Future World Order Research Articles

The structure of the future world order: controversial issues

The structure of the future world order: controversial issues

Russia and the West Today: European Experts View

The article provides assessments of the current state of relations between Russia and the West by European experts. Complex issues such as the Northern Military District in Ukraine, the situation in the South Caucasus, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and their consequences for European countries and the global world order are analyzed. The authors talk about the need to prevent outbreaks of a third world war, to overcome bipolar ideological confrontation, and about the values of the future world order. Justice and morality must become the basis of peace, which will lead to the restoration of trust between peoples and states. The need for dialogue with Russia and the inadmissibility of isolating individual countries from participation in international dialogues are argued. The authors are supporters of the principles of a multipolar world, freedom, justice, information objectivity, respect for other cultures and religions, and speak of the inadmissibility of discrimination on national, racial or religious grounds. The article was prepared based on the materials of the international symposium “United Kingdom – EU – Russia – Greater Middle East: Challenges and Prospects”, held in Bratislava (February 27–28, 2024)

Turbulence of the international environment and contours of the world order

The paper reveals the content of turbulence as a key characteristic of the current state of the international environment and its determinants. The main parameters of the functioning world order are analyzed, possible options for the future world order are indicated.

China in the Middle East: strategic priorities and features

The relevance of the research is due to the growing importance of the Middle East region in the economic development In Russof China in the XXI century, and consequently, the spread of economic and political interests of the latter. The purpose of the study is to determine China’s strategic priorities and the main directions of its political presence aimed at balancing threats and opportunities in such a turbulent region as the Middle East. Given the instability of this region caused by the global anti-terrorist struggle of the United States, the specifics of Chinese policy in the Middle East and North Africa are of interest, since it is China’s interests that are being threatened. With the help of the analytical method, the factors influencing the Middle East policy of the PRC have been identified, which, of course, contributes to the transformation of the regional order. The study concludes that the future of the Chinese presence in the Middle East is determined by China’s global strategy, as well as its vision of its role and the future world order as a whole.

АРХИТЕКТУРА МЕЖДУНАРОДНОГО НАУЧНО-ТЕХНИЧЕСКОГО СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВА В АСПЕКТЕ ГАРМОНИЗАЦИИ НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫХ ИНТЕРЕСОВ ГОСУДАРСТВ

The article argues that national interests are an expression of national identity in the process of identifying a nation-state in the system of international relations. Hence, national interests determine a wide range of international interaction both on the basis of coherence and consolidation, and confrontation due to contradictions in the regional and world system of interethnic interests. The aim of the work is to determine the architecture of international scientific and technical cooperation in the aspect of harmonization of the national interests of states at the present stage of development of the world economy. The methods used in the research process made it possible to systematize the forms of international scientific and technical cooperation in order to form comprehensive programs of innovative development in the coordinates of national interests. It is proved that the current stage of development of international relations is characterized by an acute phase of strategic geopolitical rivalry for the formation of the future world order. This causes an aggravation of contradictions between the national interests of the largest countries, which determines the global agenda. It is substantiated that one of the most rational and effective directions for harmonizing the national interests of individual countries is the organization of a system of international scientific and technical cooperation. The author systematizes the various forms in which the ISTC takes place within the framework of two formats: the formation of scientific and technical networks and the formation of integrated programs of the ISTC. In the structure of the latter, we have identified four blocks: the institutionalization of the ISTC, the development of scientific diplomacy, the development of research infrastructure and the formation of design scientific and technical work through the projection of business interests on partners. It is also noted that the key organizational element that unites both formats are scientific and technological platforms that mobilize and focus various “networks” of research communities to solve specific problems, as a result of which the resulting developments are commercialized within the business interests of the participants in the innovation process.

Эффект палладиума: ценности великих держав в эпоху искусственного интеллекта

The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the development of modern great powers against the background of their digital contradictions and value specifics in order to determine scenarios for the development of the future political world order. The methodological lens was the principles of critical discourse analysis of academic literature, comparative analysis of value orientations, as well as the normative basis for the introduction of artificial intelligence technologies in modern great powers – Russia, the USA and China. As a hypothesis, the author suggests the Palladium effect, according to which a great power, being given the opportunity to change the world order based on its interests, will strive for this using modern technologies, appealing to justice and taking into account its own value orientations. The Palladium effect was studied by the author in the context of the analytical verification of the "Thucydides trap". L. Althusser's theory of ideology and a number of theses of modern realism were also taken into account as a conceptual framework. The conclusions indicate that the key to the emergence of an economically and politically profitable digital environment, comfortable for a great power, is its tax residents-digital corporations that develop and distribute digital standards in other countries. In this situation, Russia strategically needs to initiate protectionist measures for its digital corporations, a policy of supporting them abroad, create favorable conditions for public-private partnerships, financing, and attracting venture capital in the field of artificial intelligence technology development in order to preserve its value and digital sovereignty (as forms of state sovereignty). In addition, key trends in the field of AI competition and variants of the axiomachy (value confrontation) of the great powers are identified, and the main scenarios for the evolution of the political world order are proposed – Triplex Mundi, Duplex Mundi and Multiplex Mundi.

Azerbaijan – Armenia – Georgia: Challenges and Prospects of Interstate Cooperation

In the conditions of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, the question of the future world order is more than urgent. The introduction of the sanctions regime against Russia led to the intensification of the latter’s efforts in the direction of creating its own ecosystem of survival, in which the states of the South Caucasus, in particular, the former Soviet republics such as Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, are considered indispensable components. In their research, the authors analyze the features of the socio-political development of the named states of the South Caucasus in its relationship with the events of the Russian-Ukrainian war and changes. The authors draw attention to the importance of the South Caucasus for ensuring the ability of the Russian Federation to continue the war against Ukraine at the current stage. In its desire to regain its status as a world leader, the Russian Federation is trying with all its might to preserve the existing status quo in the region, on the one hand, while simultaneously improving its relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan, on the other. The latter was quite clearly revealed during the Second Karabakh War in 2020 and the events of September 19, 2023 in Nagorno-Karabakh. The return of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan due to the termination of the existence of the NKR from January 1, 2024 opens up new prospects not only for regional development, but also for the resolution of other “frozen” conflicts created by Moscow. Eliminating the factor of military confrontation from the regional order is an important element of geopolitical stability and security in the region. And Georgia in this case plays an important role, on the one hand, as a potential mediator, and on the other, as a state that has a strategic partnership with Azerbaijan and good-neighborly relations with Armenia.

О СУЩНОСТИ И КЛАССИФИКАЦИИ СОБСТВЕННОСТИ: ФАКТЫ И МИФЫ

After Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Munich Conference in 2008 and his statement to Financial Times reporters in 2019 that the liberal idea had outlived its purpose and exhausted itself, it became clear that the world would never be the same again. The purpose of the conducted fundamental research was “property”. It won’t be the same in the fi rst place. What will it be like? The historically transient series of types, kinds and forms of ownership should synergistically integrate the natural and artifi cial types of property in the format of the associated partial ownership of citizens for all natural resources and basic means of production. This approach is radically diff erent from Schwab’s fantasies of stakeholder capitalism, when “ownership” of all resources is declared common, and “disposition” and “use” are appropriated by members of the capitalist governing subsystem. The model proposed by Western apologists is not nature-appropriate, and therefore it is not viable. Solving the issue of property lies at the heart of the new future world order. The development of an embryonal new formation is a complex theoretical issue that is worthy of a federal discussion. To answer it, the methodology of studying complex social systems — cybernetic epistemology was applied. As a result, there appeared: the ideological Concept and practical Model of the future Sovereign Harmonious Society of GOODNESS CREATION. The size of the journal article does not allow this material to be presented to the readers. Therefore, only one, but the fundamental question of the fate of property in a world that will never be the same will be considered here.

The Global South and Japan

The year 2023 will be remembered as the year in which the term Global South received a great deal of attention. This article explores the nature of the coalition of developing and emerging countries, what kind of unity exists within the coalition, what role the Global South can play in shaping the future world order, how the G7 should respond, and what role Japan, with its favorable relastionships with developing countries, should play.

The philosophical aspect of world order

Abstract The term ‘world order’ is perhaps the most enticing, consequential and vague concept in the diplomatic lexicon. There are countless scholars, analysts and policy-makers wrestling over its theoretical and practical dimensions. But often taken for granted in these examinations is the philosophical aspect—in other words, those fundamental reflections on the very purpose and nature of order across regional and international systems. Using a historical precedent as an example of this mode of thinking, this article makes the case for why questions related to political philosophy and political theory are essential to abstract and practical considerations of future world order.

ANTI-WAR MURALS IN UKRAINE AND THE WORLD DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, when the Ukrainian people, realizing that they were part of the European community, defended their independence, the role of new artistic principles that corresponded to the main global trends grew significantly in the artistic and cultural sphere. New forms of artists’ appeal to the masses were becoming increasingly important in terms of social and cultural significance. Breaking away from the institutional space of museums and galleries, Action Art has taken to the streets of cities to engage in a dialogue with society. In the traditional genres of Monumental Art, there is an increasing departure from the dominant trend of imitating Soviet monumental aesthetics, which was manifested, in particular, by the spread of the muralist movement in Ukrainian cities. More and more new murals appeared on Ukrainian buildings, made both by foreign artists who were interested in Ukraine, and came here to create their murals, and by Ukrainian artists who were connected to the latest practices. However, with Russia’s attack on Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the struggle of the Ukrainian people for their freedom, democratic values, and the right to preserve and further develop their ethnicity is gaining worldwide historical significance and is widely supported around the world. In addition to the heroic resilience of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the volunteer movement in our country, the information front plays an extremely important role. One of its cultural components is represented by contemporary anti-war murals that draw the world’s attention to the events in Ukraine, which are currently determining the future world order and the existence of humanity. Characteristically, this Ukrainian theme is widely supported by artists from many countries around the world. The murals they created are different in style, but they are united by their reference to Ukrainian symbols. This, in general, determines the relevance of this study.

The Russian-Ukrainian Conflict and the Future World Order

Abstract This paper addresses the resilience demonstrated by the international system when confronted by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The author argues that this resilience might not be sustainable and that in the mid-term perspective we might observe some explicit disintegration in the system that affects multilateral institutions, international public law, and the global governance at large. Four independent variables are important in shaping the future world order: the outcome of the Russian-Ukrainian and the Russian-Western confrontation, the dynamics of the US-China relations, the sustainability of Western cohesion, and the prospects for a new cycle of globalization.

Geopolitics’ past and future: negation of the negation

In a radically changed world, geopolitical costs and errors as a result of underestimation or, conversely, overestimation of increasingly non-linear hybrid processes, conflicting trends and often spontaneous events acquire increased practical and political significance. Under these conditions, the focus of research attention could not but be on the recently published work of French researchers and international experts under the catchy and meaningful title “The world will never be the same”. In the focus of the analysis is the updated context of modern crisis geopolitics. The conceptual and analytical basis of the text is formed by extensive introductory and at the same time generalizing sections that systematize two dozen chapters on a variety of international topics and problems. They were written by the co-leaders of the team of authors, well-known French international political researchers Bertrand Bady and Dominique Vidal. A new approach is put at the forefront, which is not predetermined in advance, but is created on the basis of life practice as a result and under the influence of historical surprises, unforeseen and even previously unimaginable events. An attempt was made to consider the problems of the future world order through the prism of great-power contradictions, the confrontation of various value orientations and development models with an emphasis on the competition of democracies and autocracies. On the example of the United States, the concept of world domination is rethought. The book reflects new features of the expert-analytical work of French international researchers. The authors are aware that the confrontational severity of the crisis situation in Ukraine and its internationalization in a variety of hybridized forms have sharply “shaken” the more or less established balance of power not only in the European region, but throughout the global space. In general, they agree that optimistic options for a new world order are at stake. In separate sections of the book, the chaos of world politics and international relations is linked to the overstrain of the US hyperpower, which is approaching a critical point.

Year One of the Biden Administration: U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Russia

The article provides an analysis of Russia’s role and place in President Biden’s U.S. foreign policy aims. Particularly, this paper explores clashing world order visions, issues pertaining to national sovereignty, post-Soviet space development, sanction policies, climate change issues, and global security. The following research reveals that the rivalry between the United States and Russia influences the system of international relations, because both parties promote substantially different concepts of the future world order. The Biden administration was unwilling to make the necessary concessions to accommodate Russia because 1) there is a huge gulf between the two country’s world views that even makes negotiations between the two almost impossible, and 2) because it does not take Russia seriously and views it as a declining power. As a result, the two sides were unable to come to some kind of negotiated agreement that would have addressed Russia’s concerns including the Ukraine issue. Instead, deterring Russia has become a priority for U.S. foreign policy in critical areas such as national sovereignty, the democratic development of post-Soviet countries, Russian-related human rights issues, and U.S. sanction policies against Russia. Comparing Trump’s presidency to the Biden administration’s first year in office, Biden has championed a more pragmatic narrative towards Russia. Most evidently, this is manifested in problems concerning universal global challenges such as strategic stability, cyber-security, and even aspects of climate change. Nevertheless, the possibility of concluding any serious negotiations between the parties on new world order parameters seems less realistic today than ever before.

Mind the gap(s): Moral philosophy, international law and interpretative historical sociology

Given the diversity of opinions about whether, how, and towards which end Western societies should defend Ukraine against the ongoing Russian aggression, it would be desirable to spell out clear moral principles and apply them in a contextually adequate way to the situation. This is what Hans-Herbert Kögler tries to do in his contribution to this issue. However, his reasoning remains unclear about the relation between moral philosophy and empirical and historical knowledge about the context of moral action. Furthermore, while he proposes critical-hermeneutic reconstruction as a means to understand the participants in the conflicts, he applies this approach in an asymmetric and insufficiently nuanced way. His view of the conflict as a struggle between democracy and dictatorship about a future world-order is too dichotomic and ignores the history of international law as a practical moral philosophy dealing with situations for which there are no unambiguous principles that could guide action.

The International Legal Regime of Control over Cyber Weapons in the Future World Order: Threats and Prospects

The article is devoted to the analysis of the growing number of problems in the global environment of information and communication technologies (ICT), which characterize the current crisis military-political situation. Until recently, experts from different countries spoke about many of them purely theoretically, and possible scenarios of using ICT for malicious infl uence on military critical infrastructure were sometimes even denied. Now this problem is not only recognized by the scientific and expert community, but we are already talking about the voiced facts of the practical use of cyber weapons, other information and cyber means in the conditions of the crisis. Thus, the malicious use of ICT can provoke the outbreak of an interstate military confl ict. First of all, because of the disproportionate use of methods of responding to threats and attacks, when the aff ected party can use real weapons in response. In addition, a confl ict may arise by mistake, since there is currently no universal methodology for identifying violators, criteria for classifying cyberattacks as an armed attack have not been worked out, universal principles for investigating incidents have not been formed. The issues of coordination of measures taken in response to information operations recognized as acts of use of force have not yet been resolved. As a result, information wars and the use of new technologies can become the detonator of an interstate military confl ict with the use of even nuclear weapons. Therefore, the question of the need for active actions of the "great powers" to prevent confl icts in the global information space, which in the conditions of military operations can develop into a global confl ict, is as relevant as possible. The article provides a factual analysis of ICT threats during the special military operation of Russia, explores the possibilities of creating an international regime for the prohibition of information (including cybernetic) weapons, the relevance and increasing importance of studying these processes by the scientific community. The article substantiates the formulation of the problem of international information security as part of a broader topic of international security against the background of global challenges.

Global order and its enemies

Motivation: A series of crises have demonstrated the low resilience of the global economy to shocks and triggered a discussion about the possible end of globalisation understood as the unrestrained growth of mutual trade and business ties on a global scale. The emerging tendencies to shorten supply chains and block trade as well as calls for an active and strategic trade policy are contributing to the decay of the liberal global order built after World War II. The potential disintegration of the world economy into antagonised blocs and the conflict between the Western model of liberal democracy and autocratic regimes should be considered particularly dangerous. The above phenomena deserve the utmost attention, and the desire to understand them has provided inspiration for taking up this topic.Aim: This study aims to define and interpret the concept of global order in both economic and political dimensions. In this context, two interrelated questions are addressed. The first one is about the character of the global order after World War II and the second one concerns the causes and consequences of its decay.Results: The emerging disintegrative tendencies in the global economy and the anarchisation of international economic relations constitute a negative-sum game. Globalisation has allowed most countries in the world to achieve significant gains in wealth. The benefits that it provides to consumers are too great to be consciously abandoned in favour of an autarkic economic model. Capitalism seems to be able to operate under very different political regimes, hence — with all the differences between political models at the national level — it creates an effective platform for cooperation on the global stage. Nevertheless, the end of the “peace dividend” indicates that effectively preventing the danger of armed conflict by means of economic and military deterrence will be an important part of the future world order.

Patent Regulation in the Field of Genome: Trends, Problems, Prospects

The paper examines the situation that has developed in recent years in the field of patenting the results of genomic and genetic research and manipulation, the main trends and possible ways of developing relations and regulation in this area. This includes the role of Russia and the BRICS countries in the future world order, where genetic and genomic technologies and the fruits of their application will (and partly are already) one of the most important values. The author analyzes the existing and possible forms of securing rights to these values for copyright holders, and accounts the difference between genetics and genomics (and the gradual erosion of this difference with the appearance of «designer genes»). The author concludes that now there is no sufficiently developed, reasonable and workable alternative to the existing system of protection of the rights to the achievements of genetics and genomics while maintaining the expediency of searching for such an alternative. The existing system provides unreasonably many advantages to individual corporations and states that have managed to secure the largest possible amount of rights to the achievements of genetics and genomics. The paper analyzes some international acts designed to ensure a fair distribution of benefits between the owners of advanced technologies and the «suppliers» of the original genetic material. These have so far been undeservedly ignored in our country, but are gaining new significance in the course of the ongoing «genomic revolution» based on the mass application of the CRISPR-Cas genomic editing method. Possible directions for coordinated actions of the BRICS countries on patent cooperation in relation to the results of genomic and genetic research and manipulation are proposed. As one of the conclusions, it is indicated that the use of BRICS as a platform for building a better future for all mankind, and not only for patent holders, fully corresponds to the role and prospects of BRICS in the modern international system, stated in the Concept of the Participation of the Russian Federation in the BRICS association.

Exploration on the Informatization of Ideological and Political Course Teaching in Modern Universities in the Multimedia Era

This papers’ focus is exploration on the informatization of ideological and political course teaching in modern universities in the multimedia era. In modern society, science and technology provide convenience and technical assistance for the development of ideological and political education. It can be said that whoever holds the initiative in cyberspace will be the leader of the future world order, and hence, the better applications of the information era into real ideological and political course teaching. The discussions of the paper are collected from the different aspects.

A Seat at the Table: United Nations and the Architecture of Diplomacy

The end of World War Two found diplomats and politicians negotiating architectures of global governance and the future world order. During those initial conversations, tables emerged as the quintessential object of liberal internationalism. Diplomats understood the politics of seating and how tables silently installed hierarchies, entangling their shape and form with discussions on emerging cultures of assembly and the possible organisation of the UN’s public spheres. Who gets a seat at the table? Does the table have a head? How close or far away should the delegates sit? Who sits next to whom? These were all questions running through the delegates’ minds each time a new committee deployed itself around desks. Architects and designers were called in to design diplomatic encounters within the UN Headquarters. The goal was to humanise what aspired to become the machine of international relationships while architecturally articulating an even bigger bureaucratic organisation that would bring order and peace against the chaos, fear, and paranoia that the war generated. This essay will examine the emergence of the circular table as a tool and a technique of multilateralism, ultimately interrogating the role that design and architecture played in shaping global governance.