Frente Amplio Research Articles

Uruguay 2017: reactivación económica y nuevos conflictos políticos

El ano 2017 se anticipaba como un posible un punto de inflexion para el modelo economico, social y politico que lleva adelante el partido gobernante Frente Amplio desde 2005. El escenario politico y el economico se presentaban particularmente delicados para el gobierno, tanto en el plano domestico como en el internacional. Sin embargo, el ano 2017 se cerro con un crecimiento economico inesperado, mejora de algunos indicadores sociales y el retorno de las mayorias parlamentarias que el Frente Amplio habia perdido durante 2016. Al mismo tiempo nuevos conflictos se abrieron para el gobierno, sobre todo en el frente interno. Entre ellos se destacaron el proceso que condujo a la renuncia del vicepresidente de la Republica Raul Sendic, los procesos de negociacion para la firma de un acuerdo marco de inversion entre el Estado uruguayo y la empresa finlandesa UPM, el intento de reforma de la “caja militar” y la generacion de acuerdos para la llamada ley de “cincuentones“. Por distintas razones, estos conflictos produjeron tensiones al interior del Ejecutivo o del partido de gobierno, que finalmente se saldaron en el correr del ano. Como ha sucedido en otras ocasiones, la interna politica del Frente Amplio se revelo como un ambito especialmente relevante para la negociacion y la toma de decisiones relacionadas con la resolucion de conflictos entre el Ejecutivo y el partido de gobierno.

¿Qué ves cuando me ves? Acerca de lo que los programas de proximidad muestran sobre las políticas sociales en el Uruguay.

En el 2005, asume el gobierno nacional en elUruguay una fuerza política de izquierda (FrenteAmplio). En un contexto marcado por las consecuenciasde la crisis del 2002, desarrolló como unade sus líneas fundamentales de actuación la asistenciaa la pobreza. Esto se expresa en la creacióndel Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y la implementaciónde variados programas sociales. A partir de2012, el segundo gobierno del Frente Amplio, desarrollaprogramas de proximidad: Uruguay CreceContigo, Jóvenes en Red y Cercanías. Estos sonpresentados como innovadores en tanto desarrollantrabajo de proximidad con la población destinatariay son de carácter interinstitucional. Este trabajopone foco en la relación entre estos programas ylas restantes prestaciones del Estado, considerandoel diseño y la implementación. Interesa problematizarqué es lo que la existencia de estos programaspermite visualizar sobre el funcionamiento de laspolíticas sociales en el Uruguay actual. Se concluyeque la relación entre los programas de proximidady las restantes prestaciones del Estado es ausentepor momentos, compleja en otros y con riesgos dedesresponsabilización de parte de las prestacionespúblicas no focalizadas. La existencia de los programasde proximidad constituye una nueva expresiónde la desigualdad en el acceso a las políticas públicasy más ampliamente, otra muestra de la desigualdadsocial persistente.

A TEXTBOOK FOR THE LEFT? PROVIDING A FRAMEWORK FOR LEFT-WING EDUCATION POLICIES IN LATIN AMERICA

The article presents a framework by which the approaches taken in educational policies by the Left in Latin America may be understood. This framework takes the form of a continuum by which left-wing or progressive education, between deep and shallow poles, drawing at an abstract level the continuum on the equalitydifference
 features associated with Bobbio’s (1996) Left-Right political spectrum.
 Presenting the Cuban (and to a lesser extent) the Sandinista Revolutions as the main source of progressive education in the region prior to the 1980s, the article
 examines the neo-liberal and neo-conservative features associated with the New Right and the Left’s response. This took several forms in the 1990s and 2000s: traditional communists (Cuba), Third Way reformers (e.g. the PSDB in Brazil and the Concertacion in Chile) and between first generation (e.g. PT, Frente Amplio, Izquierda Unida, Causa R, Sandinistas since 2007) and second generation (e.g. the Chavez, Morales and Correa governments) radicals. The educational approaches of
 each are then placed tentatively along the progressive education spectrum.

The Frente Amplio and agrarian policy in Uruguay

AbstractIn this paper, we propose three lines of interpretation to understand the actions of the Frente Amplio (FA) in Uruguay, which after more than 10 years in power has not transformed the uneven agrarian structure that it inherited. We suggest that in order to gain access to power, the FA opted to move to the centre of the political spectrum and implement agrarian policies in which agribusiness and family farming coexist. Another possible interpretation to understanding the absence of a policy more focused on supporting family farming, and on limiting the expansion of the financial capital and transnational corporations, is to see it as resulting from the internal tensions within the coalition. However, the FA, in accordance with its own history, did carry out a policy of protection and promotion of labour and civil rights of rural wage workers.

Uruguay 2016: mayorías parlamentarias en jaque y desafíos de revisión para sostener el modelo

Este articulo analiza los eventos politicos, economicos, sociales y de economia politica ocurridos en Uruguay durante 2016, proveyendo un conjunto de informacion relevante y consistente con anteriores numeros de este anuario. El 2016 es un ano clave en la politica uruguaya dado que una serie de eventos de caracter politico y economico ponen en tension al gobernante Frente Amplio, tal vez por primera vez desde que esta en el gobierno. En primer lugar, el Frente Amplio pierde la mayoria parlamentaria en la camara de diputados, lo que plantea un escenario completamente nuevo para el gobierno. En segundo lugar, el deficit fiscal alcanza un 4% del PIB a diciembre de 2016, siendo el mayor deficit en mas de dos decadas. Esto plantea un desafio tanto para el gobierno, como para la propia fuerza de izquierda, en terminos de acuerdos sobre el programa de gobierno. En tercer lugar, el presidente Vazquez recibe durante 2016 mas desaprobaciones a su gestion que aprobaciones, algo inedito desde 2005. En cuarto lugar, el fuerte desprestigio sufrido por la figura del vicepresidente Sendic acrecienta las tensiones politicas dentro de la coalicion gobernante. Estamos ante el fin de una luna de miel de dos lustros del Frente Amplio (FA).

Urban Mobility and Politics in Mexico City

Study of the struggle of a social movement, the Frente Amplio contra la Supervía, to stop the construction of an urban toll road in the southwestern end of Mexico City reveals that investments in transportation assumed to benefit the larger public are in fact creating new landscapes of infrastructural and democratic exclusion. Examination of the forms of citizen mobilization, alliances among diverse actors, and the role of accountability institutions as spaces for democratic experimentation suggests that struggles against large infrastructure projects allow citizens and the state to redraw the limits of authoritarianism and the meaning of sustainability and democracy in the city.El movimiento social Frente Amplio contra la Supervía se organizó para detener la construcción de una autopista de peaje urbana en el extremo suroeste de la Ciudad de México. El análisis de las luchas del Frente revela que las inversiones en la transportación que se suponía que beneficiarían a un público amplio en realidad están creando nuevos espacios de exclusión infraestructural y democrática. El análisis de las formas de movilización ciudadana, de las alianzas entre diferentes actores y del rol de las instituciones de rendición de cuentas como espacios de experimentación democrática sugiere que las luchas contra los grandes proyectos de infraestructura les permiten a los ciudadanos y al estado volver a trazar los límites del autoritarismo y el significado de la sostenibilidad y la democracia en la ciudad.

BALANCES Y DESAFIOS EN URUGUAY LUEGO DE UNA DÉCADA DE GOBIERNO DE LA IZQUIERDA

En el articulo que sigue se realiza un balance critico e integral acerca de los principales resultados de los dos gobiernos frenteamplistas desplegados en la ultima decada. (2005-2010 y 2010-2015). Asimismo se registran los principales desafios que enfrenta desde en un contexto de desaceleracion el tercer gobierno de la izquierda presidido por Tabare Vazquez desde marzo de 2015. En el analisis de esa tension entre balances y desafios, el autor procura fundamentar que la coyuntura actual no es la hora del “freno” sino la de un renovado y responsable “impulso” a las politicas transformadoras.

Uruguay 2015: Los desafíos de gobernar por izquierda cuando la economía se contrae

This article analyzes the first year of Frente Amplio’s third government in Uruguay. The main political events during 2015 show the difficulties that leftist parties in government have when governing under negative economic perspectives. A decline in economic dynamism, combined with inflationary pressures and fiscal deterioration, boosted conflicts between the government and their social bases. Facing a worsening economic scenario, one of the most successful Latin American governments in the last ten years tries to navigate between the consolidation of its redistributive agenda and its political needs to secure economic growth

Pensadores y pobreza El rol del conocimiento especializado en las políticas de lucha contra la pobreza en Uruguay

This article analyzes the dynamics through which specialized knowledge is involved in the design and implementation of public policy. It aims contributing to the debate about the processes by which “common sense” is built in the political space, and the role of research in this process. These issues are raised analyzing two of the fundamental plans launched by the government of the Frente Amplio in Uruguay: the Social Emergency Plan and the Equity Plan. Two sets of questions are put forth regarding the relationship between social research and public policy design. The first one deals with those knowledge promoting institutions involved in the process to develop the national plans under exam. Which is their extent and type of participation? What makes these institutions take part of the policy making process? The second group of questions delves around issues such as: is the influence of research similar for both cases? Do both processes arouse the same advantages and disadvantages regarding those elements that promote the intersection between policy makers and social research?

Continuidad y cambios en una vieja democracia de partidos: Uruguay (1910-2010)

Este artículo revisita la vieja democracia de partidos uruguaya - la más antigua y una de las pocas de América Latina retomando críticamente aportes señeros y propuestas propias, para señalar cambios y continuidades en el correr de cien años. Tratando de no caer en el excepcionalismo, el texto hilvana referencias comparativas, que encuadran la originalidad del caso uruguayo y permiten resaltar el potencial que su análisis tiene para la Política Comparada. La primera parte repasa el modelo genético y los rasgos típicos del régimen, que explican sus ventajas comparativas: los factores originarios, la matriz poliárquica, el presidencialismo pluralista, una democracia consociational sui generis, hecha de partidos políticos y no de clivajes sociales. La segunda parte aborda la gran transformación que sigue a la transición democrática de los 1980, mostrando un sistema de partidos que cambia sin desarticularse, recomponiendo su estructura plural y competitiva. El texto evoca la transición liberal de los 1990 y la reforma constitucional de 1996, el fin del bipartidismo tradicional, el perfil de predominante que alcanza el Frente Amplio y su debut con un gobierno de tipo social democrático, comparable a las social democracias "tardías" de Europa Meridional. En todos estos lances, la centenaria democracia de partidos uruguaya - que en su momento no pudo evitar la dictadura 1973-1984 - vuelve a hacer la diferencia y al cabo de un proceso histórico largo y gradual, termina acuñando una nueva norma política.

Integración regional y organizaciones político-partidarias. Los partidos políticos de Argentina, Paraguay y Uruguay frente al MERCOSUR

This article analyzes the possible impacts of the MERCOSUL in the core of the partisan organizations. Keeping in mind the context in which the integration process took place and was developed, the aim was to investigate whether the MERCOSUL has aroused adaptive organizational answers on behalf of the political parties. Seven political parties from three countries were taken as reference: Partido Justicialista (PJ) and Union Civica Radical (UCR), on behalf of Argentina; Frente Amplio (FA), Partido Nacional (PN) and Partido Colorado (PC), on behalf of Uruguay; and Asociacion Nacional Republicana (ANR) and Partido Liberal Radical Autentico (PLRA), on behalf of Paraguay. The analysis covered the 1991-2006 period and was based in surveys and documented sources. With differences based in national features, the conclusion has been reached that, in general, the organizations have restrained themselves from the MERCOSUL and only partially have they incorporated organizational answers related with the integration.

Competencia interna y adaptación partidaria en el frente amplio de Uruguay

Entre 1994 y 2004, el Frente Amplio de Uruguay experimentó un importante proceso de renovación ideológica y programática y de reformulación estratégica, lo que le permitió aprovechar con éxito las oportunidades de crecimiento electoral emergentes del contexto socioeconómico y político. A partir de la reconstrucción analítica de ese exitoso proceso de adaptación partidaria, en este artículo se cuestiona la frecuente asociación entre institucionalización partidaria y rigidez estratégica. De igual modo, se sostiene que, dentro de ciertos límites, la fraccionalización intrapartidaria no necesariamente es un factor negativo para el desempeño electoral de los partidos.AbstractBetween 1994 and 2004, the Uruguayan Frente Amplio (FA) experienced a considerable renovation of its ideological and programmatic features, as well as an important reformulation of its strategy. This changes allowed FA to exploit with success the electoral opportunities emerging from the socio-economic and political context. Based on an analytical reconstruction of this successful party adaptation process, this article questions the frequent association between institutionalization and strategic rigidity. It is also argued that within certain limits, the intra-party fractionalization is not necessarily a negative factor for electoral performance.

Continuity in Change: Leftwing Coalitions in Uruguay and Chile

Coalitions have been critical for the reemergence of democracy and stability in Uruguay and Chile. Where do they come from? Why are they successful? To explore the role of history and ideologies in the formation and successes of two leftwing coalitions, Uruguay’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front) (FA) and Chile’s Concertacion por la Demcracia (Concertacion), the author traveled to South America. In Montevideo and Santiago, she spoke with professors and politicians, government officials and former Presidents. This essay will introduce the Uruguayan and Chilean political party systems, discuss how they have dealt with crimes committed by the dictatorships (1973–1990), and highlight the significance of the two coalitions. It will use the term “left” to designate parties which favor egalitarianism and statism, and claim to speak for the people, especially the underprivileged; the term “right” for those which favor liberty, individual initiative, equality of opportunity, and limited government.

ARTÍCULOS Minería, conflicto y mediadores locales. Minera San Xavier en Cerro de San Pedro, México

This paper investigates in instances of mediation involved in large-scale economic processes and local implementation. Analyzing the conflict in Cerro de San Pedro (San Luis Potosi, Mexico) among San Xavier mining company and the Frente Amplio Opositor (FAO), it applies an ethnographic approach to describe the local structures of political mediation and its practices and rationality. The work shows the relevance of local factors in the relationships between State, company and people.

El Frente Amplio Progresista

<p>El Frente Amplio Progresista conformado por el Partido de la Revolución Democrática, el Partido del Trabajo y Convergencia, fue la salida institucional y legislativa de estos tres partidos para la LX Legislatura (2006-2009), para dar continuidad al Proyecto Alternativo de Nación propuesto por Andrés Manuel López Obrador y la coalición Por el Bien de Todos durante el proceso electoral de 2006.</p>

The 2009 elections in Uruguay

On 25 October 2009, 90% of Uruguayan citizens (2.5 million people) went to the polls to choose the president, vice president and congress that will rule the country until 2014. Former guerrilla leader, Jose Mujica, and a conservative ex-president, Luis Alberto Lacalle, battled it out in the second round of the presidential election in November. Mujica, candidate of the incumbent party, the Frente Amplio, narrowly defeated Lacalle, winning 52% of the vote. His victory continues the sequence of unlikely leaders being elected in Latin America: a woman in Chile; a Native American in Bolivia; an industrial worker in Brazil; a former Liberation Theology bishop in Paraguay, and a “golpista”dformer coup plotterdin Venezuela. Now it is Uruguay’’s turn, electing a former guerrilla leader, Jose Mujica, as President of the Republic. Mujica’’s election is particularly ironic given his role as a former top leader in one of the most sophisticated and resourceful urban insurgency guerrilla movements in the world, the Tupamaros. He is, in the words of Chasquetti (2009), the same person who ‘took up arms against democratic institutions through a messianic and foquista underground movement, coming to power on the shoulders of the institutions of the very same democracy he wanted once to destroy’. Despite Mujica having been detained and tortured during the military regime (1973–1985), all signs indicate that his government will be a natural continuation of Tabare Vazquez’’s (2005–2009) administration, i.e. another example of a moderate, centre-left government. 1. Background

Intellectuals and left politics in Uruguay, 1958-2006

Introduction: Uruguay as a Question From Alienation to Integration: Intellectuals, Politics & Polemics From FIDEL to the Frente: The Uruguayan Left Looks for Someone to Talk to Dialogue Engaged: The Frente Amplio as Coalition Interlude: The Armed Forces and Failure The Revenge of the Foreign: Uruguay on the Eve of De(con)struction Dialogue Resumed: Democracy, Intellectuals and the Frente Amplio in Post-Dictatorship Uruguay Dialogue Outside Politics: Uruguay as Problem in the Twenty-first Century Conclusion.

Latin America at the Crossroads: Domination, Crisis, Popular Movements, and Political Alternatives

Latin America at the Crossroads: Domination, Crisis, Popular Movements, and Political Alternatives

Economic Constraints and Strategic Choices: The Case of the Frente Amplio of Uruguay’s First Year in Office

The article analyses the economic constraints and strategic choices that shaped the economic policies of the Frente Amplio of Uruguay’s first year in office. It argues that the economic strategy of the Frente Amplio’s administration can be described as the adoption, completion and correction of the incomplete free market reforms enacted by previous right of centre administrations and that this strategy can be explained as the product of two interrelated factors: first, a pragmatic compromise between partially conflicting visions of economic development; and, second, a political strategy that has sought to consider the demands of the different socio‐political constituencies which make up the coalition.

Frente Amplio and the Crafting of a Social Democratic Alternative in Uruguay

AbstractThis study of Uruguay's Frente Amplio explores four central questions for the analysis of the “new Latin American left.” How did a leftist alternative emerge and grow inside an institutionalized party system? How do the socioeconomic and political factors that enabled the rise of the left in Uruguay differ from those observed in other Latin American cases? How did Frente Amplio adapt itself to profit from the opportunities that arose during the 1990s? What are the implications of the previous factors for governmental action by the FA? In answering these questions, this study integrates an analysis of the sociological and political-institutional opportunity structures consolidated during the 1990s with one of strategic partisan adaptation processes. This perspective is useful for explaining how, by 2004, Frente Amplio had built a dual support base from its historical constituency and a socially heterogeneous group alienated from traditional parties due to economic and political discontent.