French Leadership Research Articles

The Russian factor in the development of France's strategic culture

Due to the development of the Ukrainian crisis and, as a result, the change in the international situation, the French leadership has taken steps to change its foreign policy course, including with regard to Russia. Issues related to understanding the strategic culture of France are key in developing a foreign policy course towards our country, which requires a modern response. However, strategic culture as a concept has not been studied much and continues to be the subject of research by scientists. The strategic culture of France has been formed over a large number of years, and now the French strategic culture is embodied in the positioning of the state abroad, has its own style and specific features. The current situation in modern international relations regarding the deterioration of relations between Russia and France requires theoretical study aimed at identifying the foundations of France's strategic culture and its influence in order to form a foreign policy.

«Заметка о русских», посланная генералом Костюшко Исполнительной директории Франции в 1799 году

Introduction. The article publishes a historical source found in the State Archive of the Rostov region in the fund of Kh.I. Popov, the founder and first director of the Don Museum. Title of the document: “General Kosciusko’s description of the Russian army” (translated from the French from the Archive of P.I. Shchukin). The part of the discovered document is indeed a “Note on the Russians,” written by the national hero of Poland, Tadeusz Kosciusko (1746–1817), and addressed to the French Executive Directory in January 1799. Methods and materials. The document is a translation of a letter from the French Executive Directory to General Jourdan, Commander-in-Сhief of the Mainz Army, to which is attached a “Note on the Russians.” The document was drawn up on the eve of military operations between Russia and France on the territory of Italy, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. The Directory recommends General Jourdan pay attention to the “Note,” which really contains a lot of analytical material and characteristics of the various branches of the Russian army in the battles with which T. Kosciusko recently suffered a number of defeats. The purpose of this publication is to show what vision the French leadership and military command had about the Russian army at the beginning of 1799, what the source of these ideas was, and how these ideas corresponded to reality. T. Kosciusko’s combat path, his participation in the battles against the Russian army, and the information and impressions that he could acquire in these battles were analyzed. For this purpose, traditional historical methods were used: comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and anthropological, since a significant part of the “Note” is devoted to the characteristics of a special community – the Cossacks. It was this part of the “Note” that caused its discovery in the fund of the director of the Don Museum in the State Archive of the Rostov Region. Analysis. Creating the Don Museum in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Kh.I. Popov attracted not only employees but also everyone to collect materials about the Cossacks. The published document was sent to the Don Museum by an officer of the Don Cossack Regiment, located in Moscow, S.I. Olenev, who copied it from a translation of a letter from the Directory made by the famous collector P.I. Shchukin for his museum in Moscow. In fact, a copy of the translation was published, which caused some stylistic errors in the document. Results. The publisher concluded that some of the data provided by T. Kosciusko to the French Directory was outdated, but in general, the characteristics of the Russian army correspond to reality.

THE EVOLUTION OF ISLAMOPHOBIA IN THE WEST: A CASE STUDY OF FRANCE

The pluralist Western societies are witnessing the rise of an exclusivist and polarizing idea – Islamophobia, which is ideologically driven and action-oriented. France is the epicentre of hate against Muslims because of its colonial history and the practice of peculiar secularism, Laicism. Drawing upon Social Constructivism, this paper examines the ideological, populist, and strategic roots of Islamophobia in the West and France in particular. This study identifies the role of language and socio-political frames-cum-rationale that the French leadership uses to construct Islam as a threat to the French Republic. In addition, it attempts to expose the selective representations of the Muslims that, in return, discursively construct the Muslims in France as unacceptable for the native people on French soil. Furthermore, this interpretative study reveals how the French elite uses generalizations to criminalize Islam and Muslim symbols like Hijab, Azan, and beard, which run contrary to their secular values. Finally, this study concludes that Islamophobia is a socially constructed reality that leads to its violent manifestation.

Minimising the Damage: Louis Barthou as the Head of the French Delegation in Genoa

The article aims to explore the contents, pecularities and the results of Louis Barthou’s, French minister of justice, activities in Genoa as the head of French delegation at the international conference. The author bases his research on the French diplomatic documents and on the diary of General Edmond Buat, the chief of French army General staff. The latter source gives a revealing picture of the reactions of the authorities in Paris on Barthou’s diplomacy. Te detailed study of Barthou as the head of the French delegation seeks to add new details to our general understanding the Genoa conference’s history, and to reveal, how the important international decision-making was linked to the “human factor”, how the human beings interpreted and re-interpreted the “national interests” and left their mark on the process. This problematics seems to be applicable to the current international relations as well. Author concludes that Barthou couldn’t radically transform the basic aims of France in Genoa, as they were formulated by the president of the French Council of ministers and the French foreign minister Raymond Poincaré before the conference. In the same time, acting as the head of the French delegation, he contributed significantly to the process and mechanics of their realisation. Barthou softened the consequences of Poincaré’s harsh measures, though the French leadership didn’t expect something beneficial from this international meeting, initiated by the British Prime Minister David Lloy George. Thus, if to estimate the Barthou’s mission as minimising the damage of the Genoa conference to France, he was rather successful in it.

Role of the Baltic Republics in Soviet-French relations during the Non-recognition Period, 1919-1924

This article aims to define the role played by the Baltic Republics in the Soviet-French relations during the non-recognition period. The author tries to determine the place, which the Baltic Republics occupied in the French and Soviet conceptions of the “sanitary cordon,” to analyse the correlation between the ambitions and the capabilities of Paris and Moscow in Eastern Europe, to demonstrate the Soviet response to the interaction between the Baltic Republics and France. The article is based on the materials taken from the different French archives, as well as from the published French and Soviet diplomatic documents. The author emphasizes the ambiguity of the role played by the “Baltic factor” in the Soviet-French relations. The Baltic Republics (especially, Latvia and Estonia) were perceived by the French leadership as a part of the “sanitary cordon” aimed to separate Germany and the Soviet Russia from each other and to preclude their eventual “collusion” in the Eastern Europe. On the contrary, Moscow aimed to weaken the “sanitary cordon.” Paris didn’t exclude that the cooperation with future Russia performing the role of the counterbalance to Germany would be more important for France than full independence of the Baltic Republics. The Kremlin and the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs welcomed this point of view and tried to support those French political leaders that developed such an approach. The dynamics of the post-war international relations, as well as the priority given by the French government to the “German threat”, prompted Paris to recognize the USSR, which met the interests of Moscow. The considerations of the “big politics” were more important than the voices of the “small countries” which tried to influence the interaction between the more powerful actors.

Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa

This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.

USA Mobilizes an Ally: the French Case (December 1979–1980)

The bringing of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in December 1979 ended the period of easing in international tensions. There were calls in various segments of the US political elite to resume the Cold War. Washington tightened its policy towards the USSR and imposed sanctions against it. Not all Western countries were ready to support such a turn, in particular, the French leadership preferred to maintain bilateral relations with the USSR. Based on the documents of the NSC, the CIA and the US State Department and with the involvement of Russian and French sources, the article examines the actions of the United States aimed at encouraging France to join the policy of pressure on the USSR. Using the problem-chronological method, the author answers questions about the effectiveness of Washington's attempts to involve France in a consolidated sanctions course directed against the USSR, what mechanisms were involved and what results these efforts led to.

Differentiated Defence Integration Under French Leadership

Studies dealing with EU security and defence policy tend to focus exclusively on what is formally included in the Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Other initiatives taken outside this framework are frequently seen potentially undermining the development of EU defence – even when the intention is to strengthen defence capacity. This has been the case with the various initiatives taken within or closely linked to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the recent French approach involving the European Intervention Initiative (EI2). An alternative perspective is to see these as integrated parts of a more flexible and differentiated European security framework where all these initiatives combined contribute to strengthening European defence capacity. Building on the argument presented in the introduction to this Special Issue, this article argues that France, as a leader in promoting ‘l’Europe de la défense’, has been instrumental in promoting this differentiated approach to European defence integration, especially under the Macron presidency. (This article is an output of a research project entitled ‘Balancing between integration and autonomy. Understanding the drivers and mechanisms of the EU’s foreign, security and defence policy’ (EUFLEX), funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131) for the period 2018-21. France, differentiated integration, CSDP, European intervention initiative, security and defence

French leadership: exploring organizational leadership in French contexts

ABSTRACT Our paper offers an overview of French organizational leadership by looking at its power sources (inputs), consequences (outcomes), and a triad model. We found that having connections with powerful entities such as top management and the Grandes écoles is the main source of French leadership as these connections confer strong legitimacy, which is an important notion in the French leadership process. Hierarchical, honour-based, and ends-over-means styles of leadership are proposed as a triad model for French leadership. While French leadership focuses heavily on results as outcomes, French management can be either participative or closed, depending on the role of the leader. Enlightenment ideology since the time of the French Revolution may explain the overall characteristics of French leadership from a historical and cultural context. The overview of French leadership in our paper is developed from 31 in-depth interviews with mid- to high-level (ex-) managers who shared their perspectives and experience both as leaders and as followers.

The Franco-German Rivalry in the Post-Brexit European Union

A significant foundation of European stability after World War II has been the balance of power between the United Kingdom (UK), France, and Germany. The UK’s accession to the European Communities (EC) in 1973 had carried that ‘balance’ into the EC’s institutional framework. In this regard, the UK’s withdrawal from EU structures may lead to an important political and financial vacuum at the center of the Union. In the wake of Brexit, indications of anxiety and concerns about power imbalances have emerged around the question of which country or counties will steer the Union. There exit fresh post-Brexit assessments that indicate that the UK’s departure from the EU may catalyze the differences between Germany and France. This paper will discuss three essential scenarios for the EU’s political and economic future direction, namely, French leadership, German leadership, and a Franco-German partnership, for the post-Brexit period.

Deciphering the Mediterranean Policy of France through the lens of Islamophobia, Populism, and Turkey

France’s Mediterranean policy can be analyzed from a historical perspective and through the actual conjuncture related to its geopolitical and geo-cultural elements, such as the West-East civilization dilemma and colonization background. Although these two elements are complementary to each other, they intersect with the political and economic interests of the Turkish state in the region. France’s policy has become intertwined with its involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean dispute against Turkey as a result of the natural gas discovery in recent years in the region. France’s identification of Turkey as an ‘external enemy’ reflects the former’s political and economic concerns in regard to the Mediterranean gas reserves. Therefore, the envisaged French leadership in the region insists that the EU adopt an exclusionary political approach toward Turkey with the political and diplomatic support of France for Greece and Cyprus. The existing regional problems, however, need to be resolved on the basis of equity, not by ignoring the rights of the parties, but by integrating them. This is necessary for the peaceful resolution of these concerns

Германо-французские отношения в политико-военной области на современном этапе

Since the era of Cold War the dialogue with France has been too important for FRG in its efforts to strengthen its influence both in the Euro-Atlantic community and in the world. That is why the article has the goal to explore the relations between these two European powers in the security sphere from the second half of the 2010 s until the beginning of the 2020 s. The paper tries to determine the degree of institutionalization of interstate relations and the role of bilateral negotiating platforms in the creating of common position on international problems. It is also important to show the dynamics of negotiating process on the highest level. The author also examines the key articles of the Aachen Treaty (2019). In this regard the paper analyses early efforts of Emmanuel Macron to confirm French leadership in bilateral tandem. The article considers the features of German-French tactics to minimize negative impact of Brexit on the EU. Another aspect is the tandem actions aimed at weakening of negative effects of the steps of Trump`s administration over the system of international security. In this regard it`s important to show German-French contribution in the development of PESCO and also to analyse what problems and perspectives two powers may face on their way to the creation of common European army. Another interesting aspect is the features of common approach to the resolution of the armed conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, keeping JCPOA. The article also covers the «bottlenecks» and features of German diplomatic and military assistance to France in Mali. The situation shows the growing mutual interest for the deepening of cooperation in the Sahel G5 (also Burkina-Faso, Mauretania, Niger, Tchad). The author concludes about the prospects of German leadership in the tandem and its importance for both powers in the long-term.

François Guizot: The Historian in Politics

The purpose of the article is to analyze the role of intellectuals in the political life of France based on the study of the views and state activities of the famous French historian and political figure François Guizot (1787–1874). The author examines the relationship between the historical views of Guizot, his understanding of the main problems of French and European history, his public and state activities during the Restoration (1814–1830) and the July Monarchy (1830–1848). The theme of the intelligentsia in power is most vividly revealed through the personality and activities of F. Guizot. He was more than just the leading politician of the July Monarchy. He enriched such fields of knowledge as history, pedagogy, constitutional law, sociology, political science. Similarly to many of his contemporaries, Guizot pursued two careers at the same time: scientific and political. However, Guizot’s failure as a politician overshadowed Guizot as a scientist. The article concludes that history and politics have always been closely intertwined for Guizot. Guizot searched in the past for answers to questions pertaining to modern France. Guizot saw history as a direct continuation of politics. In doing so, Guizot took into account not only the lessons of the past. He formulated his concept of French leadership in Europe and built a theoretical framework for his foreign policy based on knowledge of history. In addition, the article concludes: turning to the historical heritage of France and Europe for Guizot was important not only from a practical point of view, but also from the point of view of morality and education. For him, the history of the development of civilization was the history of the moral improvement of mankind.

USSR and the Red Army through the Eyes of the French Military Attaché E. Mendras (1933–1934)

The article, largely based on new documents from Russian and French archives, examines an important aspect of Franco-Soviet relations on the eve of the Second World War: the interaction between the militaries of the two countries. The question of cooperation between the two armies was raised immediately after the signing of the Franco-Soviet non-aggression pact in 1932. The following year, the first French military attaché, E. Mendras, arrived in Moscow. A proponent of the revival of the Franco-Russian alliance, he explored Soviet reality to determine the real potential of the USSR as a possible ally. Despite a number of shortcomings of the Soviet socio-political system, Mendras came to the conclusion that the political regime in the country was quite stable, and its armed forces had the necessary resources to conduct a European war. At the same time, he questioned Moscow’s foreign policy goals and was critical of Soviet ideology as a factor in political decision-making. At first, the military attaché recommended that the French leadership enhance the alliance with the USSR. However, his attitude gradually changed against the background of a lack of complete mutual understanding with the Soviets and contradictions on the issue of rapprochement with Moscow, which cleaved the military-political leadership in Paris. In 1934, Mendras was skeptical about the prospects for cooperation with the USSR. This turn, in many ways, reflects a general change in the vector in Soviet-French relations in the mid-1930s, which led to their deterioration on the eve of the Second World War.

French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France

The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.

Nuclear reach: uranium prospection and the global ambitions of the French nuclear programme, 1945–65

ABSTRACT By the 1960s, French uranium geologists were prospecting on every continent. This paper considers the link between this form of ‘nuclear reach’ and the weapons tests, reactor sales, and scientific exchanges that characterised the French programme. The shifting status of uranium during the early nuclear age and the prospection of uranium by French geologists reveals much about the evolving ambitions of the French nuclear leadership. Geophysics and ore concentration, alongside nucleonics and reactor design, were lynchpin techniques of this era, and the diplomatic and commercial stakes involved were central to the calculations of the French nuclear leadership.

«Европейская оборона» через призму французских интересов и возможностей

The article is devoted to the analysis of the complex of problems associated with the organization of the defence structures of the European Union and the role of France in this process. The focus of the project «European defenсe», the possibility of its implementation within the EuroAtlantic space are investigated. The continuity and evolution of the European defence potential building program are shown. The concepts of «European defenсe», «European army» are analyzed and their real content is revealed. The pairing of France’s national efforts with partners in the framework of the Permanent Structured Cooperation on Security and Defence (PESCO) projects is shown; the importance of a pragmatic approach to building a «European defenсe» on the basis of a number of interstate programs of military-industrial cooperation is highlighted. The connection between the new stage of scientific and technological progress and the revitalization of plans to strengthen the defence potential of the EU is revealed. The evolution of the French leadership’s approach to building a «European defenсe» is presented, its assessment of the current state of this project, and in connection with this, features of its views on the prospects for developing a dialogue with Russia. Against the background of a slowdown in the development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy, the role of interstate initiatives outside the EU, aimed at accelerating and increasing the effectiveness of military operations, has been highlighted. The examples of individual actions emphasize the key role of states, in particular France, in the implementation of missions of a pan-European character. As a result of the analysis, a conclusion was made about the sustainable and non-opportunistic nature of the transformations in the field of military construction in the EU. A forecast is given regarding the possible scale and real fulfillment of European defence construction plans. The conclusion about the significance of the «European defenсe» project for the implementation of France’s geopolitical plans and the strengthening of its positions in the EU and in the Euro-Atlantic field is substantiated.

Cultural Diplomacy of France: Essence, Main Directions and Tools

The article is devoted to the study of "cultural diplomacy" of France in recent history. The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the fact that states use new, non-leverage levers of influence more and more, striving to spread their values and culture in the world to expand and strengthen their presence in the international arena. The French Republic, in order to revive its former greatness, has accelerated the activities of its institutions over the past decades, which can be interpreted as the manifestations of “soft power” in general, and “cultural diplomacy” in particular. The increase of the French language, culture and history status among the population of Europe, America, Africa and the Middle East is becoming an increasing priority task of the state foreign policy. This, in particular, is evidenced by the statements of the French leadership, as well as the reforms carried out in internal structures to increase the effectiveness of its "cultural diplomacy" concept implementation. The authors of the article concluded that over the past ten years, France has not only stepped up and renewed its cultural and partnership relations around the world, but also opened up new opportunities for the dissemination of information and cooperation, adapting to the diverse expectations of the audience, taking into account, first of all, the factors of multilateral diplomacy and interculturalism. This, in its turn, makes it possible to expect the increase of France foreign policy potential in the international arena. The obtained results are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing ideas about the nature, the application of "cultural diplomacy" approaches and the specifics of its influence in the world. The reliability of the study is based on a wide range of published materials, and the obtained results make a significant contribution to knowledge expansion about this problem. At the end of the article, on the basis of France experience study, they determined the potential opportunities for the development of "cultural diplomacy" of Russia.

Cultural Diplomacy of France: Essence, Main Directions and Tools

Abstract The article is devoted to the study of “cultural diplomacy” of France in recent history. The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the fact that states use new, non-leverage levers of influence more and more, striving to spread their values and culture in the world to expand and strengthen their presence in the international arena. The French Republic, in order to revive its former greatness, has accelerated the activities of its institutions over the past decades, which can be interpreted as the manifestations of “soft power” in general, and “cultural diplomacy” in particular. The increase of the French language, culture and history status among the population of Europe, America, Africa and the Middle East is becoming an increasing priority task of the state foreign policy. This, in particular, is evidenced by the statements of the French leadership, as well as the reforms carried out in internal structures to increase the effectiveness of its “cultural diplomacy” concept implementation. The authors of the article concluded that over the past ten years, France has not only stepped up and renewed its cultural and partnership relations around the world, but also opened up new opportunities for the dissemination of information and cooperation, adapting to the diverse expectations of the audience, taking into account, first of all, the factors of multilateral diplomacy and interculturalism. This, in its turn, makes it possible to expect the increase of France foreign policy potential in the international arena. The obtained results are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing ideas about the nature, the application of “cultural diplomacy” approaches and the specifics of its influence in the world. The reliability of the study is based on a wide range of published materials, and the obtained results make a significant contribution to knowledge expansion about this problem. At the end of the article, on the basis of France experience study, they determined the potential opportunities for the development of “cultural diplomacy” of Russia.

French fast food and the myth of Americanisation

ABSTRACT The rise of fast food in France has been understood by the media and scholars alike as a prime example of ‘Americanisation’. What could better illustrate the threat of American-led industrialisation and globalisation than Big Macs replacing traditional French gastronomy? However, this article argues that this Americanisation narrative is a myth that has obscured French complicity in the transnational development of fast food. French leadership in the industrialisation of the restaurant goes back at least to the turn of the twentieth century with Auguste Escoffier’s standardisation of dishes and techniques. In the 1960s and 1970s, Jacques Borel’s food-service empire pioneered industrial innovations that came to typify fast food, well before American chains like McDonald’s arrived in France. Even the American-styled hamburger chains that proliferated in France in the 1980s were initially mostly European-owned. But branding fast food as American enhanced its exotic appeal while relegating its unsavoury industrial practices to the forces of Americanisation. This in turn nourished a counter-myth of French gastronomic traditionalism and artisanship, that proved highly lucrative. Examining a range of popular media, this article reveals how national myths are constructed (and reconstructed) to serve disparate interests in a global context.