahminical and Islamic thought, we are told by contemporary sources that his original work, Majma'-ul Bahrain, and his translation of the Sirr-i Akbar were what provoked the charge. (1) Indeed, after the public punishment was carried out in the streets of Delhi, when the decapitated head of Dara was brought to his younger brother inside of a box, the new Shah is reported to have uttered the eulogy: as I did not look at this infidel's face during his lifetime, 1 have no wish to do so now.(2) Of course, the fate of Dara a historical matter is much more attributable to his political and military misjudgment, having spent seven years thwarting the expansion campaigns of Aurungzeb and ineptly contesting his forces in the final battle for dynastic succession. (3) However, the return of orthodox Islam to the Mughal court was to be the major legitimization for Aurungzeb's rule, and so the perpetuation of the legend has made Dara appear to his centuries of detractors a decadent apostate in his great-grandfather Akbar's tradition--and to his supporters a tragic martyr for Hindu-Islamic concord in Indian civilization. It is quite ironic then that, far we know, Dara had a much more hermeneutically self-conscious appraisal of his own scholarship, one that combined his personal spiritual interests with a desire to vindicate the universality of the qur'anic worldview through a demonstration of how its monotheism was echoed in classical brahminical religious and philosophical texts. Though this agenda inspired him to see to the translations of sacred Vedic scriptures and practices into the then-open intellectual world of the empire, it also made him their unlikely commentator. This can be gleaned most clearly from Dara's supervision of the translation of some fifty Upanisads during a six-month period in 1657, the Sirr-i Akbar. (4) Dara was a Qadiri Sufi, admittedly one whose associations with ascetics of other traditions steadily increased during the intellectual ferment that followed Akbar's reign, yet one whose primary audience for these historic translations were members of the Ulema of the imperial court. As such, Dara became a commentator on ancient Sanskrit philosophy, but he was a Muslim commentator who selected and presented texts and concepts for fellow Muslims. This seemingly elementary but very powerful fact is borne out in two pivotal ways. The first lies in the brutally frank reasons he stated in the work's preface, which was argued in the manner of an apologia. Dara did not merely claim that he was offering up a noble example of religious syncretism so that the Islamic and Hindu communities of the empire could aspire to mutual understanding and toleration, but, rather, he set out to defend the Islamic orthodoxy of the Upanisads, even claiming that they were themselves Islamic texts, witnessed by the Qur'an, and bearing witness to true and untarnished monotheism. …

Les barrages de sable par Jean-Yves Jouannais

Reviews 273 the reader in all this? Far from being a self-indulgent self-exploration, this récit highlights the importance of literature in our lives. It shows us with elegance and gentle humor how we construct stories to make sense out of chaos and how this helps us chart our course. Metropolitan State University of Denver Ann Williams Jouannais, Jean-Yves. Les barrages de sable. Paris: Grasset, 2014. ISBN 978-2-24685197 -4. Pp. 204. 17 a. A long meditation about building sand castles and their analogy to military defense, the narrative moves amoeba-like into various genres. It represents serious inquiry, using citations of writers from ancient, medieval to modern times. The book reads at times like a personal journal, at times like a treatise, and at times like a novel. The text begins like a novel in which a father is supervising the playtime of his two young children on a beach as they build a dam in the sand against the Atlantic. Explaining the movement of tides, his thoughts wander to ancient writers and to Caesar’s Commentaries on the Gallic Wars. Later, when remembering this evening, he recalls telling his children the story of the King of Sparta during his siege of Mantinea. It was the proposal to block the flow of a river that caused flooding in this town and made its capture feasible.His children learned that they too were playing at subjugating the waters to meet their own ends. The childhood practice of making sandcastles is thus connected to the strategies of waging war. Connections are also made to writing and literature in an analogy between the activity of writing and the building of blockades. Concurring with Alfieri, the author believes that writing poetry is similar to the building of a barrage. While a barrage may let water pass through its tiny openings, a poem by its arrangement of blocks of words has spaces through which other voices are allowed to pass. Unique events that changed military outcomes are presented such as the defeat of the German forces at the Battle of Yser in Belgium during the Second World War. On the march toward Dunkirk, the Germans were able to push back the Allied forces. A simple lockkeeper, Hendrik Geeraert, proposed to open the floodgates of the dams and all the weirs. This maneuver surpassed all his expectations. The entire area was inundated and transformed into a lake. The Germans thus confounded, were forced to retreat. Sand structures can metaphorically serve as monuments to soldiers missing in action. One such case is that of Japanese soldier Hiro Onoda, charged to serve on the Philippine island of Lubang in 1944, during World War II. Onoda hid in the hills, faithfully defending his post until 1974. The Japanese government had to locate his original commander, Major Taniguchi, to order him to surrender. The text moves in and out of amazing ruminations: letters to Proust; the Song of Roland; the story of Alexander the Great, whose coat of arms showed a sand fortification facing the tide; the etymology of the word infantry; all flow one after another. The word infant links to foot-soldier taking us back to the earliest methods of war. Readers who enjoy military planning, strategies of defense, recondite and surprising facts, literary or historical reflections from diverse epochs and nations, will savor this book. It provides moments of wonder; one reading will not suffice to justly assimilate this composite of styles. Neumann University (PA) Maria G. Traub Laroui, Fouad. Les tribulations du dernier Sijilmassi. Paris: Julliard, 2014. ISBN 9782 -260-02141-4. Pp. 324. 20 a. Ce roman est un pur joyau dont il faut saluer la truculence de la première partie, car les choses se gâtent dans la seconde. Adam Sijilmassi, jeune ingénieur marocain, mène une vie très pleine, qu’il décide de changer radicalement pour se replonger dans sa culture. Le personnage est, pour son malheur, le fils d’une famille connue qui se retrouve pris dans les mailles d’un filet, entre l’État omniprésent et une non moins pesante secte islamiste dont il n’a que faire. Quoique souvent juste...

The First Vernacular Caesar: Pier Candido Decembrio’s Translation for Inigo d’Avalos with Editions and Translations of Both Prologues

Among the first humanist translations of classical Latin texts is Pier Candido Decembrio’s vernacular version of Julius Caesar’s Commentaries. While his dedication of Caesar’s Gallic Wars (1438) to Filippo Maria Visconti, duke of Milan, has long been in print, the two dedications with which he prefaced the remaining books of the Caesarean corpus, both addressed to the Aragonese nobleman Inigo d’Avalos, have remained almost unknown and accessible only in manuscript. This article presents editions and translations of these prologues, dates them (to 1438-1442, and post-1452, respectively), and identifies the Latin manuscript family from which they derive. It then reconstructs the cultural and political contexts of Decembrio’s Caesar translations, showing how these literary gifts made him a cultural ambassador for Visconti and himself. Finally, it examines Decembrio’s approach to Caesar, whom he valued not as political or military exemplar, but as writer of history. The last preface, which contains a res gest...