French Lycee Research Articles

Profile of Marius Clore

In a hangar-style space draped in dim blue light stand seven tall, cylindrical machines. The machines, NMR spectrometers, resemble wingless man-made satellites. Most of them rest at floor level, with a sample loading port reached by a small staircase, but a few protrude above the floor. Marius Clore. Image courtesy of Marius Clore. NMR spectrometers operate at the atomic level, and the size of a spectrometer reflects the strength of its superconducting magnets. By exploiting the magnetic fields of atomic nuclei and using high-pulse radio waves, NMR spectrometers help researchers like Marius Clore, a molecular biophysicist and structural biologist at the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases at the NIH in Bethesda, Maryland, determine the structure and dynamics of molecules such as proteins and nucleic acids. For nearly four decades, Clore, elected to the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) in 2014, has studied the molecular structure and dynamics of biological macromolecules, and spearheaded the development and refinement of biomolecular NMR. Through work carried out in three countries on two continents, he has pushed the limits of NMR technology, laying the foundation for 3D and 4D NMR techniques and ushering in discoveries such as the high-resolution, 3D structure of the immune modulator interleukin-1β. However, Clore’s path to NMR was not straightforward. Clore grew up in the Chelsea area of central London during the 1960s. Along with his mother and father, a film producer who worked on the 1981 film The French Lieutenant’s Woman , which starred actress Meryl Streep, Clore lived in a two-story apartment near the home field of Chelsea Football Club. Around the age of five years, Clore, who started attending the French Lycee school in London, already knew what he wanted to do when he grew up. “I was a little bit of a hypochondriac,” …

Quia Ego Nominor Leo: Barthes, Stereotypes and Aesop’s Animal

Taking Barthes's discussion of Aesop's as starting point, this essay examines two uses to which the animals of philosophy and critical theory have been put: as ciphers and as indices. The twin dangers to theory's beasts, of becoming either examples of deadening, generic animal or stultifying stereotypes, are assessed and potential solutions proposed. ********** Leo the Lion, mightiest of beasts, will stand up to anybody. The word 'beasts' should properly be used about lions, leopards, tigers, wolves, foxes, dogs, monkeys and others which rage about with tooth and claw--with the exception of snakes. They are called Beasts because of the violence with which they rage, and are known as 'wild' (ferus) because they are accustomed to freedom by nature and are governed (ferantur) by their own wishes. They wander hither and thither, fancy free, and they go wherever they want to go.--The Book of Beasts, trans. T.H. White In his Inaugural Lecture at the College de France, Barthes suggested that it had been his semiological project, at least during the mid-1950s, to understand society produces stereotypes, i.e., triumphs of artifice, which it then consumes as innate meanings, i.e. triumphs of Nature (471). The stereotype is insistent and dangerous, Barthes says, monster that sleeps within every sign (461). His analyses of this process of naturalization, this speech, are well known from his Mythologies. Perhaps the most famous of all, and certainly the most frequently quoted, is his discussion of the Paris-Match cover in Myth Today (109-59). There is another example in this essay, however, that immediately precedes that of the soldier and the tricolour, and which is usually passed over by commentators. Imagining himself pupil in French lycee once more, Barthes opens his Latin grammar and reads single sentence: quia ego nominor leo (because am named Lion) (115). The sentence is borrowed, he says, from the fables of Aesop. At the level of the linguistic system, Barthes points out, it has a fullness, richness, history drawn from the fable and beyond: I am animal, lion, live in certain country. have just been hunting, they would have me share my prey with heifer, cow and goat; but being the stronger, award myself all the shares for various reasons, the last of which is quite simply that my name is lion (118). As part of mythical system, however, this rich set of values and meanings is put aside. When it is used as example, concerning the agreement of the predicate, the sentence has new function. The old values make way for whole new set of ideas and assumptions, this time concerning the importance of Aesop, of Latin, of grammar itself. We focus no longer on the intriguing details of Aesop's tale, but are required instead to concentrate on the grammatical exemplarity of the sentence (118-19). The rich detail of the lion's story is not entirely suppressed, however. By keeping it close to hand, an instantaneous reserve of history on which it can draw, the myth lends itself air of the (118). This is how the myth, the stereotype, works, by invoking natural history that is not its own, but which shores up its legitimacy. The lion, so ferocious, so regal, so wild in Aesop, is tamed in the example, the better to naturalize the assumptions and values that accrue, at particular time and place, around the student learning Latin in the second form of French lycee. How obvious that one should learn Latin, that one should ensure that the predicate always agrees with the subject, that Aesop is worthy pedagogical text for pursuing these worthy scholarly goals. In discussions of, and especially introductions to, Barthes's analysis of myth, Aesop's is often put aside in favour of the saluting soldier. The latter, with Barthes's brief but effective analysis of the implicit concepts (signifieds) of imperialism and colonialism, seems more immediate, more useful perhaps, than example drawn from dusty Latin grammar. …

Secondary Matters: Textbooks and the Making of Physics in Nineteenth-Century France and England

Concerning national education in England, it is like with all the other institutions in this country: at first sight it does not appear as a system, as the logical development of an idea, of a preconceived plan, but as the odd product of several forces which are diverse and often opposed; it is in appearance a purely fortuitous set of traditions, of more or less reasoned uses, local improvements, audacious or timid innovations, all together abandoned to individual initiative, in a complete abstention of public authority. It is a city built without any given alignment, where houses are randomly placed and capriciously moulded.Jacques Demogeot and Henri Montucci, 18681A very good indication of the progress the teaching of science is making in our schools and elsewhere is the rapidity with which edition after edition of Ganot's Physics is called for and published.Anon., Leeds Mercury, 18752In 1 866, in the context of educational reforms in France, Jacques Demogeot and Henri Montucci were commissioned by the French government a report on British secondary and higher education. Commissioners were also sent to other countries, including Germany, Belgium and Holland, following a common practice in nineteenth-century educational reforms which heavily drew on international comparisons for the preparation of national policies. Demogeot and Montucci published their report subsequently as a book, which was also widely read in Britain.3 Their opening paragraph, included at the heading of this paper, seems to indicate a major incongruence between French and British education.The two national case studies presented in this paper have conventionally been considered as representing essentially antagonistic models of educational development. This thought, which precedes Demogeot and Montucci and is still deeply grounded in contemporary French and English culture, has shaped scholarship on the development of science education in these countries. While French historians have stressed the role of national structures of formal education and state intervention, historians of English science have tended to focus on the role of voluntarism, informal education, autodidacticism and market forces.4However, Demogeot and Montucci' s perspective was biased by their (otherwise reasonable) aim of finding in England objects and patterns which could be compared with their experience in the French educational terrain.5 Being both teachers in a major lycee in Paris, the objects they found more likely to develop comparisons with were the English public schools. Their focus on public schools was in fact in accordance with that of the British government, which shortly before Demogeot and Montucci's visit to England, had commissioned a report on this type of educational establishment (the Clarendon Commission report), which also made frequent comparative reference to French lycees.6In spite of their unpromising opening, the two French professors developed a detailed account of English education, based both on their readings and their visits to schools. Their focus was traditional public schools. Only one third of their report on the English context was devoted to other types of schools. As we will see, for this reason, it gave less prominence to science than to the teaching of other subjects. Still, it established significant parallelisms between science education in French lycees and in a range of new schools which in the previous decades had been developing in England.Indeed, in the second quotation opening this paper we find that, in spite of the potential antagonisms between French and English education, a certain level of congruence had to exist in the teaching of science in both countries. Ganot's Physics was the translation into English of a textbook by Adolphe Ganot, a French private teacher whose work as a textbook author had been favoured by the boost in science education promoted by government reforms in France since the 1850s. …

Economics as a Social Science in French lycées :A Programme Shaped by the Evolution of a School Discipline

Since the end of the 1960s, courses in economics have become established in French lycees for pupils aged approximately 16 to 18 as part of both the general and technological (services) streams. There are no other specific programmes in economics at the other levels of the school system. In lower secondary schools (colleges), which cater for children aged between 11 and 15, economic phenomena are presented in a somewhat descriptive manner during history and geography lessons. These descriptions introduce children to an economic vocabulary that includes terms such as GDP, productivity, inflation, growth and development. However, the acquisition of this vocabulary does not lead on to the teaching of any real economic arguments, nor of economic concepts or theories in the strict sense. Economics as just defined in not taught in the vocational streams either. The aim of this article is to characterise the teaching of economics that is provided in the general streams of French upper secondary schools as part of a subject called Economic and Social Sciences (ESS). It is here that economics teaching is most heavily concentrated; furthermore, it is the only one of the two economics programmes in French lycees for which curriculum studies exist. The article will show that, despite the considerable changes it has undergone, this programme has retained the critical and socially aware approach that has been present since it was first established. It was by no means evident that such an approach, inspired originally by the work of historians of the Annales school, would be adopted, even less retained, since it goes against the grain of developments in economics at university level, both in French universities and internationally, during the two decades between 1980 and the year 2000 (LeVan Lemesle 1983; Le Merrer 1990). During this period, the economics taught in universities became less descriptive and more formalised and moved away from the other social sciences. Economists have become increasingly adept at manipulating models and have ceased to view economic and social problems from an historical perspective (Hogdson et al. 2009). The teaching of economic and social sciences in French schools has not followed this course and has been challenged on numerous occasions, most notably by academic economists and employers’ representatives. The fact that its original critical approach has been maintained is due in no small measure to action taken by teachers.

The French Language and Questions of Identity. (Studies in Linguistics, 4) by Wendy Ayres-Bennett, Mari C. Jones

MLR, 104.3, 2009 855 those committed politics matter. It corresponds to an evasiveness which may relate to the present state of the Left in Britain; but it left me thinking three things: first that the provenance and direction of the journals which Collini has written for,the TLS in particular, need discussion; and what do they allow to be said and what consensual values do they require of the reviewer? Second, that the limitations of journalism associate with those of biography, a subject Collini raises (p. 284), but not sufficiently to critique either biography as a mode of understanding either a subject or subjectivity, or Collini's own usual method, which follows a biographical pattern, though in the name, often, of an intellectual history. Third, thatwhatever brilliance projects itself,the essays remain safe'; very Oxbridge-oriented (see page 291 on Brasenose for an instance) to the point of being gossipy, silly about cul tural studies ('that combination of sociology plus street cred', p. 270), and isolating Britain from Europe and America: an essay on Malraux and another onWilson do not free the reader from the thought that if many figures considered here seem dated and provincial, that is repeated in a book whose scope means that theymust still be regarded as major. If that sounds severe, a brilliant comment from James theAmerican on the necessity of being 'damned critical', which Collini quotes as epigraph (p. ix), is enough support. University of Manchester Jeremy Tambling The French Language and Questions of Identity. Ed. byWendy Ayres-Bennett and Mari C. Jones. (Studies inLinguistics, 4) London: Legenda. 2007. ix+244 pp. ?48. ISBN 978-1-904350-68-2. The origins of this collection lie in a conference held inCambridge in 2004. Follow ing an introduction inwhich the editors present the themes of the book, seventeen chapters are grouped into four sections, each relating to a different type of identity: institutionalized, regional, social, and competing (in contact situations). In Part 1 Gilles Sioum adopts a theoretical approach to the question of seventeenth-century linguistic attitudes, suggesting also that, in 1620-70, the relationship between inno vation and conservatism changed decisively. Chantal Wionet analyses usage markers in seventeenth-century dictionaries. Danielle Bouverot also discusses usage mark ers, but in the digitized Tresor de la languefrancaise. JohnE. Joseph explores how French national identityhas evolved, with particular reference to Franco-German contact. Edith Esch investigates language attitudes in a French lycee in Senegal. Questionnaires and group discussions reveal that teenagers from France attach less importance toWolof than do the others. In Part (regional identities) Jacques Landrecies surveys language and identity in Picardy, while the following two chap tersdiscuss theNord-Pas-de-Calais. David Hornsby finds that semi-speakers of the dialect show their linguistic allegiance by using selected high-frequency markers while speaking French. Tim Pooley reports that 'ChtKmi)' has greater appeal to the general public than themore learned term,Picard. Part 111 on social identitybegins with Penelope Gardner-Chloros on tu/vous.Her data come from an informal dis cussion of this issue by a group of female friends in southern France. They focus on 856 Reviews unexpected usage and confirm thatmany socio-psychological factors are involved. Inmy view, the tulvous choice is not strictlyan act of identity', since neither pro noun isassociated with a given social group. Dominique Lagorgette also investigates address. Using historical and contemporary data, she argues that address terms function asmarkers of spatial spheres ('bubbles'), while insultsmark transgressions of these spheres. Roger Baines employs interviews and questionnaires in his study of three insults:males report using themmore than do females, although the differ ences are not always very great. Kate Beeching examines post-rhematic quoi in three spoken corpora, and claims that, in addition to itsdiscoursal function, it serves as an identitymarker. Nicolas Pepin offers a detailed analysis of conversational inter views with some French citizens living in Switzerland and discusses the emblematic significance for them of septante and nonante. In Part iv on competing identities', David Cowling suggests thatmany of the Italianisms ridiculed by Henri Estienne in the sixteenth century probably figured in code-mixed discourse, rather than be ing integrated borrowings as such. He also observes that Estienne's...

Georgette Donchin (1922-2008)

SEER, Vol. 8j. No. i,January 20oy Georgette Donchin (1922-2008) Georgette Donchin did not originally intend to become a Slavist, but both background and external circumstances eventually impelled her in that direction. Born in Lodz in Poland, she attended secondary school in the town (1932-38), and then the French school inWarsaw (1938-39). Her own mother died when she was very young, but she acquired a loving stepmother, through whom she learnt Russian. Shortly before thewar the family visited relatives in Egypt with a view tomoving there, but returned to Poland, only to find that the outbreak of war after all dictated their return. In Cairo her eye-doctor father set up a practice and Georgette attended the French Lycee (1940-42). She took the French baccalaureate specializing inmathematics, and intended to pursue the subject at a French university. The war made higher education an impossibility, and instead she went to work as a Russian and Polish Monitor for the Radio Monitoring Section of the UK Ministry of Information, Middle East Forces. Here she perfected GEORGETTE DONCHIN IOI her knowledge of English, incidentally meeting her future husband, George Lewinson, who was the sergeant in charge of her section. He proposed but, determined on getting a degree, she turned him down. At the end of the war chaotic conditions made study at a French university unfeasible, but in any case her world had changed, with mathematics giving way to Russian literature. Seeing friends from her section opting for London University, she too applied and was accepted at SSEES in 1946 for the BA in Russian with English subsidiary. Her studies were supported by a grant from the Polish Committee for Education. By the time she graduated with a first class degree in 1949, itwas clear that her future lay with academic research. Awarded a London University scholarship, she began researching the largely uncharted subject of French Symbolism and its impact on Russian poetry. In 1950 she agreed to marry George Lewinson who was living in Australia. Both of them completed their doctorates at the same time three years later in 1953. This was a key year for them both, since just a month after being awarded her PhD, Georgette gave birth to their son, David. In 1955 she started work as a cataloguer in SSEES library on the magnificent salary of ?475 per annum. At the same time she was preparing her PhD for publication; The Influence ofFrench Symbolism onRussian Poetry came out with Mouton in 1958, and was followed by a number of related articles on the subject. She also undertook major translations: five volumes of the letters inRussian of Chaim Weizmann and Cizevskij's History ofRussian Literaturefrom the Eleventh Century to the End of the Baroque (i960), as well as introductions to texts, large numbers of bibliographical surveys and book editing (for example, Russian Literary Attitudesfrom Pushkin to Solzhenitsyn [1976], edited with R. Freeborn and N. Anning). In all of these areas she displayed a characteristic thoroughness and attention to detail. The publication of her book not only established Georgette Donchin as a major authority in this important area, but also led at last to an academic post in the Russian Department at SSEES in i960. As a teacher Georgette was determined that her students should aim high. Her own preparation was thorough, and she wanted students to do the same. At the undergraduate level her perceptive and illuminating teaching of literature took for granted that the student would read widely, including critical literature in the original. In particular, her special subject course on Pushkin and Gogol' gave students an excellent in-depth understanding of both authors. She had a good sense of humour and tutorials could be fun, but only if the student had fulfilled his or her side of the bargain, by preparing properly for the class. Nonetheless, however exasperated she might have been with backsliders, she maintained a keen interest in all the students, their 102 GEORGETTE DONCHIN progress, problems and fates. Itwould be with considerable reluctance and after all other avenues had been exhausted that she agreed that Mr X orMiss Y would have to leave SSEES. Her care for her postgraduates, attracted...

Material Realities in the Basic Writing Classroom: Intersections of Discovery for Young Women Reading Persepolis

This essay focuses on how young women students in a first-year, first- quarter basic reading and writing course wrote about their connections to the process of identity development as portrayed in the graphic novel Persepolis 2: The Story of a Re- turn by Marjane Satrapi. While the circumstances of becoming a student in a required university-sanctioned remedial course in an urban Midwestern university differed greatly from Marjane's privileged education at a French lycee in Vienna, these women, not un- like Marjane, dealt with struggles against marginality and invisibility in a bureaucratic and unfamiliar environment. Exploring the correspondences of coming-of-age for both my students and the novel's main character, Marjane, I demonstrate the use of the graphic novel as a means for renegotiating students' agency and identity beyond fixed categories of gender, race, and class, as well as institutional definitions of the basic writer.

Does school tracking affect equality of opportunity? New international evidence

This paper investigates whether the interaction between family background and secondary school tracking affects human capital accumulation. A widely shared view is that more tracking reinforces the role of parental privilege, and thereby reduces equality of opportunities. This may occur for several reasons, including peer effects (more talented students are gathered together), teacher sorting (better teachers prefer teaching better students), differences in curricula (academic oriented schools – like the German gymnasium, the French lycee, the British grammar school or the Italian liceo – teach abilities that increase the probability of entering college) and/or differences in resource endowment. Compared to the current literature, which focuses on early outcomes, such as test scores at 13 and 15 years old, we look at later outcomes, including literacy, dropout rates, college enrolment, employability and earnings. While we do confirm the common view that school tracking reinforces the impact of family background when looking at educational attainment and labour market outcomes, we do not confirm the same results when studying its impact on literacy and on-the-job training. Overall school tracking has an ambiguous effect in our sample of countries. On the one hand, and consistently with the previous literature, tracking has a detrimental impact on educational attainment, because it prevents some individuals from further progressing to the tertiary level of education (the diversion effect). On the other hand, the curricula offered in vocational schools seem more effective in promoting further training and adult competences (the specialization effect), thereby reducing the impact of parental background on these two outcomes. Thus, reducing the extent of student tracking, either by raising the age of first selection or by reducing the number of tracks available, may be appropriate for increasing intergenerational mobility in educational attainment, but may increase social exclusion for people from disadvantaged backgrounds. — Giorgio Brunello and Daniele Checchi

Curriculum Reform and the Integrated Study in French Lycees

Curriculum Reform and the Integrated Study in French Lycees

History during the French Lycee Terminale Year: An Unexpected Reform

THE LATEST CONTROVERSY about the teaching of history and geography in French schools has surfaced in the unlikeliest of places, the final year (terminale) of the lycee where serious deficiencies are rarely noted or acknowledged. While the reform can be viewed as another attempt to find a more acceptable balance between the modem and the classical, the current reform effort aims to move from a nation-state orientation to a geopolitical one, and from a traditional, chronological approach to that subject matter to a topical or conceptual one. This controversy about the teaching of history and geography takes place within the larger context of educational reform efforts by the French to democratize and to make the entire educational system more relevant to the world of the late 20th century. Those who are familiar with earlier reports by the authors concerning reforms in French social education' will be aware that since worker and student upheavals in 1969 nearly toppled a seemingly secure Gaulist government, French schools have endured 20 years of efforts to reform and counter-reform French schooling and, in particular, the teaching of history

Corrigenda

Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society Volume 26 (1980) Kurt Gödel Page 152, line 19: for in France read at a French lycee at Brünn Page 154, line 4: for 12.10 1931 read 12.10.1931 Page 163, line —11: for 1-adic read l-adic Page 169, line 13: for equation read equations Page 171, line 14: for D. read D). line —10: for in 3? read or 3F Page 184, line 16: for Godel read Gödel Page 197, line —9: for (1934) read (1933) Page 221, line 15: for 1966 read 1963 line —4: for 1980 read 1981 and for 45, to appear read 46, 354—364 line —3: for In memoriam: Kurt Gödel read In memoriam Kurt Gödel: his 1931 correspondence with Zermelo on his incom pletability theorem

The Future of the American Liberal-Arts College

T HE American college is a hybrid. It is not a counterpart of the English college from which it received its name, and it is not like the French lycee or the German Gymnasium. Like the latter institution it is a preparatory school, and like the former it does university work. Yet, on the whole, it has served us well during the past three centuries of its history, especially as a preparatory school to the graduate courses in the learned professions. There are indications, however, that it is facing a crisis, a crisis which may materially modify its form and its function. Like many other institutions, its success has been its hazard. It has undoubtedly been overextended and must retrench; its popularity has attracted many unfitted to profit by its advantages, and it must circumscribe its clientele; it is meeting new elements in the educational world and must adapt itself to a new situation. One of the most serious problems which it is facing is its demand for students; its overextension requires more than the present can supply, and the outlook for the future is even less encouraging. The oversupply of colleges and the undersupply of students are apparent even now when students are most plentiful. Never before in the United States, and probably never again, will there be so many prospective students eighteen years of age as about the year I940. In that year there will be 2,S36,ooo persons at the average age of students entering college; in 1980 there will probably be fewer than two million. Look at the following table which shows the number of persons eighteen years of age, by decades, for

France and its People

IN “France: a Handbook for Beginners in French” (Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons, Ltd. Pp. 48. Is. net) are reproduced three lectures by Dr. Cloudesley Brereton, originally broadcast in Great Britain in December 1935 and January 1936 and afterwards repeated, at the invitation of the French Government, from Paris. The sub-title, in so far as it may tend to suggest that the pamphlet is unlikely to appeal to the general public, is misleading, for here is no mere catalogue of dry facts but a lively appreciation of the genius, to quote the author's own words, of a hard-working, cheerful, amiable, keen-witted, polished, social, artistic and, at bottom, spiritually-minded people. That it is eminently fitted to promote that mutual understanding and appreciation between nations which a strident modern nationalism threatens to stifle has been recognized by the judges entrusted with the awarding of the recently instituted “Prix internationaux du Tourisme”. They have awarded to the author the second prize of 15,000 francs; the first prize, of 25,000 francs, having been awarded to Mrs. Brangwyn, an American, for “Everybody in Paris”. As an example of Dr. Brereton's method may be quoted his comparison between French and English science teaching in secondary schools. Practical science is, he holds, rather neglected in the French lycee. “In the more abstract side of science, however, a very high standard is attained. Our schools possibly err in the other direction-somehow the glamour of science has rather been overshadowed by the excessive cult of the test tube in this country”.

Chemistry in the French lycees

ADVERTISEMENT RETURN TO ISSUEPREVArticleNEXTChemistry in the French lyceesWilliam Foster Cite this: J. Chem. Educ. 1925, 2, 1, 43Publication Date (Print):January 1, 1925Publication History Received3 August 2009Published online1 January 1925Published inissue 1 January 1925https://doi.org/10.1021/ed002p43RIGHTS & PERMISSIONSArticle Views36Altmetric-Citations-LEARN ABOUT THESE METRICSArticle Views are the COUNTER-compliant sum of full text article downloads since November 2008 (both PDF and HTML) across all institutions and individuals. These metrics are regularly updated to reflect usage leading up to the last few days.Citations are the number of other articles citing this article, calculated by Crossref and updated daily. Find more information about Crossref citation counts.The Altmetric Attention Score is a quantitative measure of the attention that a research article has received online. Clicking on the donut icon will load a page at altmetric.com with additional details about the score and the social media presence for the given article. Find more information on the Altmetric Attention Score and how the score is calculated. Share Add toView InAdd Full Text with ReferenceAdd Description ExportRISCitationCitation and abstractCitation and referencesMore Options Share onFacebookTwitterWechatLinked InReddit PDF (2 MB) Get e-Alerts Get e-Alerts

MATHEMATICAL INSTRUCTION AND THE PROFESSORS OF MATHEMATICS IN THE FRENCH LYCEES FOR BOYS.1

School Science and MathematicsVolume 13, Issue 1 p. 43-56 MATHEMATICAL INSTRUCTION AND THE PROFESSORS OF MATHEMATICS IN THE FRENCH LYCEES FOR BOYS.1 R. C. Archibald, Professor of Mathematics at Brown University.Search for more papers by this author R. C. Archibald, Professor of Mathematics at Brown University.Search for more papers by this author First published: January 1913 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-8594.1913.tb07638.x 1 Abridgment of a paper presented at the mid-winter meeting of the Association of Mathematical Teachers in New England, Held at Brown University, Providence. R. I., February 3, 1912. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume13, Issue1January 1913Pages 43-56 RelatedInformation

Observations upon the Teaching of Composition in French Lycees

Observations upon the Teaching of Composition in French Lycees

Observations upon the Teaching of Composition in French Lycees

Observations upon the Teaching of Composition in French Lycees