French Trade Unions Research Articles

Mobilizing anti‐discrimination law: the litigation strategies of UK and French trade unions compared

AbstractBased on cross‐national comparative research conducted in France and the United Kingdom, this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions situated in different legal systems have turned to the courts to challenge discrimination at work. It investigates the interplay between a broad range of structural factors that offer specific opportunities, and the way in which trade unionists interpret contexts to promote legal mobilization in addition to or in place of other repertoires of action. In so doing, the article contributes to the understanding of anti‐discrimination law enforcement and the role of micro‐level actors in enabling litigation strategies.

Fragmented But Widespread Microconflicts: Current Limits and Future Possibilities for Organizing Precarious Workers in the French Logistics Sector

Abstract The logistics sector in France is emblematic of contemporary labor processes in the service sector, where working conditions are at the root of a long-term, but silent, health crisis. Although the unionization of French logistics workers has gained some strength since the early 2000s, struggles over wages and working conditions remained segmented and local, and were unable to contain the progressive casualization of the employment or to counter the intensification of work. This article is a reflection on the fragmented and low-intensity conflictuality of the French logistics sector. Drawing on three ethnographic studies and on quantitative data, we analyze labor conflicts in various segments of the warehouse industry during the last decade in France, and identify some of the limits of French trade union strategies toward organizing logistics workers. We show that the massive use of temporary work and the weakness of the efforts made by traditional trade unions federations prevent the emergence of a larger labor movement in the sector. We argue that the fragmentation and the very high turnover that characterizes the French warehouse industry should encourage trade unions to invest more resources, often local and rooted in logistics zones, from outside the workplace.

Legal Expertise: A Critical Resource for Trade Unionists? Insights into the Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail

Abstract Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (the CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.

European Insiders and Outsiders? Assessing the Reaction of German and French Trade Unions to EU Austerity

Though the existence of a European insider-outsider division has previously been theorised, a robust link between the actions of certain workers and the existence of such divisions has yet to be demonstrated. In this article, I examine differing reactions of German and French trade unions to austerity in Southern Europe. German and French unions reacted to austerity in a lukewarm manner, contributing to the emergence of European divides. This was particularly the case in Germany, in which the stronger position within Economic and Monetary Union meant that there were fewer incentives for solidarity. I link this development with the nature of the contemporary EU, contending that the division is related to the propensity of Economic and Monetary Union to initiate competition between national labour markets and an upturn in nationalism.

The changing face of union action put to the test by neo-liberal reforms in France

This article reviews how French trade union are coping with the neo-liberal policies since the early 1980s. It shows their divergent reactions, and how these liberal reforms are implemented in a context of transformation of trade union action: the use of strikes is more difficult at the same time as the relationship between trade unions and collective bargaining is transformed in a logic of depoliticizing their strategies of action. These developments did not prevent a resurgence of strikes in the 2000s. It reveals the limits of the trade unions’ power of political influence, that implies the use of collective action. However, strikes have declined further in recent years, revealing the weakening of trade union mobilisation power.

How do social movements behave within EMU? The case of trade union reaction to EU austerity

ABSTRACT There is much literature on the Europeanization of social movements, yet work tends not to theorize the influence of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) upon social movements. I examine the extent to which EU-imposed austerity in Southern Europe inspired European protests among German, Spanish and French trade unions. On the basis of an analytic framework which distinguishes between (i) Europeanization and (ii) continuing attachment to national institutions, I contend that degrees of Europeanization are contingent upon position within EMU. Unions in weak positions have incentives to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Spain, whilst unions within strong positions have less incentive to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Germany.

Regards croisés et contacts entre syndicalistes français et allemands (1945-1962)

The animosity which often prevails among French and German trade unionists in the wake of World War I disappears in the aftermath of the Second conflict. The meetings are more numerous, certain positions converge and the demands related to specific workforces often meet. Despite this, the two union worlds find it hard to understand each other. French and German union models seek to adapt to the evolution of capitalism. Undeniably German trade unionism seems to have better coped with this transformation. His weight, influence and co-management allowed him to achieve the highest standard of living for German labour forces, and gave them often better social protection in comparison with their French or British counterparts. Divided, folded over ideological identities and marked by the strategies of confrontation, French trade unionism has obviously greater difficulties. Favourable developments can be seen, however. The number of union members for instance is increasing and innovative thinking is emerging. European integration represents a challenge for these organizations, even if most of the organizations are in favour of it. It obliges trade unionists (as well as politicians, senior civil servants etc.) to take new approaches. Due to the contacts generated between French and German unionists, this period 1945-1962 prepares the two major developments of trade unionism during the next decade: the birth of a European trade unions’ confederation and that of the first Interregional Trade Union Council on Lorraine, Saarland and Luxembourg-level. Contacts and crossed views between French and German trade unionists were thus essential to establish a Europe of trade unions.

La Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) y la Confederación Francesa Democrática del Trabajo (CFDT): nuevas ejecutivas, nuevo socio sindical en Francia (1971-1978)

La opción sindical defendida por la Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) a lo largo del exilio consistió en privilegiar el trabajo en las grandes instituciones sindicales del mundo occidental y mantener una presencia casi testimonial en España. Esta elección pudo representar un serio obstáculo a la muerte del dictador, en su lucha con Comisiones Obreras (CCOO) y sobre todo la Unión Sindical Obrera (USO) para recuperar la representatividad de los trabajadores españoles, por actuar esta última en el mismo campo ideológico. A partir de un conjunto de fuentes impresas y fondos de archivo, custodiados en la Fundación Francisco Largo Caballero, se examinan las relaciones que la UGT entabló con la Confederación Francesa Democrática del Trabajo (CFDT). UGT intentaba, en el terreno internacional, asegurarse el liderazgo del sindicalismo socialista español en la Confederación Europea de Sindicatos (CES) y en la Confederación Internacional de las Organizaciones Sindicales Libres (CIOSL). Los nuevos dirigentes de la UGT buscaron el apoyo de la central francesa para recuperar el terreno perdido y desarmar el potencial de su gran rival tanto en el interior como en la escena internacional.

French trade unions and the mobilisation against the El Khomri law in 2016: a reconfiguration of strategies and alliances

A number of French trade unions played a determining role in the opposition to the El Khomri law (also called the ‘loi Travail’) in Spring 2016. As well as large demonstrations and sector-level strikes, the movement also gave rise to the occupation of public spaces, such as the Place de la République in Paris. This new form of protest acquired the name ‘Nuit Debout’ (‘Up All Night’). This article examines the convergences, but also the tensions, which characterised the relations between the trade unions and Nuit Debout. It shows in particular how the Confédération générale du travail (CGT, General Confederation of Labour), a central actor in the protest, was caught in a dual and sometimes contradictory rationale. On the one hand, it was confronted with the particular dynamic of social movements, and with the capacity of trade unionism to mobilise and politicise the protest being called into question during the Nuit Debout movement. On the other hand, it faced certain constraints within the field of industrial relations, related to the issues of trade union competition and representativeness.

Focus: Union rights in a region of dynamic change

Talking about the trade unions rights in a dynamic region such as the Arab World these days is really not an easy task. At the time where people lose their lives across the region, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and elsewhere, we still note the increase of the attacks by governments against democratic unions and the right of the trade unions to act on a democratic environment. In this article I will be talking about trade unions rights in different Arab countries, including countries who don’t accept any trade union activities like, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and UAE. The region can’t be taken as one block in respect of trade unions rights, as each country has its own characteristics: Morocco The nature and structure of the trade unions in Morocco is very similar to the French trade unions structure, where there are more than one federation representing the workers at the same entity, and the most representative federation has the right to negotiate. Many of the federations in Morocco belongs to political parties and implement the parties’ agendas, so, if the party is part of the government you find its associated federation supporting government policies, and they will change their role if the party is out of the government. Another important area is to note that for the last ten years the (Islamist) Justice and Development Party has been in power as the party won enough seats to form the government. This right wing party has a clear agenda to undermine trade unions rights in Morocco. The ITF and ITUC affiliate the UMT realised the party’s intention after a series of moves, starting from amending the pension law, reaching to suggest the amendment of the labour code to restrict the right to strike in Morocco, which is guaranteed by the Moroccan constitution. The UMT, with other federations, formed the alliance trade union group to defend the right to strike, and declared a one-month campaign, where hundreds of thousands of its members demonstrated against the government intentions to restrict the right to strike. Algeria In Algeria the situation is a bit different where the UGTA is still the biggest and more active federation, with representation all over the country. During the last five years when the oil prices have been dropped, workers started to face pressures on their economic situations, as the rise in fuel prices led to inflation in the cost of living. As Algeria ratified ILO Conventions No. 87 and No. 98, other independent unions are active in some sectors as education and health. Some of these unions outside the UGTA lead long strikes demanding improving working conditions. These unions have never been supported by the UGTA or its affiliated unions, and claim that they were under pressure by the government authorities. We can say that that the most represented federation, the UGTA, has representation across the country, with CBAs in most of the sectors, and the non UGTA unions are active in some sectors, but face pressure on their activities. Tunisia The UGTT is the lead trade union federation in Tunisia, where it plays a major role political developments as well, since they are part of the Carthage Declaration, which lead to the stabilisation of the country. The UGTT was one of the four organisations who received the Nobel Prize in 2016 due its contribution to the peace in Tunisia. Now, political and security pressures, have lead the country to lose more than 30 percent of tourism, which used to highly contribute to economy. The World Bank and IMF intervened putting more pressure on to the social situation, to facilitate loans to the government. The government started a series of actions to introduce privatisation, PPP, and liberalisations to many sectors. For example, the government announced plans to sign an open skies agreement with the EU, which will put more challenges on the national carrier, Tunis Air, which is unionised and facing challenges due to the drop in tourism. On the other hand, its worth mentioning that the UGTT unions are very active in all sectors, to the extent that employers and government think that the unions are one of the reasons of the economical deteriorations. Libya During...

Solidaires, unitaires et démocratiques: social movement unionism and beyond?

A contribution to a Special Issue on trade union renewal that focuses on this topic in relation to the radical French trade union Solidaires, Unitaires et Democratiques (SUD).

The Genesis of French Trade Unionism and the Urban community - Historical origin of competitive relation between Craft organizations and local solidarity

The Genesis of French Trade Unionism and the Urban community - Historical origin of competitive relation between Craft organizations and local solidarity

Core activities and career pathways of independent trainers-consultants in France

This paper presents some of the key findings from a 2013 survey achieved with a representative sample of 101 independent trainers-consultants, members of a French trade union. These results highlight more particularly their socio-demographic characteristics, their core activities and four main career pathways identified. This survey was part of a two years action research, conducted in a partnership between this professional trade union and university laboratories in the field of adult education. The aim was to improve the understanding of this specific professional group, of its ongoing professionalization process and its visibility as one of the actors of the continuing education and vocational training (CVET) system in France.

Arms’-Length or Nose to Nose? Eric Batstone and Bargaining in 1970s France

This contribution provides the context to French employment relations and Eric Batstone’s illuminating description of the French worker–employer, plant-level interface in the 1970s. The 1970s represented a transition decade between the post-war boom and the significantly lower levels of growth and higher levels of unemployment that set in from the 1980s. In France, as in Britain, the 1970s was a decade of trade-union growth. The numbers of private-sector strikes are shown from 1960 to 1999, as is the evolution of the wage-share of GDP in both France and the UK. The article discusses why French workers have never joined French trade unions in the same numbers as occurred in Britain, and yet are ready to accept the use of minority direct action and to support mass strikes.

The Future of the French Trade Unions

The Future of the French Trade Unions

Le réformisme dans le syndicalisme minier en Espagne au début du XX<sup xmlns:m="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink">e</sup> siècle

The miners' union of the French Nord-Pasde-Calais led by Émile Basly played a major role in the history of French trade-unionism. Its international influence, though, is rather ignored. From the 1910's, the Asturias coal mining industry saw the development of a miners' trade-union following Émile Basly's path towards a reformist policy. The author investigates the question of this political transfer and tries to explain the long-term consolidation of this type of trade-unionism in the Asturian mining milieu.

Institutional Change and the Restructuring of Service Work in the French and German Telecommunications Industries

This study analyses recent changes in collective bargaining institutions and their implications for employer strategies in the French and German telecommunications industries, drawing on case studies and survey data from call centre workplaces. Findings demonstrate that differences in both formal institutions and past logics of action influenced actor responses to changing markets and ownership structures. French trade unions were more successful in establishing encompassing bargaining structures and reducing pressures for pay differentiation, due to state support for the mandatory extension of agreements and unions’ strategic focus on centralizing bargaining. In contrast, bargaining in Germany has become increasingly fragmented and decentralized as unions and works councils focused on company-level bargaining at major employers. This focus allowed worker representatives to preserve their strong influence over employment practices in core workplaces but has contributed to declining bargaining coverage and growing wage inequality.

Sécurisation des parcours professionnels et flexicurité : analyse comparative des positions syndicales

Partant d’exploitations de « textes » syndicaux tels que documents de congrès, articles, notes et entretiens auprès des syndicalistes en charge de la question de la sécurisation des parcours professionnels, cet article analyse la place qu’occupe la flexicurité dans les positions de syndicats français de salariés. L’auteure revient, dans un premier temps, sur la généalogie des positions syndicales. Elle présente ensuite les positions syndicales sur la sécurisation des parcours professionnels, en mettant en évidence l’intention principale, l’orientation ou l’axe que chaque organisation privilégie aujourd’hui sur ce thème. L’article fournit également des éléments permettant de situer la position des organisations d’employeurs – Medef et CGPME en particulier. Enfin, il propose une « cartographie » des positions syndicales, afin de mieux distinguer les approches des uns et des autres.

Mark Kesselman and the Study of the French Left

From his early work covering local politics in France to his most recent studies of the French labor movement, Mark Kesselman has been a keen analyst of the trajectory of the French left. His work has always been a reaction against current trends in political science. The analyses of local politics rejected the then-current modernization paradigm. His examination of the Mitterrand experiment of the early 1980s held out for the possibility of a progressive shift in France. And his recent work on French trade unions moved to the local level, showing how labor has dealt with firm-level responses to technological change.

Political Mobilization of North African Migrants in 1970s France: The Case of the Mouvement des Travailleurs Arabes (MTA)

This article explores some key aspects of the actions and discourses of the Arab Workers Movement (le Mouvement des Travailleurs Arabes, MTA), a revolutionary political organization established by North African immigrants in 1970s France. The paper looks at some of the ways in which the MTA's discourses on the workplace, in the foyers and on illegal immigrants' rights were constructed. Second, it examines the cross-ethnic links of solidarity that this movement established with other immigrants' groups and organizations in France. Finally, the paper looks at the often antagonistic, but sometimes close relationship between the movement and the French trade unions.