French Tense Research Articles

Les temps futurs en français et en bulgare

The article discusses the system of the future tenses in French and Bulgarian. Diachronically it is modality that dominates in the semantic of these tenses while in the contemporary state it is exactly the opposite – it is the temporal characteristics that dominate on the systematic level. This structure of the system of the future forms both in French and Bulgarian is entirely specific and unique. The basic difference is that the French forms have a very rich semantic content, which includes both temporal and modal meanings ; the Bulgarian ones are semantically differentiated, they are more specialized in denoting one or the other type of meaning, which explains their relatively higher number in comparison to the French ones.

The French future tense and English will as markers of epistemic modality

The future tense in French and the modal auxiliary will in English can both express conjecture. This use is generally considered marginal compared to that of referring to future time. A unified analysis of the French future tense and of English will needs, however, to be able to account for the former. In this paper I attempt to show how this particular modal value is intrinsically related respectively to the tense system of French and to the modal system of English and consequently why no real correspondence may be posited between the two languages, the future of conjecture being seldom translated by will and vice versa.

Français écrit - français parlé

The opposition between written and spoken language is particularly conspicuous in French. The issue can be approached from various angles and at various levels. This paper discusses the problems of (standard) usage as well as the representation of the spoken language with a special emphasis on the age of romanticism and realism (Balazac, Monnier, Zola, Maupassant, Courteline). 20th-century poets and artists will also be considered (Barbusse, Celine and Raymond Queneau). The paper highlights the use of certain tenses (imparfait du subjonctif, passe simple) in French because of their practical and literary importance.

De l'enseignement des effets de sens de certains temps français

Ducrot, O. (1972), Dire et ne pas dire. Paris: Hermann.Florczak , J. (2002), De t'approche pragmatique de l'article, ou comment ta pragmatique peut aider à comprendre et/ou à enseigner le système de l'article français, in: Points communs; linguistique, traducmlogie, glottodidactique. Łódź, 37-56.Gross, G. (2002), Recherches théoriques et enseignement des langues, in: Points communs.-linguistique, traducmlogie, glottodidactique. Łódź, 88-101.Langacker, R. (1991), Noms et verbes, trad. C. Vandcloise, in: Communication S3. Sémantique cognitive. Paris, 103-145.Šlichauer, J. (2002), Aspect verbal - une approche contrastive est-elle pertinente, in: Points communs: linguistique, traductologie, glottodidactique. Łódź, 269-274.Tokarz , M. (1993), Elementy pragmatyki logicznej. Warszawa: PWN.Turewicz, K. (1998), Profil a kategorie gramatyczne, in: Profilowanie w języku i w tekście. Lublin, 63-77.Wilczyńska , W. ( 1989), Apprivoiser les articles et les temps. Poznań: UAM.

Tense, Orality and Narration: The Case of the Neo-Conte

The relationship between tense and orality has been of major interest to linguists working on tense, aspect and discourse in a number of languages, and illuminating, if highly controversial, parallels have been drawn between the patterns found in various different types of oral narration. In the case of French, much research has been done on conversational narration, and connections have been made between contemporary temporal patterning (notably as regards tense switching) and that found in medieval data. Yet the term 'oral narration'is not synonymous here; the medieval narrations represent highly crafted performances, while the conversational data is spontaneous and informal. This paper proposes an analysis of tense switching in a contemporary performed variety of oral narration, the neo-conte. While many of the functions of tense switching in discourse prove to be relatively familiar, the patterns found in the «neo-conte» reveal complex-and at times apparently contradictory-influences from both spoken French and literary norms. Along with other types of discourse such as newspaper French, the patterns in oral story-telling pose questions for contemporary models of the French tense system, especially those based on a fundamental binary divide, such as written versus spoken discourse, «monde raconte» versus «monde commente» or «histoire» versus «discours».

Syntax-semantics interface for tense and aspect in French

This paper proposes an HPSG account of the French tense and aspect system, focussing on the analysis of the passé simple (simple past) and imparfait (imperfective) tenses and their interaction with aspectually sensitive adjuncts. Starting from de Swart's (1998) analysis of the semantics of tense and aspect, I show that while the proposed semantic representations are appropriate, the analysis of implicit aspectual operators as coercion operators is inadequate. The proposed HPSG analysis relies on Minimal Recursion Semantics to relate standard syntactic structures with de Swart-style semantic representations. The analysis has two crucial features: first, it assumes that the semantic contribution of tense originates in the verb's semantic representation, despite the fact that tense can get wide scope over other semantic elements. Second, it allows the occurrence of implicit aspectual operators to be controlled by the verb's inflectional class, which accounts for their peculiar distribution.

The Role of Negative and Positive Feedback in the Second Language Acquisition of the Passé Composé and Imparfait

This study tests the effectiveness of written recasts versus models in the acquisition of the aspectual distinction between two past tenses in French, the passé composé and the imparfait with a pretest, repeated exposure, and posttest design. Participants were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 conditions: R (recasting: implicit negative feedback), (modeling: pre‐emptive positive evidence), and G (grammar: explicit positive evidence and negative feedback). The M and R groups read a different story with illustrations each week: (a) In the M condition, participants were shown a sentence corresponding to the illustration for 3 seconds, then were asked to answer a related question; (b) in the R condition, participants formed a sentence with given elements based on the illustration, then were exposed to the correct answer for 3 seconds; (c) the G group read traditional grammar lessons, took a short practice, and were presented with the answer key. Posttest results reveal that the R group performed significantly better than the G group but not the M group, partially supporting the hypothesis that recasting is the most effective form of feedback.

Modal Verbs and the Expression of Futurity in English, French and Italian

Abstract. This paper compares the uses of (a) the English modal will and the French and Italian future tenses; and (b) be going to, aller (+ infinitive) and stare per. Unlike be going to and stare per, aller can express characteristic behavior {Par exemple, il va s'enfermer chez lui...). The following claim is made: will and the two future tenses basically express a relation of implication, while be going to, stare per and aller (metaphorically) express a movement in time; the fact that aller (unlike its two counterparts) can express implication is due to the characteristics of the French aspectual system.

Pupil progress in the acquisition of the perfect tense in French: the relationship between knowledge and use

The role of explicit knowledge in the teaching and learning of a second language has been the subject of much research. Little of this, however, has taken place within the context of the Modern Foreign Languages in secondary school classrooms in the UK. In this study, we investigate the relationship between knowing and using the perfect tense in French in a small-scale project carried out over two years, involving a small group of learners.

Pupil progress in the acquisition of the perfect tense in French: the relationship between knowledge and use

Pupil progress in the acquisition of the perfect tense in French: the relationship between knowledge and use

A problem in sociolinguistic methodology: investigating a rare syntactic form

This article discusses a number of problematic issues relating to the methodology involved in investigating a rare syntactic form. Three key areas are explored, namely fieldwork technique, sampling methodology and data analysis. Although the starting-point is a particular survey of a rare French tense, the questions raised are of more general relevance. In the light of previous research, both theoretical and practical sides of the issues are discussed and debated.

Uninflected Structure in Familial Language Impairment: Evidence from French

We present the results of 20 French subjects with familial language impairment (FLI) on a linguistic battery task, with an emphasis on verb production. The results show strong qualitative differences between the verb production of FLI subjects and that of controls. Language-specific factors do not seem to determine the production of verbs in French FLI individuals. Rather, verb frequency and the inflectional status (uninflected vs. inflected) of the form seem to be determining factors in correct/incorrect production of a verb in a sentence context. The phonetic structure of French inflection provides additional arguments against the hypothesis of a processing deficit in FLI subjects. French tense morphemes are stressed and salient, and should therefore be produced without problems, according to the processing hypothesis. We found evidence contrary to this postulate. We therefore submit that the morphological deficit hypothesis is supported by the French data.

De (on) Verklaarbaarheid Van Fossilisatie

In the literature about fossilization, several definitions have been given and several explanations have been suggested for this phenomenon. I see fossilization as a long-time stagnation in the T2 learning process, leading to errors based on transfer. Fossilization is caused by sociolinguistic, pyscholinguistic and purely linguistic factors. In this paper I concentrate on the acquisition of syntactic structures and on the role of input and instruction in that process. I argue that, although in the acquisition of some syntactic structures, UG plays an important role, this does not account for the whole learning process: learners have not only to reset parameters when acquiring T2 but have to proceduralize knowledge based on the surface structure of sentences. In the case of the use of past tenses in French, many of the Dutch advanced learners of three different levels of proficiency do not acquire native-like intuitions about the use of these tenses, although input as well as instruction are thorough on this point. I suggest that the past tense system is not UG-dependent and that the instruction does not allow proceduralization of the knowledge.

Cognitive representations of predicates and the use of past tenses in French: a developmental approach

Two experiments examine how French 10-year-old children and adults relate past tenses to the semantic properties of predicate types in writing. Experiment 1 involved two tasks: graphically coding two predicate dimensions (durativity and resultativity), a task designed to assess cognitive representations of these predicates; and selecting past tenses in sentences which included previously evaluated verbs. Results show that (a) 10-year-olds and adults have comparable representations of durativity, but different ones for resultativity, (b) the adults associate process charac teristics and past tenses, but 10-year-olds do not. In Experiment 2, subjects only had to code graphically two dimensions of the predicates (durativity and resultativity) in sentences where the verb could take five forms: infinitive, one imperfective past tense (imperfect, 'imparfait'), and three perfective past tenses (perfect 'passé composé', or its 'historic' form 'passé simple', and pluperfect 'plus-que-parfait'). Results show that 10-year-old children have not yet learned the 'adult' functions of verbal forms. The results of these two experiments are discussed in relation to current models of human cognition.

Cognitive representations of predicates and the use of past tenses in French: a developmental approach

Two experiments examine how French 10-year-old children and adults relate past tenses to the semantic properties of predicate types in writing. Experiment 1 involved two tasks: graphically coding two predicate dimensions (durativity and resultativity), a task designed to assess cognitive representations of these predicates; and selecting past tenses in sentences which included previously evaluated verbs. Results show that (a) 10-year-olds and adults have comparable representations of durativity, but different ones for resultativity, (b) the adults associate process charac teristics and past tenses, but 10-year-olds do not. In Experiment 2, subjects only had to code graphically two dimensions of the predicates (durativity and resultativity) in sentences where the verb could take five forms: infinitive, one imperfective past tense (imperfect, 'imparfait'), and three perfective past tenses (perfect 'passé composé', or its 'historic' form 'passé simple', and pluperfect 'plus-que-parfait'). Results show that 10-year-old children have not yet learned the 'adult' functions of verbal forms. The results of these two experiments are discussed in relation to current models of human cognition.

The Function of Tense in Texts

Introduction. Tense functions in scientific texts (S.-G. Andersson). German tenses, tense logics, context change, and the temporal interpretation of texts (J. Ballweg). Negation, probability, and temporal boundedness: discourse functions of negative tenses in Swahili narrative (E. Contini-Morava). Frame and reference time in complex sentences (C. Fabricius-Hansen). Toward a theory of tense-aspect in narrative discourse (S. Fleischman). Deixis, relevance, and tense/aspect (A. Fuchs). Meaning and interpretation of tense (J. Gvozdanovic). Meaning and use of the Dutch perfect (S. de Haan). Preterit as definite description (Th.A.J.M. Janssen). Multiple meanings in context: the French present tense (M. Monville-Burston, L.R. Waugh). Les valeurs temporelles des formes verbales en grec ancien (C.J. Ruijgh). The proximal/distal temporal axis: the meaning and use of then in discourse (D. Schiffrin). The analysis and reconstruction of the temporal structure of narrative texts (A. Schopf). Invariant meanings and context-bound functions of tense in Spanish (C. Silva-Corvalan). The 'future tense' in modern Hebrew (Y. Tobin).

Plus-Que-Parfait

Plus-que-parfait: past anterior or past perfect? Following the author's investigation into the use of plus-que-parfait, passé antérieur and passé surcomposé by means of a gap-filling exercise administered to native speakers (Engel forthcoming), it appears that plus-que-parfait (PQP) is not a rival to the other two past anterior forms, despite their relative infrequency, i.e. it cannot replace them in particular contexts. Furthermore, PQP is not the automatic choice in seemingly appropriate PQP environments. It has also been noted by various scholars (such as Majumdar & Morris 1980) that PQP is increasingly taking on a past punctual function, which is of some interest considering its affinity to imparfait, i.e. the non-punctual past. This paper reexamines data from the author's corpora of newspaper texts, looking at the role of PQP, in order to establish its particular function in modern journalistic texts. Finally, an overview of the various shifts in the French tense system is presented, paying particular attention to the past and past anterior forms, that area which has witnessed the most change.

Manifestations de la catégorie du médiatif dans les temps du français

Zlatka Guentcheva : « Evidential values of the French tense system » A great number of languages encode by means of grammatical markers the speaker's distance with respect to the situation expressed by the proposition : the speaker explicitly signals that his information is derived from general reputation, hearsay, inferences , reasoning. . . Although French is not traditionally thought of as a language endowed with an evidential system, several temporal forms (especially the conditionnel, the passé composé and the présent) can take evidential meanings. This paper presents some comments on the phenomenon.

Interacting between a generalized tense semantics and register-specific semantic tense systems: a bi-stratal exploration of the semantics of French tense

In this paper, I will discuss the semantics of French tense from a contextual view point and present a number of situation-specific semantic tense systems. Such a polysystemic approach to the semantics of French tense serves to bridge the gap between the monosystemic tense grammar which realises the temporal meaning of tense and different contexts of use. A context-based polysystemic semantics of French tense reflects the diversification of context and highlights variability both in the uses and semantic “valeurs” of a tense. Thus, viewed from context, the semantics of a tense is interpreted in terms of the different uses that it may have in different contexts. This approach reveals particular “valeurs” for each tense in specific contexts of use. It shows that the “valeurs” that a tense may have are variable according to use, whilst its signification (temporal meaning realised by the grammar) is constant across uses. The specific nature of the systems I will be presenting means that only certain grammatical features are preselected for the realisation of particular semantic tense potential. This shows that the semantics has control over the grammar in that it has the power of rejecting parts of the grammar by projecting a situation-specific image onto the general tense grammar by means of preselections. This image constitutes a restricted subpotential selected from the total grammatical potential. As grammatical features of the subpotential occur in different situation-specific semantic environment, they are endowed with different semantic valeurs. The situation-specific French tense systems I will be discussing also indicate that the restricted semantic subpotentials of particular situation types they embody are drawn from a core semantic potential that reflects a general context. This empirical observation has theoretical implications as to the core semantic tense system and the situation-specific semantic tense systems. How can this relationship be modelled theoretically? Alternative answers will be suggested.

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