Friend Of China Research Articles

Offline: The origins story—towards a Deep Ecology

Whatever the precise origins of SARS-CoV-2, one doesn’t have to wait for the definitive source of COVID-19 to be identified before important lessons are learned—lessons that the global health community presently seems to be ignoring. There are four immediate priorities. First, countries must strengthen public health surveillance to deliver a globally robust early warning system for pneumonias of unknown aetiology. The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response, chaired by Helen Clark and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, made this recommendation in their May, 2021 report to the World Health Assembly. They also recommended that WHO should be empowered to investigate suspected outbreaks with pandemic potential in all countries at short notice; that declarations regarding public health emergencies of international concern should be based on the precautionary principle; and that WHO's IHR Emergency Committee should be more transparent. Progress on these proposals has ranged from slow to non-existent. A $100 million “hub” for pandemic intelligence has been established in Berlin. A first meeting to discuss possibilities for an international treaty on pandemic preparedness concluded in December, 2021. But there is little sense of urgency. The glutinous bureaucracy of global health once again threatens to dampen any impetus for action. A second lesson concerns the divisive debate around the origins of SARS-CoV-2. Accusations thrown at countries, institutions, and individuals have harmed conditions for trusted cooperation among scientists and governments. Yet a productive environment for collaboration is an essential prerequisite if we are to improve our collective response to a future pandemic. The confrontational approach taken by some politicians, policy makers, and journalists has poisoned the atmosphere for cooperation. China has been a particular target for criticism. It is sometimes hard to be a friend of China when one examines the long list of concerns levelled against the government—the plight of Uighurs in Xinjiang; repression of freedoms in Tibet; military manoeuvres over Taiwan; Hong Kong's fearsome National Security Law; quadrupling of the country's nuclear stockpile by 2030; and the assertive erasure of criticism of officials from an already constrained public sphere. But without in any way wishing to diminish those concerns, our shared future health security depends on the full and welcome participation of all countries, including China, in cooperative international efforts to respond to pandemic dangers. Now is not the moment to blame China over the origins of COVID-19. On the contrary, now is a moment to strengthen our solidarity with China in the face of a common global threat. Third, the debate over a laboratory leak has had at least one positive outcome. It has focused a spotlight on those laboratories that are authorised to handle some of the world's most dangerous pathogens. It is no exaggeration to say that these laboratories exist in an almost complete vacuum of regulation. There should be swift action to create an independent inspection regime for the 59 Biosafety Level 4 laboratories spread across 23 countries in the world today—in Europe (25), North America (14), Asia (13), Australia (4), and Africa (3). Alarmingly, only a quarter of nations hosting these facilities score highly on measures of biosecurity. Finally, there are lessons for One Health—the linkages that exist between human and animal health. SARS-CoV-2 is most likely the product of ecological conditions that our species has created. Our numbers, density, and connectivity. And specifically our interactions with animals, interactions that are growing as the climate crisis diminishes the availability of resources, so forcing people and animals to occupy increasingly crowded spaces. Just as an appreciation of the importance of climate to health has triggered an environmental turn in global health, so the pandemic should precipitate an ecological turn. The living conditions of organisms interacting with one another and their surroundings will be critical for improving pandemic preparedness. And here the writings of Arne Naess might be informative. Naess was a Norwegian philosopher who died in 2009. He coined the term Deep Ecology to represent a view of the biosphere that emphasised the intrinsic value of both human and non-human life. It's a Deep Ecological turn that we urgently need today—a radical transformation in our conception of health, habitat, and humanity. The most important lesson of all.

The feel of a recurrent gesture

Abstract The inner workings of recurrent gestures can now be distilled from almost three decades’ worth of fine-grained studies into gesture form variants, kinesic organization with speech, core semantic themes, and discourse-interactive functions. Yet several questions about this gesture category have remained in the background. How do such gestures relate to the behavioral activities within which they occur, their wider embodied and intercorporeal context, and the relations between the people performing them? These questions are addressed by adopting an enactive approach to human relating and by analysing how the Vertical Palm gesture form materializes during an episode of gift-giving between two friends in China, where the practice involves elaborate embodied maneuvers resulting in a visibly affective ‘seesaw battle’. Treating gift-giving as a situation for participatory sense-making spun from a complex web of sensorimotor schemes, this seesaw battle provides a natural ecology for exploring understudied dimensions of the Vertical Palm recurrent gesture as embodied, embedded, and enacted during a practice with culturally-specific dimensions.

The Crucial Role of Domenico Losurdo in the Historical, Political and Philosophical Understanding of the “Chinese Way”

ABSTRACT Domenico Losurdo traveled to Beijing for the first time in the 1970s, when (Western) Maoism thrilled a large number of Western progressive intellectuals. But when these intellectuals turned away from China—which they accused of having consolidated an “illiberal totalitarian political regime” but also of having “restored capitalism”—by contrast Losurdo remained a friend of China. For him it was from the Chinese experience and its ability to survive the end of the USSR that one could draw inspiration to confront the most important event in the life of an entire generation: the radical crisis of Marxism and the defeat of the communist movement in the West. Western Marxism, born out of the shock of the First World War, is characterized by a utopian messianism prone to anarchism (the thesis of the extinction of the state, for example, or the claim of an immediate cancelation of borders, or hostility towards economy and technology). In China, on the other hand, Marxism has become the basis of national awareness and the consequent liberation struggle. Once political independence is reached, however, the revolution continues today in order to achieve economic independence. Hence the need for a re-elaboration of the same Marxian category of class struggle.

Research on College Tourism English Teaching Reform under the Background of Big Data

In recent years, China is increasingly open to the outside world, the international cultural exchange activities are more and more extensive, the frequency of Chinese people traveling abroad or foreign friends in China is increasing, so our demand for tourism English talents is also higher and higher. In the context of big data, network information technology has a profound impact on all walks of life. With the support of big data technology, college English teaching for tourism has made new breakthroughs and progress. Based on the background of big data, this paper analyzes and studies the current college tourism English teaching, points out the existing problems, and puts forward effective solutions to these problems.

Stress, Anxiety, and Depression for Chinese Residents in Japan during the COVID-19 Pandemic.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has profoundly affected the psychological well-being of foreign residents. This study examines stress, anxiety, and depression levels in Chinese residents in Japan during the COVID-19 pandemic. It identifies risk factors and the roles of disaster preparedness and social support. An online survey among Chinese residents in Japan was conducted from 22 June to 14 July 2020. The Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale, Disaster Preparedness for Resilience Checklist, and Social Support Rate Scale were used to measure psychological symptoms. Multivariable linear regressions identified the risk factors and positive effects of disaster preparedness and social support. Of the total 497 participants, 45.3%, 66.6%, and 54.3% reported severe stress, anxiety, and depressive symptoms, respectively. People with a lower level of education, a higher level of economic influence, the presence of COVID-19 symptoms, and confirmed or suspected family or friends in China were associated with higher levels of stress, anxiety, and depression. This study, to the best of our knowledge, is the first survey to reveal the protective role of disaster preparedness in reducing psychological symptoms during the pandemic. It offers unique data for further research on how to promote the mental health of vulnerable populations including foreign residents.

Reconstructing the poet’s image through institutional translation—a case study of Rewi Alley’s translation of Li Bai’s Poems

ABSTRACT Rewi Alley was a New Zealand-born political activist, social reformer, and a renowned “foreign friend of China”, who devoted almost his entire life to China. Deeply interested in the Chinese language and culture, Alley was also a prolific translator of Chinese poetry. Although the great Chinese poet Li Bai’s poems have been translated into English by influential western translators such as Ezra Pound and Author Waley, Alley’s translation of Li Bai’s poems has some unique features in terms of text selection and translation style, which took place in an institutional setting. This study adopts an institutional approach to examine Alley’s translation of Li Bai’s poems and explores its unique features to reveal a distinctive type of institutional translation in the Chinese context. Through historical context analysis, textual analysis, and para-textual analysis of Alley’s translation, it shows that Alley in his translation has imprinted Li Bai’s poems with his own strong personal marks, reconstructing Li Bai’s image from a romantic poet into a realistic one, but failing to convey the spirit of the original poems by adopting his unconventional style of line-breaks. Alley’s translation of Li Bai’s poems was influenced by both personal and institutional ideologies and poetics, and his translation was to serve the goal of the Chinese government institution where he worked.

The role of offensive metaphors in Chinese diplomatic discourse

This paper examines metaphors that are intended to express an offensive meaning in Chinese diplomatic discourse, and the role that these metaphors play in the discursive construction of the ascribed identities of various countries. It pays particular attention to the period between 1954 and 1966 and, in so doing, fills an important knowledge gap as historical Chinese political metaphors have been somewhat neglected in the field. This study of Chinese metaphors reveals that the source domains PERSONIFICATION, PERSON, ANIMAL and PERFORMANCE were most frequently used to evoke offence in the Chinese political arena. The way in which these offensive metaphors were deployed was dependent on the political situation at that time: for instance, the U.S. was constructed as a ‘tough’ political ‘exploiter’ who was supported by a ‘band’ of minor allies, India as an ‘unreasonable’ representative of the Americans while asserting non-alignment in diplomacy, and the Soviet Union as a ‘cold-blooded’ former friend of China. This historical study is significant for two main reasons. First, it presents the complex socio-political contexts that existed during 1954–1966 when China was undergoing diplomatic development and their influence on the pragmatic use of metaphors for delivering offence. Although some of the metaphors might appear to be outdated when compared with present-day Chinese political language, this change reflects developments in the global political situation and Chinese diplomatic language over the last number of decades. Second, the study highlights the cultural characteristics of Chinese metaphors and demonstrates their use in political discourse for persuading the Chinese public.

Travel health risk perceptions of Chinese international students in Australia - Implications for COVID-19.

BackgroundInternational students frequently return to their country of origin to visit friends and relatives (VFR), and are at increased risk of travel-associated infections. Little is known of their travel health seeking behaviours. China is the biggest source of international students studying in Australia and the unprecedented epidemic of COVID-19 in China makes this an important area of research.MethodsFocus groups of Chinese international students were conducted to explore travel health-related knowledge, attitudes and practices. Eligible participants were studying in Sydney, and had travelled to China and Hong Kong to visit friends and relatives in the preceding 18 months. A variety of topics were explored, using a focus group guide. Thematic analysis was undertaken on the transcripts using nVivo software. The list of codes and themes were not pre-determined but developed through content analysis.ResultsTwo focus groups were held with a total of 28 participants. Risk perception about VFR travel was generally low among Chinese international students. Pre-travel healthcare was not sought. Students strongly relied on the Internet, social media, parents and friends in China for travel health advice.ConclusionThis research provides insights into Chinese international students as VFR travellers. It confirms students could be a risk population for importations of infections such as COVID-19 because of low risk perception and lack of seeking travel health advice. This can inform health promotion strategies for students.

CHINESE POLITICAL TRADITION AND PERSPECTIVES OF CHINA IN ESTIMATES OF H. A. KISSINGER

The article is dedicated to the Chinese political tradition in the light of the struggle between China and the US for global leadership in the system of international relations of the XXIst century. The main works of the famous American scientist and diplomat G. A. Kissinger in the sphere of American-Chinese relations are analyzed, as well as his practical activities as US Secretary of State. The main idea of the article is to show opinion of H. Kissinger regarding future steps of US diplomacy toward China and which kind of steps US politicians supposed to do.H. Kissinger reminded about China in his works for many times. A lot of information about China, history of this country and its political tradition we can find in his most important books like “World Order” and “Diplomacy”. But book “On China” emphasized all his ideas about this country and its place in international system in XXI st century. This book appeared in 2011and united academic concepts and practical experience of H. Kissinger regarding this country.During all his career H. Kissinger showed himself as a teacher for all nation of US. Many times this scientist reminded that American citizens including most of the governors and top level politicians have very low knowledge about history, especially about foreign countries. And because of lack of knowledge American rulers had already made a lot of mistakes in foreign policy of their country. By his opinion the biggest problem that Americans can not understand mentality of other nations and they have never tried to do that. In this case the book “On China” called for showing for Americans difference between American and Chinese approach in foreign and domestic policies.H. Kissinger well known in China as well and a lot of Chinese people call him “friend of China”. Former US State Secretary was working with three generations of Chinese leaders. He organized visit of R. Nixon to China in 1972 year, which stopped almost full international isolation of China. This movement created “geopolitical triangle” USA-USSR-China and made international system much healthier than it was. After H. Kissinger left US President office he still was involved in different trade and political negotiations between US and China.Main problem of all H. Kissinger`s scientific and practical research was problem of world order in XXI st century. By his opinion in close future only China can challenge USA and become a second world super power. How those two countries will act in this case? Will they cooperate or confront each other? Future of new international system depends of answers for this questions. Scientist advised for American politicians to avoid of interfering into Chinese domestic relations and remained them Chinese history of XIX th century. In this century China was occupied and humiliated by Western countries and even today trust to this countries is very low. By opinion of H. Kissinger USA suppose to stay in South-West Asia by using different trade and business organizations. But pressuring China regarding human rights or something like this seriously insults this country. That’s way if USA would like to change a China it must be in very soft way and going to take a time.

Chinese Students in White Australia: State, Community, and Individual Responses to the Student Visa Program, 1920-25

A recent archival discovery reveals that around four hundred visas were issued to students from China to study in Australia from 1920 to 1925. This article explains and explores the significance of this little-known initiative under the White Australia Policy by reference to China's global resurgence, the role of the Chinese consulate-general in local community affairs, and support and resistance among Chinese community leaders in response to these developments. It highlights a paradox associated with the students' arrival, specifically the Melbourne publication of fabricated ‘Chinese letters home’ at a time when literate students were writing personal letters to their families and friends in China about their impressions of Melbourne, their understanding of local labour and gender relations, and their engagement with the big political and business issues of the day. The recently-released letters and papers of a contemporary student, Joe Tong, tell an untold story of Chinese Australians in the postwar era.

Writing a Chronicle History of China’s One-Child Policy: Three Books by Susan Greenhalgh

Writing a Chronicle History of China’s One-Child Policy:Three Books by Susan Greenhalgh Xiying Wang (bio) Susan Greenhalgh and Edwin Winckler. Governing China’s Population: From Leninist to Neoliberal Biopolitics. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005. 412 pp. Hardcover $27.95, isbn 978-0-8047-4880-3. Susan Greenhalgh. Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng’s China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. xxii, 404 pp. $34.95, isbn 978-0-520-25339-1. Susan Greenhalgh. Cultivating Global Citizens: Population in the Rise of China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010. 156 pp. Hardcover $32.50, isbn 978-0-674-05571-1. An Unexpected Experience In March 2013, I was attending the fifty-seventh Commission on the Status of Women, which was organized by the UN in New York and attended by over four thousand participants from around the world. Among thousands of panels, we Chinese delegates (including five to eight scholars, feminist activists, and women’s federation cadres) also organized a one-and-a-half-hour panel titled “Feminist Approaches to Address Gender-Based Violence in China,” mainly discussing the practices and strategies that Chinese feminists adopted to tackle this social problem after the 1995 Beijing conference, and the accomplishments achieved so far. Around thirty participants attended the panel, and all five presentations went well. However, the Q&A session turned into something beyond our imagination. Nobody asked any questions related to the issue of domestic violence. Instead, all the questions were addressed to the one-child policy—mainly challenging us, as Chinese feminists, “how can you tolerate such a coercive policy violating women’s bodies and rights?” A large poster sat on the conference room table with the bold title “Help Chinese Government to Stop Coercive One-Child Policy” with bloody pictures of girl killing and dead bodies as background. Under such [End Page 237] conditions, any explanation of the policy that we might have offered or endeavors to answer the questions would have been treated as defending the “coercive communist PRC regime,” and its absolute otherness from the Western world. One of our scholars and one questioner almost ended up arguing. This incident forced me to reflect on how to develop a feminist movement in the global world. Chinese feminists have to face historical and social issues like the one-child policy, the Cultural Revolution, and the 1989 students’ democracy movement, which have affected Chinese society deeply with trauma and violence. Confronting these inerasable dimensions of memory in China, rather than only focusing on more politically acceptable topics such as domestic violence, seems to some to be escapist. Moreover, how can Chinese feminists develop a unique standpoint with a feminist vision, viewpoint, and identity, and, at the same time, maintain a critical stance toward both China party-state discourse and Western ideology? To accomplish this end, the one-child policy is one of the biggest challenges that we face. Encountering Greenhalgh’s Books Fortunately, Greenhalgh’s three books are accessible and provide Chinese feminists (and others) with better knowledge and skills to tackle the issue of the one-child policy. She refutes the coercive story1 as the only way of understanding China’s population politics in the West by providing a more comprehensive and complicated chronicle history of governing China’s population since the establishment of the PRC. Greenhalgh’s twenty-five years of scholarship have mainly focused on answering one major question: “how China governs its population and to what effect” (2008, p. 41). This is “one of the most difficult” topics in the population field and a “hypersensitive” issue in the study of contemporary China (2010, p. 1). With ten years of experience in the leading international NGO Population Council as an anthropologist and China specialist (2008, p. 42), Greenhalgh was able to establish a reputation as a “friend of China” and “a constructive critic” within the high-profile inside circle of Chinese population experts and officials. She conducted 140 interviews with China’s population specialists and officials, and accessed extensive documents, articles, and books on the history of Chinese population science and policy, including many labeled as neibu (for internal use only) or even jimi (extremely secret). Her writing...

The Politics of History: India and China, 1949-1962

A sense of proportion is required about the history of the relationship between India and China in the period before the border conflict of 1962 between these two nations. The lessons learnt from that history can be instructional for the future of their relationship. Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister was a devoted friend of China but he was also not blind to the “threat” from China. The first stress test in the relationship between the two countries came with the Chinese entry into Tibet in 1950. China was deeply suspicious of India’s relations with Tibet although India felt it could not influence the course of events in Tibet or wrest the territory from Chinese control. Nehru withstood opposition from his Cabinet colleagues like Sardar Patel in this regard. The 1954 Agreement between China and India on Tibet saw India giving up all rights that savored of extra-territoriality there. However, the non-affirmation by China of the boundary between the two countries, particularly the McMahon Line, came at a significant future cost for India. By 1959, with the revolt in Tibet and the flight of the Dalai Lama to India, the high noon of friendship in the nineteen fifties between India and China had been consigned to history. Nehru’s strategy of bringing the People’s Republic of China into the international arena was not destined to succeed. Chinese leaders, particularly the Premier, Zhou Enlai avoided speaking with sufficient transparency about Chinese border claims and misread India’s approach to events in Tibet. Once the fact of contested territorial claims became evident, the national mood in India hardened against China reducing the scope for action by the Government to negotiate a settlement with China that would have involved a degree of compromise. India’s so-called “forward policy” was aimed to defensively block “lines of further Chinese advance” into territory regarded by India as sovereign, but had consequences that were unforeseen. The border war was engineered by China as a “warning and a punishment” to India. On the Indian side, the Chinese were seen as having deceived India. It is the clear and rational reading of the history of the period between 1949 and 1962 that provides pointers to the understanding of even the current relationship between India and China and will enable the charting of new paths.

Soo Yong (1903-1984): Hollywood Celebrity and Cultural Interpreter

AbstractFollowing Broadway roles in the 1920s and serving as cultural translator for Mei Lanfang's Peking Opera tour of North America in 1930, Soo Yong (1903-84) acted in twenty-three Hollywood films and numerous television shows. Born in Hawaii to Chinese immigrant parents who were supporters of Sun Yat-sen and educated at Columbia Teachers College, Soo Yong combined Chinese and Western values without becoming the type of Westernized "Modern Girl" represented by Anna May Wong. Her roles present a softer Orientalism that allowed ethnic dignity and did not offend her Chinese-American audiences or her Nationalist friends in China. In contrast to the two-year younger Anna May Wong, she was able to balance several worlds and to sustain a position as an off-screen, cultural translator.

Comment: Sustainable Growth and Shareholder Involvement

I would like to share with you my ideas about sustainable growth and stakeholder involvement, and how these concerns fit into the overall understanding of a global company's social responsibility. In the process, I will discuss how we are making progress along these lines in our rapid growth in China. Let me begin by telling you something about DuPont, which this past July was 201 years old. Among the most frequent requests I get from many of my friends in China and other countries is to explain how DuPont has continued to serve its customers for over two centuries. The answer can be found in our history and values.

Who Friend, Who Enemy? Rewi Alley and the Friends of China

“Who friend, who enemy?” So asks Rewi Alley, poet-laureate of Sino- Foreign Friendship, echoing Mao. This article considers Friendship2 in the Chinese Communist sense; its principal focus is on the work of Alley and his role as an official Friend of China.3 Friendship is a key theme in China'ss foreign policy repertoire, and the Friend of China is a living embodiment of that Friendship. In the days when the People'ss Republic was isolated in the international community, any foreigner who was involved in China in some way had the potential to be labelled a Friend. Friendship implied obedience to the Chinese government'ss version of events. Declared ideological commitment to the ideals of the Chinese Communist Party was preferred, but not essential.

The Constitutional Package

101. The best guarantee of Hong Kong's prosperity for as far ahead as any of us can see or envisage is to protect our way of life. The continuation of Hong Kong's way of life is a major concern of the Joint Declaration, which my predecessor, the late Sir Edward Youde, played such a prominent part in negotiating. An integral part of this way of life—of what is called our "system"—is the participation of individual citizens in the conduct of Hong Kong's affairs. The pace at which we broaden this participation, and the bounds to which we can extend it, lie at the heart of much public debate here and elsewhere. This discussion about democracy in Hong Kong is one on which I wish to make my own beliefs and objectives clear. The sooner we can resolve the important issues at stake in a way that satisfies our own community, and—I hope—our friends in China and the United Kingdom, the better. But I begin with the assumption that unless the people of Hong Kong are content with the final outcome, it is unlikely to work as well as everyone, from here to Peking and London and back again, would surely wish.

Chinese students' perceptions of home and community in the United States: A case study at University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign

This article explores certain aspects of home and community most important and unique to Chinese students' experience in the United States. The success of both university and private housing at University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign in creating a sense of home and building a community is evaluated. The students' sense of home is related to being safe, having privacy, and presence of their family. Finding and belonging to a community is crucial to the newly arrived students. Being away from their families and friends in China, they try to recreate a home through a community of other students. Home and community are thus inextricably linked together for the Chinese student.

The Initial Soviet Reaction to the Events in China in and the Prospects for Sino-Soviet Relations

The tragic events in China of June 1989 have had a considerable influence on the development of the international situation and have triggered a stormy reaction from public opinion in many countries. The stand on the Tiananmen tragedy has become a litmus test of the political position of governments, parties and groupings in a number of states. China's prime minister Li Peng declared in the wake of the events that they had demonstrated who was a true friend of China. A closer study of the issue would reveal that these events in fact led to a situation whereby “friends” and “enemies” (if we agree to identify China's “friends” and “enemies” with those of her premier) reversed roles. Whereas all governments and public and political groups in the west, including some orthodox communist parties, were united in their condemnation of Beijing, China's former opponents whom she used to label as “regional hegemonists,” such as Cuba and Vietnam, as well as East Germany and North Korea who have similar regimes, assured Beijing of their support for its actions.

Recent Migration to Hong-Kong

Les migrations récentes vers Hong Kong Hong Kong est une enclave du système capitaliste occidental à la périphérie du monde socialiste. Les relations entre Hong Kong et la République Populaire de Chine ne se réduisent pas seulement à des flux de capitaux, mais il y a de très importantes relations humaines. Hong Kong est une ville de migrants, mais malgré de grands efforts pour contrôler les mouvements d'immigration pendant la période récente, les relations entre les systèmes capitaliste et socialiste se développent d'une manière continue en étroite liaison avec les mouvements de population. L'article présente les migrations de la population de la Chine vers Hong Kong, pendant la période récente : 1970-1980.

Researching Agnes Smedley in China

In writing a biography of Agnes Smedley (1892–1950), the writer-activist and long-time friend of China, the need to collect materials in China is obvious. In March of last year co-biographer Jan MacKinnon, myself and our two children arrived in Peking for a month of research work on Agnes Smedley. Our purpose was to examine archival materials (papers and possessions which were sent to Peking with her remains after her death in England) and to interview Chinese comrades who knew and worked with her in the 1930s and 1940s. Our host organization (although we were economically self-supporting) was the Chinese Association for Friendly Relations with Foreign Countries. Beforehand they had checked on the feasibility of what we wanted to do and thereafter were enormously helpful in facilitating all aspects of our work. It was they who were most responsible for the success of our trip. In the course of three weeks in Peking and a further four days in Shanghai, we conducted long interviews with 13 Chinese comrades of Smedley, and examined in detail the relevant holdings of three history museums and one library.