Treaty Of Friendship Research Articles

The Labor Law Issues in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation Made by Poland with the Western European Countries after 1989

The Labor Law issues constitute a subject of the numerous bilateral and multilateral treaties. They have an important role in the system of Labor the Law sources. In regard to the bilateral treaties, Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation (so called political treaties) play significant role, not only because they reflect the priorities of one state’s foreign policy through definition of its territorial scope of interest, but also they indicate the areas of the particular interests of the parties. Poland, after the transformations of 1989–1990, entered into this type of treaties with the former socialist republics of the Central and Southern Europe established after the USSR dissolution, and – what constituted a novelty in Polish treaty policy – with the Western European states (France, Spain, Germany and Italy), and also with the countries included in this group for the political, not geographical reason: Greece and Turkey. Analysis of these treaties shows that the most of the labor references were used in the political treaty with a neighboring state, Germany. What is more, this field of cooperation was given its adequate rank and significance. Favorable solutions have been included in the treaties with Greece, Spain and Italy. The least consideration for the labor issues was given in the treaty with Turkey, as it includes only one provision, similar to the treaties with the other states, that deals with supporting the direct contacts among the trade unions.

The Afghan question in the work of SC & GA of UNO in January, 1980

In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.

Polityka traktatowa Polski w zakresie umów o przyjaźni i współpracy po „Jesieni ludów” 1989 r.

A state’s treaty policy constitutes a significant aspect of the foreign policy to every country. The transformations in Poland and in the other Central and Eastern European countries launched by the events described as “Autumn of Nations” of 1989 have brought fundamental changes to the several governments and the international community, including Poland’s, which demanded a revision of the Polish treaty policy. Due to the fact that the bilateral Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation reflect the priorities of foreign policy and indicate the characteristics of the bilateral relations, they play particularly important role in the treaty relations of every country. Through the outlook on the transformations in the Polish treaty policy with respect to the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made after the governmental changes, this paper attempts to present the interest areas for the Polish foreign policy after 1989.

International friendship cities, regional government leaders, and outward foreign direct investment from China

This study investigates an important yet overlooked phenomenon regarding the international friendship city (IFC) as a sub-national diplomatic relation that links host country cities sharing similarities. We theorize IFC relations as a proxy for an important institutional instrument for regional governments to facilitate outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). Drawing on the institution-fostering view, we argue that the greater the extent to which local governments become involved in developing IFCs, the better they are able to employ this instrument to foster OFDI. We further argue that the effectiveness of this instrument relies on the characteristics of regional leaders. The fostering effects of IFC development are stronger when regional leaders are at the later stage of their tenures and when they retain their positions. An analysis of 967 IFC relationships developed by 31 Chinese provincial governments with 102 countries supports our hypotheses.

Утраченные объекты модернизма в Ростове-на-Дону. Здание музея интернациональной дружбы в парке им. г. Плевен

The architecture of Soviet modernism occupies an important place in the history of world architecture. Due to the relatively recent recognition of Soviet modernism as a separate architectural trend, in most regions of our country (including the South of Russia), the objects, which were implemented in the Soviet Union in the 1960s and 1980s, have not been studied. This can lead to irreparable loss of structures with compositional and artistic value. The building of the former Museum of International Friendship, located in the park named after Pleven in Rostov-on-Don, is one of such objects. The building is designed using the basic planning, artistic and urban planning techniques of Soviet modernism. The article discusses the features of the Museum from different points of view. The retrospective analysis of transformations of the town-planning situation, which has influenced formation of the volume and compositional decision of the building, is carried out. The architectural and artistic features of the Museum are determined on the basis of field research and the study of preserved historical graphic materials. The article reveals the value of the object as a structure reflecting the main trends of Soviet architecture of the 1960s-1980s. The modern state of the building of the former Museum is investigated, the lost features of architectural and town-planning decisions are fixed. The necessity of restoration and preservation of its original appearance is confirmed

Agreements Signed by Korea in the XIX Century

As a result of the relaxation of the self-isolation policy of the Korean state, the Ganghwa treaty with Japan was signed in 1876. In the same year, the "Rules for trade" and the "Additional articles for the 1876 Treaty" were signed as well, which gave Japanese citizens exterritoriality, opened ports for trade with Japan, allowed them to rent land and more. The American-Korean treaty of peace, friendship, trade and navigation of 1882, the British-Korean (1883), German-Korean (1883), French-Korean (1886) and Russian-Korean (1884) treaties were signed as well, all with similar provisions. When signing agreements with the Korean state, Western countries such as Germany, USA, England etc. applied to China for a letter of recommendation. However, Russia followed a different strategy. Russian diplomat K. I. Veber, authorized to negotiate with the Korean government and sign the Russian-Korean treaty, negotiated directly with King Gojong. South Korean historiographers have different opinions regarding the above treaties signed by Korea with the Western powers.

T. S. Eliot and Paul Valéry: 1920-1925

The purpose of this paper is to explore, from the perspective of biographical criticism, the relationship between T. S. Eliot, the greatest English modernist poet, and Paul Valery, the greatest French Symbolist poet during the years 1920-1925. This paper is to thoroughly trace the mutual relationship or the influential interaction between Eliot and Valery mainly through correspondence in The Letters of T. S. Eliot 1: 1898-1922 (2009) and The Letters of T. S. Eliot 2: 1923-1925 (2009). Eliot, the editor of The Criterion, mediates perfunctorily in publishing first Captain Mark Wardle’s translation of Valery’s “Le Serpent” (1922) in the literary magazine in 1923 with the help of Richard Cobden-Sanderson the publisher and Lady Rothermere the patron, and second Le Serpent par Paul Valery (1924) with Wardle’s translation and his “A Brief Introduction to the Method of Paul Valery.” Valery’s high praise for Eliot’s The Waste Land (1922) is sharply contrasted with the latter’s severe critique on the former’s “L’Âme et la danse: Dialogue socratique” (1921). Charles Whibley and John Hayward, as intimate mutual friends of Eliot and Valery, play important roles in consolidating their respectful friendship. In short, numerous English and/or French letters of Eliot and Valery over a period of six years intensively reveal their influential interplay ranging from editor-contributor relationship to laudable masterly international friendship. This study will further elucidate the relationship between Eliot and Valery during the years 1926-1929.

MANUSCRIPT XXXIV: ‘The feelings of friendship which We have always entertained’: Fragments of Tongan–Hawaiian Relations, 1880–8

ABSTRACTAfter the Hawaiian Kingdom had played an important part as a model for Tonga's transition to a modern constitutional monarchy from the 1850s to 1870s, Tonga's government attempted to reconnect with Hawai‘i in the 1880s by suggesting a friendship treaty between the two kingdoms but then failed to follow through, despite Hawaiian enthusiasm for the project. Correspondence in the Hawai‘i State Archives, hitherto unacknowledged by historians, documents these late 19th-century fragments of Hawaiian–Tongan relations.

Policies of International Friendship in Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters: The Non-Extradition of Brazilian and Portuguese Nationals to Third States – A Comparison with EU Law

This article addresses different implications of nationality in international cooperation in criminal matters, especially in extradition law. Most States, particularly of the civil law tradition, have a longstanding practice not to deliver their own citizens to foreign criminal justice systems. This article begins by reviewing the rationales of the classic nationality exception and contrasts it with the approach of States of the common law tradition, which have no objections of principle to extraditing their own nationals. It then looks into the extradition relations between Brazil and Portugal, following which it provides a brief critical appraisal of the adequacy of the nationality exception in an increasingly globalised world. With these foundational issues settled, the article moves on to questioning what are the effects of interstate affinity upon extradition. It concludes that, in addition to (immediate or direct) effects between the States involved, affinity can also have meaningful (indirect) implications to third States: States which are linked by peculiar (historical, legal, political) bonds sometimes refuse to extradite each other’s nationals to other States. In this regard, the article analyses of the state affairs among the Member States of the European Union following the groundbreaking case law initiated by the Court of Justice in 2016, and compares this recent legal development with the regime that has been in place between Brazil and Portugal since 1971.

‘The End of Finlandization’. Finland’s Foreign Policy in the Eyes of the Two German States 1985–1990

Finnish historical narratives have represented Finland’s neutrality policy as a success story, because Finland managed to maintain its independence and democratic system even though it belonged to the Soviet Union’s sphere of interest and agreed on the treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance between the two of them in 1948. Finland’s political leadership downplayed the negative side effects of the collaboration, but with new archive-based research on Finland’s foreign policy emerging, Finnish historiography has started reevaluating Finland’s Cold War experience. What is still missing is research on the perspectives of the other European countries and how they found Finland’s position in the late 1980s as the Soviet bloc started eroding. This article seeks to close a part of this gap. Based on archives in Berlin, it analyses how the two German states viewed Finland’s foreign policy 1985–1990 and how they interpreted Finland’s adaptiveness to the Soviet pressure.

Half Foot Training Footwear for Safer and Faster Running from Masters Athletes to Professional Athletes

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) session in 2013 had chosen Tokyo as the host city for the 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games (Tokyo 2020 Games). After that, the preparation organization for Tokyo 2020 Games was established and Japan Olympic Committee (JOC), Japan Paralympic Committee (JPC) and other committees have continued various activities [1]. Thus, further development of international friendship and sports promotion has been expected. It can give various beneficial influences for wide range of sports, medical, economic and social fields [2].

DENUNCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL TREATIES BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA AS REGARDS RUSSIAN AGRESSION IN UKRAINE

In the article the Author analyzes a modern practice of denunciation of international treaties between Ukraine and Russia through consideration of international law and political factors, which affect this practice; the examples of Treaties of disposal of Black Sea Navy Fleet and Treaty of Friendship between Ukraine and Russia are prominent. The Author concludes that the relevant reaction on political interpretation of the denunciation institute, which is dangerous, is necessary, and can not be understood as equal to existing political component of this institute.

Ways of International Students’ Adaptation: Club of International Friendship

The issue of international students' adaptation is being discussed all over the academic world. According to our observations, one of the best ways is to create an experimental platform for the implementation of effective ideas connected with the adaptation. We have called it the Club of International Friendship (CIF) “UNITY!” For this, 207 international students of our institute took part in the questionnaire. Our Club is aimed at overcoming any difficulties international students may have. Currently, we are analysing the process of co-adaptation, considering it as the critical element of effective inter-cultural integration.

Belt and Road Initiative: Responses from Japan and India – Bilateralism, Multilateralism and Collaborations

AbstractThe responses from Japan and India to the China‐led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) were not positive unlike many other Asian countries. Only in late 2017 did Japan extend its cooperation with BRI and India is still on record that it does not support BRI. The positions taken by both Japan and India, together and singly, in relation to BRI as well as the interrelationship of policy, politics, and institutions at the global level are discussed. The discussion also explores how Japan supplements its central alliance with the United States till the 1980s with other key relationships such as India and Australia in security and in its initiatives with India on Vision 25 and the Asia‐Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC). The discussion also explores the shift by India following its non‐alignment policy and its friendship treaty with the Soviet Union and with the end of the Cold War, on its renewed foreign policy of diplomacy and bilateralism and multilateralism with many countries and organizations. The challenges and opportunities of collaboration by Japan and India are discussed, together with the geo‐economic and geo‐political aspects of BRI for both countries in moving forward.

ЖАНР МИНИАТЮРЫ В ПОЭЗИИ ЛИ ЯНЬЛИНА

The article reveals the peculiarities of the genre of miniature in poetry by Lee Yanling, a Chinese poet writing in the Russian language, a member of the Union of writers of Russia, Deputy Chairman of the Amur writers’ organization, the chevalier of the Russian Order of Friendship. The paper identifies the features of traditional Russian and Chinese poetry in his work, analyzes the place of miniatures in contemporary literature and the distinctive characteristics of Russian and Chinese miniatures. An attempt is made to analyze the genre specificity of Lee Yanling’s miniature. His poems are written in Russian but contain features of Chinese poetics. At an early stage of his work, Lee Yanling, who adhered to the native Chinese literary tradition, turned to the form of laconic lyrical philosophical poems of traditional Chinese miniatures ‘weixingshi’; but, despite this genre affiliation, his poetry cannot be considered exclusively ‘Chinese’. Lee Yanling engaged in translation of Poems in prose by Ivan Turgenev into the Russian language, which, in our opinion, also influenced his work in terms of refrains, rhythm, phonics and the strophe pattern. In addition, Lee Yanling uses traditional images (for example, the image of a birch tree), place names and derivatives thereof (for example, Amur), a two-part composition of the text typical of Russian miniatures, distich, which V. A. Zhukovsky used in his works, rhythmics, unexpected rhyming and graphic breaking of stanzas, as well as tropes and stylistic figures typical of Russian poems. The main themes in the works by Lee Yanling are: 1) international friendship between the Russians and Chinese in the border areas; 2) Russia and the Russians. His miniatures, like the author himself, are on the border between China and Russia, between Chinese and Russian miniatures, on the territory of the unique literature of the Amur region. Lee Yanling’s works organically combine the features of poetic traditions of both countries in a special cultural system. They cause a great interest of Russian scientists, poets, journalists, readers, and require further study.

Between National Tradition and Western Modernization:Soviet Womanand Representations of Socialist Gender Equality as a “Third Way” for Developing Countries, 1956–1964

This article analyzesSoviet Woman, the main publication of theKomitet Sovetskikh Zhenshchin(Committee of Soviet Women), during the 1950s and 1960s. Approaching it as a medium of international outreach, the article illustrates how the magazine reflected official Soviet strategies toward developing countries and propagated “peaceful coexistence.” Specifically, it delineates the ways in whichSoviet Womanpresented Soviet women (especially those in the “Soviet East”) as models of female emancipation so as to persuade women in the Third World of the potential of socialism to effect social and economic progress, and to sustain national liberation. Assessing also reception among readers of its messages about advancement, international friendship, and solidarity, it concludes thatSoviet Womanprovided women in decolonizing countries an alternative to a return to traditional modes or a shift to western ones by demonstrating the possibilities that the Soviet system held for realizing gender equality and modernization.

日中平和友好条約交渉―「全方位平和外交」の再検討― 講演会「外交記録から見る1970～80年代の日中関係」

日中平和友好条約交渉―「全方位平和外交」の再検討― 講演会「外交記録から見る1970～80年代の日中関係」

Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959 by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia

Reviewed by: Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959 by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia Olavi Arens Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015. The authors provide a well-researched volume on a crucial decade-and-half period in Chinese history that centers on the relationship of Mao Zedong and the Peoples' Republic of China with the Soviet Union. Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia, who previously have written extensively on the subject matter, have used both Chinese and Russian archival material for the study and have critically assessed existing western literature on the topic. At Yalta, Stalin obtained concessions from Roosevelt at the expense of China as the price for the Soviets entering the war against Japan. Among the concessions were the Chinese Changchun Railway (Chinese Eastern Railway), Dalian (Dairen), and Lüshun (Port Arthur). As a result of joint US and Soviet pressure, the Chinese Nationalist government of Jiang Jieshi was forced to agree to the concessions when it signed the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance (1945). Shortly after the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Mao visited Moscow, where he was able to renegotiate with Stalin a new Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance in which Stalin renounced Russia's traditional points of interest in Manchuria. In return, Stalin gained Chinese recognition for the independence of Outer Mongolia. In an interpretation that I have not encountered previously, the authors suggest that Stalin's interest in Korea and his authorization of Kim Il-sung's plan to attack South Korea played a role in Stalin's decision to concede control of Manchuria to China. During the Korean War, Chinese intervention was supported by massive Soviet aid in the forms of military equipment and Soviet air force units to provide air cover [End Page 222] for Chinese forces. The war cemented the Sino-Soviet alliance. However, the figures the authors cite (that the Soviet air force shot down 1,097 enemy planes and that Soviet anti-aircraft downed 212, while Soviet losses amounted to 335 airplanes and 120 pilots) are questionable (p. 87). The heyday of Sino-Soviet cooperation occurred during the early years of Nikita Khrushchev, who was willing in 1954–1958 to aid Chinese economic development in a major way. Soviet aid in credits amounted to $1.3 billion (other sources say $2.65 billion). A major part of the aid was military—through advisers and equipment, the Soviets enabled China to build a navy and an air force. The aid eventually included the initiation of a peaceful nuclear energy program in 1954 that blossomed when Khrushchev agreed to provide aid for a Chinese nuclear weapons program (1957). In 1958, Khrushchev had second thoughts and pulled back the aid. The authors do not see the 1956 Secret Speech by Nikita Khrushchev and Mao's reaction to it as the beginning of the rift between the two nations (Mao said of the speech that Stalin was 30 percent wrong and 70 percent right). Indeed, the Chinese played a role in helping the Soviets pacify Eastern Europe in 1956. Mao was becoming an increasingly important political actor in the world communist movement. The relationship between the two began to deteriorate after the Moscow Conference of 1957. Personality played a role. Mao clearly felt superior in intellect to Khrushchev. Khrushchev was the head of a recognized great power that conducted world diplomacy with the United States and espoused a policy of peaceful coexistence and peaceful competition with the capitalist countries. Mao's Peoples' Republic of China was still unrecognized by many states, including the United States. Because of China's history of struggle and civil war, Mao saw revolutionary struggle against world capitalism as natural. At this point, Mao foolishly embarked on the Great Leap Forward and the Peoples' Commune Movement, which were advertised as distinctly Chinese shortcuts to communism. The failure of these approaches only embittered Mao toward the Soviets. Foreign policy issues with regard to Taiwan and India exacerbated tensions even further. Mao horrified the Soviets and the East Europeans by nonchalantly dismissing the destructiveness of nuclear war...

ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЙ ПУТЬ МОЛДОВЫ: ИЛЛЮЗИИ И ДЕЙСТВИТЕЛЬНОСТЬ

The article is devoted to the influence exercised by Germany, the European Union, the USA, and Russia on Moldavia’s home and foreign policy in the context of integration processes in Europe and in the post-Soviet territories. The analysis of the causes of Kishinev’s failures in carrying out the reforms testifies to the mistakes made by Germany, the EU, the USA, and the Russian Federation due to the underestimation of the Moldavian oligarchic clans which seized the key posts in the governmental structures. While relying on the support from Russia, the EU and the USA, the parliamentary majority in Moldova succeeded in bringing into being a governmental coalition composed of the Party of Socialists and the right-wing block ACUM. The compromise opens prospects for a mutually beneficial cooperation of Moldova with Russia, the CIS, the EAEU, the EU, and the USA. The statement by Chancellor A. Merkel in June 2019 as to the absence of trustworthy information about the depth of political crisis in Moldova is either an evidence of poor performance by German diplomats, or an evidence of Berlin’s deliberate disregard of the activities by political forces in Moldova who are identifying themselves as pro-European. One thing is clear: having seen the endorsement of the Kiev regime by Germany, the EU and the USA, the oligarchs in Moldova also decided to assume the reins of authority within the country. Meanwhile the pronouncements by the head of the government M. Sandu on the possibility of holding out-of-term parliamentary elections and the supposed viability of the government that can last only one year encourage the experts in their assumptions that there are profound differences inside the coalition. Therefore, any forecasts of the future of the coalition between socialists and the right-wing forces seem difficult to make. Contradictions between the participants in the governmental alliance, for example regarding the approaches to the solution of the conflict in Transdniestria, may act as a catalyst on the out-of-term elections to the Moldavian parliament. Apprehensions concerning the likely resignation of the government of parliamentary majority composed of socialists and the right-wing forces headed by Premier Maia Sandu (the right-wing bloc) came true. According to the experts, she did not seek agreement with her socialist partners in the coalition when planning to update the legislative procedure for appointing Prosecutor General. Nor she consulted the members of her own party. A step of this kind could have strengthened the positions of the government’s right-wing bloc and secure a favourable head-start for the Premier when launching the Republic’s presidential elections of 2020.Maia Sandu’s government was fired by means of the no confidence vote lodged by the socialists in parliament. The new government of Moldova headed by Prime Minister Iona Kiku (no party affiliation) declared its intention to pursue reforms in the fields of economy, justice, state governance, to go ahead with the implementation of the Agreement of Association with the European Union, to build back Kishinev’s strategic relations with Moscow and Washington and to promote cooperation and friendship with Ukraine and Romania. Now there are too few people who venture to predict the capacity of Moldova’s new government. Russia has an incentive in the resumption of a pragmatic and mutually beneficial dialog with Moldova in various fields on the basis of the 2001 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation.

ПРИМІТКИ ЩОДО ВІДНОСИН МІЖ ЄС ТА УКРАЇНОЮ ТА ПРОГРЕС У ВИКОНАННІ УГОДИ ПРО АСОЦІАЦІЮ

The 2014 Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, which replaces the 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, may be considered the most important result of a cooperation developed since the beginning of 90’s, first in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, then of the Eastern Partnership. This paper analyses in an essential way the evolving relations between the EU and Ukraine, and the progress made by Ukraine in pursuing the objectives set forth in the Association Agreement. The Author considers the main features of the Agreement, and identifies and assesses the principal legal issues arising from its implementation. The Agreement is aimed at deepening political and economic relations between the EU and Ukraine, and to gradually integrate Ukraine into the EU internal market. It is the first of a new generation of EU agreements characterized by comprehensiveness, and democratic conditionality. It requires a broad and detailed work of approximation of the Ukrainian laws to the EU regulations. Reforms are foreseen in a number of key areas. Ukraine has been developing a complex strategy to reorient its legal system towards the EU. According to the 2018 Report on Implementation of the Association Agreement – prepared by the Government Office for Coordination of European and Euro-Atlantic Integration, and the Vice Prime Minister’s Office for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration, based on the outcome of performance of the objectives scheduled for 2018, the Agreement was implemented by 52%. According to the Author, in evaluating the “results achieved” by Ukraine in the approximation of the national legislation to the EU legislation, it must be taken into account the challenging situation of the country. The Government and the Verkhovna Rada have been acting with the aim to pursue the overall objectives of the Association Agreement notwithstanding the difficult political and administrative situation following the events in Crimea, the Donbass conflict, the worsening of the relations with Russia until the termination of the Treaty of Friendship and the temporary adoption of the Martial Law. He highlights the efforts of the EU in financially supporting the process of reform in Ukraine, and of Ukraine towards constitutional and legislative reforms reinforcing the European choice. Ukraine has finally developed an ad hoc institutional framework, and new legislation, including amendments to the Constitution, for the implementation of the Association Agreement. Relevant progress has been made in various sectors of the cooperation, while in various others the actions taken are not yet effective. For example, in the sector of the rule of law, various actions were taken, but modest results were achieved in the fight against corruption; while in the environment sector, which is not considered among the priorities, the Law on EIA might be considered an important achievement. In the whole, the implementation of the Association Agreement was evaluated positively at the highest level of political dialogue, by the 20th EU-Ukraine Summit (9 July 2018), and the 5th EU-Ukraine Association Council (Brussels, 17 December 2018). In the Аuthor’s opinion, notwithstanding various critical points, the numerous constitutional and legislative acts, the regulations and the plans adopted in the period 2014–2018, represent important steps of a broad process of change. He underlines the importance to proceed focusing not just on the formal harmonization of the Ukrainian legal system to the EU law, but on the effectiveness and efficacy of the new rules, and their real implications on the social, economic, political and cultural heritage and life of people.