French Exceptionalism Research Articles

Fighting fans: football hooliganism as a world phenomenon

Towards a sociological understanding of football hooliganism as a world phenomenon Aguante and repression - football, politics and violence in Argentina Australian soccer's ethnic tribes bohemian rhapsody - football supporters in the Czech Republic another side to French exceptionalism - football without hooligans? football hooliganism in Germany - a developmental sociological study subcultures of hardcore fans in West Attica (Greece) the Hungarian case the dog that didn't bark? Football hooliganism in Ireland Italian ultras today - change or decline? Barras Bravas - representation and crowd violence in Peruvian football violent disturbances in Portuguese football the black cat of South Africa and the chiefs-pirates conflict soccer spectators and fans in Japan a walk on the wild side - exposing North American sports crowd disorder towards a global programme of football hooliganism research.

例外としてのフランス: なぜキリスト教民主主義政党は根付かなかったのか-世紀末の組織化の挫折と媒介構造の形成-

例外としてのフランス: なぜキリスト教民主主義政党は根付かなかったのか-世紀末の組織化の挫折と媒介構造の形成-

Euroscepticism in France and changing state‐society relations

This article seeks to explain the marked downturn in French public support for the European Union in the early 1990s. Although public support has increased since 1997, voting for Eurosceptic parties has remained important although such parties continue to be marginalized in national elections. The article discusses party‐based Euroscepticism in the context of the domestic party system and political institutions. It further analyses French policy on European integration and notes difficulties associated with domestic adjustment to macroeconomic decisions at European level, with reference to debates about ‘French exceptionalism*. It concludes that political leadership can shape public reactions to adjustment.

The end of French exceptionalism?

(1999). The end of French exceptionalism? West European Politics: Vol. 22, The Changing French Political System, pp. 205-224.

Constructing Europe? The evolution of French, British and German nation state identities

This article tackles the following puzzle. Why is it that we cannot observe much Europeanization of 'Anglo-Saxon exceptionalism' over the past fifty years, while 'Germanness' has spelt European since the end of the 1950s and 'French exceptionalism', at least recently, also comes in European colours? We argue that a combination of three factors accounts for this variation in the extent to which nation state identities have become European. The first condition is that any new idea about political order, in order to be considered legitimate, must resonate with core elements of older visions of the political order such as 'state-centred republicanism' in France, 'parliamentary democracy and external sovereignty' in Great Britain, and 'federalism, democracy and social market economy' in Germany. These older understandings of political order therefore delimit the degree to which 'Europe' can be incorporated in given nation state identities. The second condition is that new visions about political order circulating in transnational discourses can most easily be promoted domestically during 'critical junctures' when existing ideas about political order are collectively challenged and contested. Under these circumstances, perceived political interests and the power resources of political actors to a large extent explain which ideas among those available in a given context are being promoted and come to dominate. Finally, nation state identities which have become consensual in a given polity are likely to remain rather stable over time, since actors tend to become socialized into their new collective identity and gradually internalize its content. Over time, nation state identities tend to become embedded in political institutions and political culture and the degree to which political elites are able to manipulate identity constructions narrows considerably.

The Mitterrand Years: Legacy and Evaluation

List of Tables - Acknowledgements - List of Abbreviations - Notes on the Contributors - Introduction: The Mitterrand Era in Perspective M.Maclean - PART 1: SOCIALISM AND THE STATE - Moins d'Etat ou Mieux d'Etat: The French Response to the Neo-Liberal Challenge J.Hayward - A Dirigiste End to Dirigisme? E.Cohen - The Crisis of the Left and the Renaissance of the Republican Model 1981-95 S.Berstein - The Parti Socialiste After Mitterrand: a Half-Finished Modernisation D.Bell - PART 2: EUROPE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS - EMU and Presidential Leadership Under Fran?s Mitterrand K.Dyson & K.Featherstone - Independence and Interdependence: Foreign Policy over Mitterrand's Two Presidential Terms D.David - PART 3: ECONOMY AND SOCIETY - The End of French Exceptionalism? Mitterrand's Economic and Social Policy in Perspective H.Uterwedde - French Business in the Mitterrand Years: the Continuity of Change J.Szarka - Industrial Relations in France: Towards a New Social Pact? S.Milner - Women and Political Representation During the Mitterrand Presidency: or the Family Romance of the Fifth Republic S.Reynolds - The Failure of Anti-Racist Movements in France, 1981-95 P.Fysh - PART 4: HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY - Fran?s Mitterrand Between Vichy and the Resistance E.Duhamel - The Making of a President: Political Culture and Collective Memory in the Morvan M.Demossier - The Political Leader and His Heritage A.Cole PART 5: CULTURE - Mitterrand's Grands Projets: Monuments to a Man or Monuments to an Age? E.Cahm - Socialist Film Policy and the Heritage Film G.Austin - The State and the Broadcasting Media: All Change? R.Kuhn - The Silence of the Left Intellectuals in Mitterrand's France M.Cornick - Conclusion: The Mitterrand Legacy and the New Millennium Mairi Maclean - Index

La réforme militaire en France : une mutation identitaire

French Military Reform : a Change of Identity, by Jean-François Bureau Since the end of the cold war France has entered a full-fledged reappraisal of her defense doctrine and organization. The « deterring manœuvre » has ceased to be the core of her strategy, a new priority being confered on limited military opérations, most of them with the allies : in Europe, the significance of the « French exceptionalism » is no longer the same. After the Gulf war, the constitution of mobile, flexible and multipurpose forces has received more attention ; their interservices dimension still needs to be enhanced. Under pressure from past financial commitments, decisions taken in 1995 illustrate the difficulty to adjust ends and means. The end of draft leads to a new model for armed forces with a strong reduction in size, whereas the eut in of defense expenditure creates a lasting constraint that is bound to require different relations between decision-makers. The culture and « specificity » of the military institution are jeopardized. France is changing her usual relations with military might.

Remaking the hexagon: the new France in the new Europe

Introduction: challenges to French identity, Gregory Flynn. Part 1 The weight of history in France today: the legacy of traumatic experiences in French politics today, Jean-Noel Jeanneney the France we have lost - social, economic and cultural discontinuities, Richard Kuisel democratic dysfunctions vs republican obsolescence - the outcome of French exceptionalism. Part 2 Challenges to French economic order: De Francfort au franc fort - the decision for a strong currency, Jacques Le Cacheux France and global competition, W. James Adams the domestic consequences of international economic alignment, David Cameron. Part 3 Social change and political institutions: change and stability in French elites, Ezra Suleiman the deconstruction and reconstruction of the French party system, Yves Meny trade and identity - the coming protectionism?, Suzanne Berger. Part 4 France in the new Europe: France and security in the new Europe - between the Gaullist legacy and the search for a new model, Frederic Bozo order and French identity in post-Cold War Europe, Gregory Flynn thoughts on sovereignty and French politics, Stanley Hoffmann.

French Exceptionalism

French Exceptionalism

Le vote des femmes et la fin de "l'exception française"

The women's vote and the end of "French exceptionalism", Odile Rudelle. The years 1946-1983 were, with respect to suffrage, a period of dynamic difference between genders. In the contexts of Liberation, decolonization, and post cold war, this difference weighed in favor of republican constitutionalism. An analysis of the four elections which registered a significant difference between men and women (1946, 1965, 1974, and 1981) shows that the female electorate may have sought the modernization of French politics rather than the narrow conservatism feared by the opponents of women's suffrage.

Télévision et culture politique

Television and political culture, Pierre Chambat. The links between television and political culture in France should be evaluated taking into account the conjunctural convergence between the expansion of television and the creation of the Fifth Republic. Television was first associated to the liquidation of the representative parliamentary tradition by a "new regime" which made abundant use of the media to reinforce the executive's direct link with the people. With alternation and the end of "French exceptionalism", preoc- cupations emerged that were more focused on the theme of political communication and public opinion democracy.

L'histoire du temps présent dans l'enseignement secondaire des pays de la CEE

Contemporary history in secondary schools in the EC countries, Jean-Pierre Wytteman. At a time when a reform of secondary school history programs is under consideration in France, given particularly the prominent place of contemporary history and the fad of a "European history", this survey of all the EC countries may be useful. It provides a measure of French exceptionalism and of its power of persuasion.

The End of French Exceptionalism

The End of French Exceptionalism

Comment

There is one respect in which American democracy differs from both the British and French versions : it has no mass social democratic party. The story is long and complicated, but sufficiently well known so that facile generalizations may be avoided. There was a strong socialist movement in America in the early 20th century ; and at one point it might have succeeded in creating a mass party. But the Democratic party under Woodrow-Wilson captured its social base ; the trade union leaders decided their interests could be better served through the existing system. Has American democracy suffered as a result ? Is there a pressing need for a Labor party — such as the one now led by James Callaghan (to say nothing of Anthony Benn) ; or a Socialist party — like the PS led by Guy Mollet in the past, or the one being torn apart by personality rivalries today ? That would be a difficult case to prove. And what is social democracy anyway ? European socialist parties have abandoned nationalization, and for compelling reasons (let us not bother to explain French exceptionalism). Nor is the recent discovery or invention of autogestion likely to win mass support in America. Autogestion is a vague, undefinable scheme that admittedly does not now exist, and has never existed, anywhere in the world. Samuel Gompers had some choice remarks to make about similar utopian proposals in his day.