Friendship Of Nations Research Articles

“Looking for pen pals”: internationalist upbringing in a school of the Lithuanian SSR in the late Soviet era

ABSTRACTThe article analyses one of the main elements of the Soviet political doctrine, as well as the principles of Soviet education – internationalism and its implementation at school. Internationalist upbringing and the accompanying “friendship of nations” become the main axis of this article, not only in terms of the concepts themselves and their ideologised meanings, but also, and most importantly, in terms of their expressions, which are presented based on the interviews of 32 former students about their experiences in the Lithuanian Soviet school in the late Soviet era (1960s–1980s). In this case, the most striking aspect of the introduction of the so-called “friendship of nations” in schools is the example of pupils’ correspondence with young people from different socialist countries and Soviet republics. Relying on the personal reflections of pupils at the time, and also on the Soviet press, textbooks, etc., we analyse what promoted and what constrained this form of communication. The study reveals that internationalist education served as a Trojan horse, masking russification and the ideology of the “creation of a new Soviet man”.

Ethnic and religious identities in Russian penal institutions: A case study of Uzbek Transnational Muslim prisoners

Russia has become one of the main migration hubs worldwide following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The vast majority of migrant workers travel to Russia from three Central Asian countries. However, Russian immigration laws and policies are ambiguous and highly punitive. The result is that many migrants resort to undocumented status working in the shadow economy, which places them in a disadvantaged and precarious position. In this position they are vulnerable to becoming targets of the Russian criminal justice system as they take to crime to overcome economic uncertainty, become embroiled in interpersonal conflicts ending in violence, or fall victim to fabricated criminal charges initiated by Russian police officers under pressure to produce their monthly quota of arrests. The impact on Russian penal institutions is that they have become ethnically, culturally, and religiously diverse sites as a consequence of the incarceration of growing numbers of transnational prisoners. Using person-to-person interviews conducted in Uzbekistan with men and women who served sentences in Russian penal institutions during the past two decades, we show in this article how the large-scale migratory processes have transformed Russian prisons into sites of ethnic and religious plurality, in which formal rules and informal sub-cultures - the colony regime, so-called thieves' law (vorovskoy zakon), ethnic solidarity norms, and Sharia law - coexist and clash in new ways compared with the status quo ante. Thus, we argue there is a need to revise the prevailing understanding about the power dynamics in Russian penal institutions. Our findings undermine the prison service's insistence of the ethnic and ethno-religious neutrality and cosmopolitanism of Russian penal space, which is presented as a latter-day manifestation of the Soviet-era 'friendship of nations' policy. Russian prisons today must be understood as sites of ethnic and religious pluralism.

Heroism, Resistance, and Sentiment: Two Events Full of Beethovenian Drama

Beethoven’s music has set the tone during different and diverse events in human history. It has been used in order to pinpoint major historical events, but it has been also used in order to represent ideas such as friendship of nations, freedom, and many others. There are two events though when the music of Beet­ ho ven has meant more than a fine and glorious tune for the Athenian public. These two events occurred under totally different circumstances, with the first being an incident involving a Fidelio performance during World War II in occupied Athens, and the second having to do with the death of the legendary conductor Dimitri Mitropoulos and his urn containing his ashes arriving in Athens. Although the two incidents are historically unconnected, they are very much underlined by the Beethovenian values rep­ resented within the actual score. In this study, I will present the historical framework of both events but also taking a step further will dare to connect these with values that have been attributed to Beethoven’s music in terms of fundamental representation.

Analysis of the vegetation condition on the area of the closed Babina mine in 1989-2019 using multispectral satellite images

Technical and biological treatments, aiming at granting or restoring use/natural values of lands degraded by mining operations, are carried out already at the stage of mining works and continue after the end of exploitation. As a result of these activities, area of plant cover increases and condition of vegetation in the former mineral extraction is improved. However, monitoring of post-mining areas in various regions of the world indicates that in the sites of former exploitation local degradation of vegetation may occur, despite the completion of the reclamation process. Adverse changes in flora can be caused for example by water penetrating deep into the ground through the system of underground pavements or their collapsing. The purpose of this publication is to present the changes in the condition of plant cover within the Pustkôw mining field, one of the four fields of the closed lignite “Friendship of Nations - Babina Shaft” mine. The analysis of variation in the state of the plant cover health was carried out for the period of 1989-2019 based on NDVI, EVI and GNDVI spectral indices, developed using multispectral images of the Landsat TM/ETM+/OLI missions. The obtained results provide information about systematic improvement of the flora condition in the analysed region and indicate an increase in green areas. In 1989-2019, overgrowing of the shorelines of anthropogenic lakes and heaps was observed, as well as reservoir with a decreasing surface area due to vegetation succession was identified. In 2016, local degradation of the plant cover was also observed in the north-western part of the Pustków field. The obtained results prove the necessity of continuous monitoring of the flora health in the area of the analysed mine, but also in other post-mining areas.

The Image of Elizabeth I in Early Modern Spain ed. by Eduardo Olid Guerrero, and Esther Fernández

Reviewed by: The Image of Elizabeth I in Early Modern Spain ed. by Eduardo Olid Guerrero, and Esther Fernández Noelia Cirnigliaro Olid Guerrero, Eduardo, and Esther Fernández, eds. The Image of Elizabeth I in Early Modern Spain. Foreword by Susan Doran. U of Nebraska P, 2019. 409 pp. The collection of essays edited by Eduardo Olid Guerrero and Esther Fernández entitled The Image of Elizabeth I in Early Modern Spain begins with a striking question posed by Susan Doran in her forward to the book: "Who would think there was any more to say about the image of Queen Elizabeth I? Over the past thirty years or more, historians and literary scholars from Britain and America, like myself, have re-examined her portraits, deconstructed her writings and speeches, and analyzed contemporary works of praise and criticism to reveal a more nuanced image than that originally presented by the three heavyweights, Elkin Calhoun Wilson, Roy Strong and Frances Yates" (xi). Happily, there is a however that precedes the second paragraph of the forward. Doran acknowledges that most scholarship on the relations between Spain and Britain in the Early Modern period has been Anglocentric, focusing mainly on the perspectives that contextualize Elizabeth I's image in the realm of Anglo-Saxon cultural and historical archives, even those works dealing with the reception of the Queen's image outside the island. Esther Fernández and Eduardo Olid Guerrero, the editors of this beautifully illustrated volume, seem to have rightly identified such slant in the scholarship and, together with nine other contributors, are set to remediate it. Put simply, the introduction by Olid Guerrero and the other ten essays (including one by his co-editor Fernández) strive to diversify the scholarship around Elizabeth Tudor, offering a series of answers to three key questions: first, how the Elizabethan political and iconographic strategies were seen from the viewpoint of the Spanish Monarchy, its colonies, and its allies; second, how influential the presence of Spain was in Elizabeth I's policies and in the representation of her public [End Page 309] image; and finally, in which ways had or hadn't her image changed once she passed away and her legacy in Spain became a legend. In other words, and based on these central inquiries, the research perspectives and methodologies that the essays open up could be grouped under theories of reception and semiology; international political theories and theories of self-fashioning, and finally—although not explicitly mentioned in the book—, a Warburg-like approach to the concept of the afterlife of images that reminds us of the iconographic notion of the Pathosformel. The organization of the volume is impeccable because it offers expert scholars or the lay curious readers a handful of answers to those questions in the three parts that organize the volume. There are several premises in this collection of essays as a whole, the main one being that there are shifts and transformations in the relationship between Protestant England and Catholic Spain and their allies during and after Elizabeth's life. Regarding the transformation, Olid Guerrero and Magdalena de Pazzis Pi Corrales pinpoint the principal changes and modifications (in the introduction and the opening chapter, respectively) that would lead from a status of political friendship between the nations to one of disdain, enmity, and aversion. These authors remind us of that short-lived period of grace and friendship of nations when Philip II assisted Elizabeth in 1554 as she was imprisoned for accusations of treason. And we are also reminded that, about five years later, he proposed marriage to Elizabeth soon after her half-sister and the Queen Consort of Spain, Mary Tudor, had died. These important diplomatic moves aimed at strengthening the restoration of Catholicism in England mark a period in which bilateral relationships between Tudor England and Hapsburg Spain were somewhat framed in the potential of friendship, mutual respect, and alliance. But Elizabeth's refusal to marry and, of course, England's reaffirmation of Protestantism gave rise to a negative pamphlet-driven image of Gloriana in Spanish territories, one tainted and shaped by notions of religious heresy, political unfitness, and the sheer irrationality and monstrosity of the...

ОСВІТНІ СТРАТЕГІЇ В ПРОСТОРІ ТВОРЕННЯ СУЧАСНОЇ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ: ВІД ТОТАЛІТАРНОЇ КОНФЛІКТНОСТІ ДО ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ДІАЛОГУ

The article studies the problem of forming Ukrainian national identity of the Ukrainian citizens, which becomes crucial in the modern Ukrainian studies discourse, especially during the opposition to the hybrid war initiated by Russia against Ukraine. The formation of a national identity is a decisive socio-cultural trend not only for Ukraine, but for the whole of the modern world. The urgency and importance of this problem is expressed in the fact that for some societies, the crisis of national identity has become such forms and scales that overcoming it means not only the choice of an adequate strategy for development, but also becomes a problem of survival. The attention is drawn to the fact that since the establishment of the new Ukrainian state in 1991, Ukrainians haven’t managed to overcome Russian identity with its “friendship of nations” and great Russian culture. The majority of citizens in the new country have preserved the distorted understanding of their own history and state traditions, related to the historical myths and a pantheon of historical heroes and traitors. It is determined that our state must construct its own policy of shaping Ukrainian national identity, which must be implemented in the system of education and upbringing of the younger generation. This context requires giving credence to the researchers’ opinion about the priority of education as the key factor for shaping modern Ukrainian national identity, which serves as the base for the national development, national security, and consolidation of the Ukrainian society. It is with education that modern scholars associate the implementation of the state policy of preserving the united socio-cultural space of Ukraine, the formation of a value system, genuine citizenship and patriotism, the formation of a consolidation of society and Ukrainian national identity. Today, the Ukrainian education is undertaking a journey from de-ideologization and humanization to the national focus on the European vector of transformations. Special attention is paid to the educational strategies: National Education Development Strategy for 2012–2021, Strategy of National and Patriotic Education of Children and Youth for 2016–2020, «Ukraine 2020» Sustainable Development Strategy, etc.

Актуальные задачи развития русского языка в полиэтничном социуме

The author presumes that national communication traditions and rules actually effect the way verbal means are used in speech. The author thinks it is urgent to refer to the Russian experience of multinational interaction which was gained and determined as “friendship of nations” in the Soviet era: it can be employed as a solid, reliable model of the language policy in the multiethnic society. First of all, it is vital to promote and spread the Russian language as well as to secure it from foreign intervention – unreasonable usage of borrowings, mainly from the English language.

Buryat Literature as a Political and Cultural Institution from the 1950s to the 1970s

AbstractThis paper explores the history of Buryat literature as an institution in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. Buryat literature was not simply the creation of Buryat writers. Local Party and government officials, censors, editors, publishers, and others made a substantial contribution to the direction, promotion, and content of Buryat literature. Buryat literature, as well as writers, was widely promoted by local media. Literature was also taught regularly at all levels of education. Buryat writers did not produce any samizdat and they generally did not use literature as a way to explore their pre-Soviet or pre-Russian history and culture as did other Soviet nationalities. Instead, Buryat literature generally emphasised topics that promoted and supported the project of Soviet modernisation. It promoted the value of Soviet leadership, the importance of the friendship of nations and in particular the friendship between Buryats and Russians, and it promoted the idea that life was better for the Buryats in the Soviet Union than it had been in the past or could be anywhere else. In addition, it helped create a new Buryat history that showed how the Buryats played an important role in Soviet historical events such as the Civil War, the October Revolution, the collectivisation of agriculture, and the Second World War. Buryat literature was a place to define and promote the new Soviet Buryat nation and all its modern attributes.

Future Directions in…Friendship in Childhood and Early Adolescence.

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Католики, мусульмане и иудеи Российской империи в последней четверти XVIII – XX вв по А. К. Тихонов (review)

502 Рецензии/Reviews Darius STALIŪNAS А. К. Тихонов. Католики, мусульмане и иудеи Россий- ской империи в последней чет- верти XVIII – XX вв. Санкт- Петeрбург: Издательство Санкт- Петербургского университета, 2007. 356 pp. ISBN: 978-5-28804293 -5.1 The Soviet period was not a favorable time for the research of the confessional policies of the Russian Empire, not only because atheism was propagated and religiousness was considered to be a sort of a throwback, but also because of the ideology of “a friendship of nations ” that was propagated in the country. Confessional and language policies were not a priority for the Soviet government, because in researching these problems it could have been revealed that a certain “ethnic hierarchy”2 had existed in the Romanov empire, which would have clearly went against the claim about the “eternal” friendship of Russians and other nationalities of other Soviet republics. The national policy of the nineteenth century Imperial Russia was not a priority theme in Western historiography during the Cold War, just as it was not one in the Soviet Union. In order for bigger changes to occur in historiography, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the entire Soviet block was needed, though changes in Western historiography occurred a bit earlier, around the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s, when the Russo-centric approach towards Imperial Russia was rejected . During the last 20 years, the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional character of the Romanov Empire enjoyed such an amount of attention from researchers that sometimes it may appear that during such a short period more books and articles were devoted to this topic than during all the previous years. One of them is the book by Andrei Tikhonov, which discusses the confessional policy of the imperial government from the view of the three largest non-Orthodox confessions – Catholicism, Judaism, and Islam. One may note at once that the book’s author does not even try to 1 Original version was published in: Pinkas. Annual of Culture and History of East European Jewry. Vilnius: Žara, 2008. Vol. II. Pp. 172-180. “Pinkas” is published by the Centre for Studies of the Culture and History of East European Jews (Vilnius, http:// www.jewishstudies.lt). 2 The “ethnic hierarchy” of Imperial Russia has been shrewdly described by Andreas Kappeler: А. Kappeler. Mazepintsy, malorossy, khokhly: ukraintsy v etnicheskoi ierarkhii Rossiiskoi imperii //A. I. Miller, V. F. Reprintsev, B. N. Floria (Eds.). Rossiia – Ukraina: istoriia vzaimootnoshenii. Moscow, 1997. Pp. 125-144. 503 Ab Imperio, 3/2008 Most of the work is based on references to various laws and archival sources, chosen randomly and recounted without any analysis for a length of several pages (as are, incidentally, the quotations from personal letters or diaries or the publications of other researchers, e.g., pp. 7-9). We will focus most of our attention in this review on how Tikhonov interprets the “Jewish Question”, but first we will discuss briefly the description of imperial policy regarding the Catholic Church in this book. This discussion is not consistent, and the subjects chosen are often not the most important, though it could not be otherwise, as the author uses random documents found in the Russian state history archives and makes hardly any use of the available scientific literature . For this reason, we find here strange interpretations, for example the claim that “the most important question of the 1830-1831 Uprising was the defense of Catholicism” (P. 92). The memoirs of Imperial Russia’s Minister of War Dmitrii Miliutin are the basis for the description of the 1863-1864 Uprising and its goals (Pp. 161-162). The author’s main thesis about Russian policy towards Catholicism is not very surprising either: the imperial government did not meddle in the “internal” life of Catholics and other non-Orthodox believers, it just include this book into the existing discourse on multi-confessionalism in Imperial Russia: it is just in the footnotes of the introduction that some works on this topic are mentioned , however their selection is rather haphazard. Just as importantly , the author does not even attempt to argue with the research of other historians and usually simply disregards it (even that mentioned in the footnotes at the beginning of the book). This, by the way, goes not only for Western, but for Russian historiography, as well as...

Marriage, modernity, and the ‘friendship of nations’: interethnic intimacy in post-war Central Asia in comparative perspective

This article examines the place of interethnic intimacy in post-Stalinist discourse and policy on nationality and modernity in Central Asia. Soviet theorists deemed marriages between Central Asian Muslims and Europeans to be an important force for ‘modernizing’ Central Asia and bringing this historically ‘backward’ region into the Soviet mainstream. Because mixed marriage was thought to promote gender equality, the discourse of intermarriage was closely linked to Soviet policies of female emancipation. Rising rates of mixed marriage were also considered evidence of progress in the consolidation of a unified ‘Soviet people’, whose imminent appearance became an article of faith in the Khrushchev and Brezhnev years. However, the twin goals of intermarriage—modernization and ethnic assimilation—were undermined by the increasing institutionalization and primordialization of ethnic identities in the post-war Soviet Union.