Freedom Party Research Articles

Walking the talk? The educational agenda of the Austrian populist radical right: From discourse to policymaking

This paper explores the educational policy positions in programmatic and parliamentary discourse by the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and their actual policy measures implemented in executive office. The FPÖ is one of the most successful populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in Western Europe and also served in two periods of government with the centre-right Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) (2000–2005; 2017–2019), providing a fruitful record over time. Our analysis over three decades (1990–2018) reveals that even though it’s not a highly salient policy issue, education policy has indeed become an ideological battleground for the FPÖ. At large, it uses education policy claims to substantiate the ideological core pillars of PRRPs, yet it also delivers on many of these claims once in government. This is particularly true for its culturalist claims, which trigger an increasing convergence by the centre-right partner. In contrast, the always-existing congruence of redistributive claims results in several policy decisions in both periods of government.

The nexus between political violence, patronage networks and criminality in the administration of Glebelands hostels, Durban

Background: Political violence continues to be a key feature of political life in South Africa. This violence seems to occur predominantly in the controversial KwaZulu-Natal province. Political violence that was seen during the early 1990s between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) is seen today between members of the ANC and their opposition, such as Congress of the People (COPE), and apolitical organisations such as Ubunye bamaHoistela (UbH).Aim: To analyse the nexus of political violence, patronage networks and criminality in the administration of Glebelends hostels and their effects on human security. The article relies on human security perspective to tease out the human security effects stemming from political violence, patronage networks and criminality.Methods: The article adopted a qualitative literature assessment.Results: Political violence, patronage networks and criminality in the administration of Glebelands hostels have resulted into human security crisis in Glebelands such as murders, physical attacks unemployment, poverty and post-traumatic disorder.Conclusion: The prevalence of political violence, patronage networks and crime has posed a threat to human (in) security for residents of Glebelands hostels.Contribution: The current government, which is responsible for administering the hostels, should create a safer living space for the residents of Glebelands. These could be attained if the ruling party eradicates corrupt practices from its administration of the hostel, which often impede the provision of decent services to its constituents. The allocation of hostel rooms and jobs opportunities should be done in a holistic manner.

The Rhetoric and the Reality of the New Southern Strategy: Courtland Cox, Nsé Ufot, and Charles V. Taylor Jr. in Conversation

Abstract: This article is an edited intergenerational conversation among Courtland Cox, a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in the 1960s; Nsé Ufot, former executive director of the New Georgia Project; and Charles V. Taylor Jr., executive director of the Mississippi State NAACP, on April 7, 2023. This discussion explores key issues in today's national politics, especially the role of southern Black and Brown voters and strategists, and calls for the emergence of a New Southern Strategy. Cox drew on his work with SNCC in Lowndes County, Alabama, in the 1960s, which focused on voter registration and the development of the Lowndes County Freedom Party, while Ufot discussed her work leading the New Georgia Project as they transformed Georgia's electorate, and Taylor highlighted his work on the 2015 Better Schools, Better Jobs Ballot Initiative 42 in Mississippi.

Assessing Analogical Acceleration in Public Discourse: The Case of the Buthelezi–Savimbi Comparison and South Africa’s Transition

Politicians often deploy analogies to shape public discourse. If picked up by the media, these references to the past can powerfully shape how political events are perceived. This article examines why some analogies became popular through an exploration of the creation and development of the analogy comparing Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party in South Africa, to Jonas Savimbi, the leader of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola, during South Africa’s transition. Tracing the evolution of the Buthelezi–Savimbi comparison through an analysis of media reports indicates that analogies that possess predictive power are likely to gain traction in public discourse and become effective tools for policy advocacy.

The nature of a populist and radical-right foreign policy: Analysing the freedom party’s participation in the right-wing Austrian government

What impact do populist and radical-right ideas have on a country’s foreign policy? Although research on the nexus of populism and foreign policy has taught us much about populists’ conduct of foreign affairs, we still lack distinctive categories characterising the nature of a populist and radical-right foreign policy. Furthermore, the impact of populist and radical-right parties on foreign policy and the question of how to measure this impact is still unanswered. This article seeks to address this research gap by examining the populist and radical-right Freedom Party’s participation in the Austrian government from 2017 to 2019 and by applying a mixed-methods approach to government programmes and official press releases. Overall, the article makes three contributions to the literature. First, it proposes distinctive categories of a populist and radical-right foreign policy conception. Second, it introduces an approach to measure the impact of this conception on a country’s foreign policy. And finally, it determines this impact on Austria’s foreign policy.

Transforming Marginalised Politics into Mainstream Agenda—“Shameless Normalisation”

In this paper, I discuss the swing to the (far-)right in (Austrian) party politics during the election campaign and national election on October 15, 2017. This transformation is caused, I claim, by a process of normalisation, an accommodation to the, sometimes also extreme-right, agenda of formerly right-wing populist parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The election campaign of both the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and the FPÖ focussed primarily on migration and refugee politics, based on a politics of fear and resentment. After first attempting to define the phenomenon of right-wing populism, I trace how tabooed and extreme right contents slowly became acceptable, as soon as the ÖVP shamelessly integrated some (not all) aspects of the FPÖ’s election program.

CHINESE DIPLOMACY OF BILATERAL RELATIONS: ANANALYSIS OF CHINA- SRI LANKA RELATIONS

CHINESE DIPLOMACY OF BILATERAL RELATIONS: ANANALYSIS OF CHINA- SRI LANKA RELATIONS

Cadet Ladies

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of women in the Constitutional Democratic Party from its very foundation up to the preparation of the organization for the elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1917. The author seeks to reconstruct a socio-cultural portrait of “cadet ladies”, to find out the factors that could have influenced their entry into the party and to characterize their activities in the organization. Special attention is paid to the position in the party hierarchy that women could occupy, as well as to the opportunities for advancement in it. Cadet ladies were mainly responsible for maintaining the organizationʹs welfare, housekeeping, logistics, events and charitable institutions, but at the same time were actively involved in key decision-making, although they did not have the same political rights as men. Moreover, women gained the right to vote after the February Revolution, the number of Cadet ladies in key party positions increased dramatically, which confirms their importance to constitutional democrats. Characteristic features of the socio-cultural portrait of the women of the Peopleʹs Freedom Party are also highlighted. Cadet ladies grew up in post-reform Russia, when social and economic changes in the country and society had a huge impact on the process of womenʹs emancipation. The opportunity to receive a quality education, acquire a profession and work, to choose a spouse out of mutual respect and similarity of views — all these served as factors for acquiring the subjectivity that later allowed the cadet ladies to become the political phenomenon discussed in this article.

Substituting the Opposition under Electoral Authoritarianism: The Case of the Russian Regional Parliamentary Elections in 2021

Abstract Political scientists have long known that modern electoral autocracies can use quasi-democratic institutions to neutralize the danger posed by the opposition. Participation in elections by completely controlled spoiler parties proved to be an effective tool for maintaining authoritarian stability. However, researchers know few cases of how aging authoritarian regimes create systemic semi-independent opposition in order to increase turnout and split the votes of the systemic opposition. Based on a database of candidates from single-member districts (SMD) in the 2021 regional parliamentary elections in Russia with more than 2,200 unique observations, we show how the participation of candidates from the newly created New People, Green Alternative, and the Russian Party of Freedom and Justice affected the electoral results of United Russia and two parties of the ‘old’ systemic opposition.

Russian Revolution and the Issue of Culture in Mikhail Rostovtsev’s Treatise “Society and Economy in the Roman Empire”

Mikhail Ivanovich Rostovtsev (1870 – 1952) was one of the well-known Russian, and since 1920ies – American, historians of antiquity who contributed substantially to various areas of antiquity studies. Furthermore, politics and public activity were very important for him not only as the subject of study and analysis with reference to the distant past, but were also the sphere of his direct activities during many years: he was a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party (Popular Freedom Party) since 1905, and in 1917 he was member of the committee managing the party printing plant, and when in emigration was elected the party Central Committee member. In his publicism he many times ardently touched on various aspects of Russian revolution and post-revolutionary reality. In the present article the author attempts to interpret the key theses of Rostovtsev in his fundamental work “Society and Economy in the Roman Empire” devoted to the crises in the 3d century A.D which he termed revolution, from the point of view of his understanding of Russian revolution and the its results and consequences. In the long run the authors believe that the comparison of the two revolutions send us to the implicit vision of the existing tension between “high culture” and the “masses”, and they attempt to explicitly state this vision.

Spatial analysis of Lithuanian youth turnout: Results of 2016-2020 parliamentary elections

The paper analyses spatial differences in voter turnout during the 2016 and 2020 Lithuanian Parliament elections. The article delves into the problem of spatial differentiation of young voter turnout, paying special attention to the most segregated metropolitan regions. The relationship between youth turnout and changes in the support of individual parties in different polling units is also sought. The results show that the voting activity of young citizens depends on their political preferences towards right-wing parties. Political preferences and turnout are polarised in central and peripheral regions and new political players such as the Freedom Party can influence young residents’ political behaviour.

Symbolic Politics as a Tool in Social Protest

The article analyses the concept of symbolic politics and its potential for explaining the mechanisms and means of struggle used by social protest movements. A detailed discussion of the protest events that took place in Lithuania between 2021 and 2023 reveals how the symbolic capital of major national holidays and commemorations was exploited by the opposing political forces.Between 2021 and 2023, social discontent was rising in Lithuania and so was the number of mass protests in the country. The latter differed significantly from the previous ones not only in the geography and social composition of the participants (mostly not the residents of Vilnius but those of the province, representatives of the so-called lower social classes), but also in the problems and political demands they identified. The rhetoric used was more typical of the ‘culture wars’, with demands for systemic changes and calls for the resignation of some high-ranking officials or even institutions, such as the government of the Republic of Lithuania. The frequency of these protest events and the number of protesters have also been noticeably rising.The main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction of some citizens were the domestic and foreign policies implemented by the ruling coalition formed by the TS-LKD (Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai, Homeland Union-LithuanianChristian Democrats), the Lithuanian Liberal Movement (Lietuvos liberalų sąjūdis, LLS), the Freedom Party (Laisvės partija, LS) and the government it appointed at the end of 2020, as well as the legislative initiatives reflecting the so-called gender discourse. These protests were suppressed with the help of a negative image of the protesters in the mainstream media and (not always adequate to the situation) by demonstrating the measures taken by the force structures structures to control the civil unrest. However, early in 2022, protesters spontaneously discovered and exploited, sufficiently effectively, unconventional or openly counter-conventional symbolic political tools: they used major national holidays and commemorations and public events organised on those occasions, which became an arena for demonstrating openly their negative attitudes towards the political elite.With this in mind, the aim of this article is to take a closer look at the official commemorations of 13 January, 16 February, and 11 March, the three most important national dates in 2022, and the forms of civic dissatisfaction that were expressedduring them. The category of symbolic politics was used as a theoretical basis for the study and is presented in greater detail in the article. In addition to sources such as public speeches of politicians, broadcasts of these events, TV reports or discussions about them in official and social media, etc., anthropological participatory research was chosen as a significant method of analysis.Taking into account the specifics of the development of post-Soviet countries, the topic of the exploitation of cultural memory, especially related to the era of the national movement Sąjūdis (the time of the restoration of the state) in the accumulation of symbolic capital and in the solution of topical socio-political problems was of particular importance for the analysis of the interaction of symbolic politics and social protest. The mass protests of 2021–2023 illustrate how the Sąjūdis epoch and the political values and programming of Lithuania’s development put forward during that era are still being used to challenge, reject, and create a vision contrary to the currently established political discourse and its order, including the commemorative ritual. The ongoing struggle for the right to control the symbolic legacy of the Sąjūdis and the lack of ‘feedback’ in political communication are fuelling hostility and radicalisation on both sides of the conflict. The struggle for the appropriation of the memory and moral capital of the Sąjūdis (and of the first Republic of Lithuania, from which the Sąjūdis evolved legally and symbolically) has become extremely significant for each of them, because the appropriation of this resource also plays the role of the legitimation of a particular political group. Denying the political opponent the right to this symbolic resource simultaneously denies any legitimacy they may have and at the same time eliminates them symbolically from the field of political competition.

Sticking to the core or going beyond? The Austrian freedom party’s educational approach in a longitudinal perspective

ABSTRACT Although populist radical right parties (PRRPs) are actively studied in recent years, few research has addressed their approach to education policy. Previously not considered one of their signature issues, this paper argues that education has become important for PRRPs too. In a case study of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ), one of the most longstanding and successful PRRPs in Western Europe, we explore key pillars of the FPÖ's educational positions and their development over time. Drawing on qualitative content analysis of party programs, election manifestos and plenary debates from 1990 to 2020, our analysis shows that the policy area of education has indeed become an ideological battleground for the FPÖ. Its educational positions are largely grounded in the ideological core of PRRPs and comprise a fundamental critique of mainstream parties’ dominance in educational institutions (anti-mainstream); a nativist division on all levels of education (nativism); the advocacy of merit-based educational institutions coupled with authoritarian instruments of schooling (merit); and a plea for more liberalisation and competition in schools (liberalisation). Over time, positions become more nuanced, albeit only within the already established traits. These findings corroborate theoretical arguments for the influence of growing party age and government experience on PRRPs’ positions.

AUSTRIAN POPULIST RIGHT AND TÜRKİYE: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS FOR FPÖ

The rise of populist radical right parties in the last decades is one of the most significant political developments in Europe. The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) which was founded in 1956 is considered as a remarkable example in terms of using anti-immigrant and xenophobic discourses and affecting Austrian politics for more than half a century. In this article the FPÖ’s anti-Türkiye rhetoric is investigated by using discourse analysis. The Turkish community in Austria growing since the 1960s, the cultural differences and Türkiye’s EU membership discussions are the main topics used by the FPÖ to influence the public opinion. Therefore, it is aimed to reveal how and why FPÖ relates its nationalist, anti-immigrant, anti-Islam rhetoric to Türkiye and Turks. The FPÖ’s anti-Türkiye discourse is a noteworthy example of how a radical populist right-wing party targets another country, part of its own population and its cultural identity for its political pursuits.

МОЛОДЁЖЬ И ПОЛИТИКА: МЕЖДУ ЛИБЕРАЛЬНЫМ ИДЕАЛОМ И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЦЕЛЕСООБРАЗНОСТЬЮ

The purpose of the article is a historical and legal analysis of the features of the youth policy formation during the transition of domestic liberalism from the level of theoretical developments. The authors consider the concepts of transformation of the socio-political system of Russia at the stage of political and organizational constitution of liberal political forces of the early 20-th century. Youth and politics is a complex and multifaceted subject that uses historical, political and sociological analysis, comparison and syn-thesis. For a more complete study, the authors use an integrated approach that combines various methods and principles. Based on archival materials of the collegial governing bodies of the People's Freedom Party, con-gresses, conferences, the Central Committee, as well as sparsely distributed materials of the Moscow and St. Petersburg committees of the party, an analysis of inter-action with youth organizations is presented. The authors trace the evolution of ideas about ways to involve young people in the political environment. As a result, the authors conclude that not everyone reacted unambiguously regarding the expediency of student youth participation in the party life of cadets. It is shown that the basic trend of the youth policy of the Russian liberals remained the refusal to involve students in the process of political struggle. The consequence of this is the loss of popularity among Russian liberals among students, as well as the predominance of the influence of radical political forces of Russia on students.

Do populist parties in government produce unconstitutional policies? Evidence from Austria, 1980–2021

AbstractIn a rising number of countries, populist parties participate in coalition governments. While there exists a consensus that populism is incompatible with core tenets of liberal democracy on a conceptual level, we know much less about whether or not the participation of populist parties in government constitutes a threat to liberal democracy in practice. We study the impact of populist parties in coalition governments using a novel dataset of more than 2000 laws that were under review at the Austrian Constitutional Court between 1980 and 2021. We provide evidence that the court did not find laws passed by governments that included a populist party unconstitutional more often than those passed by non‐populist governments. Our findings indicate that the Austrian Freedom Party did moderate its policy while in office. The results imply that it is necessary to distinguish policy positions in party manifestos and party rhetoric from policies actually implemented by governments.

Co-constructing ‘the’ Ummah: the mutual relations of (populist) far right and islamist politics

ABSTRACT This article explores populist-oriented far right and islamist discourse through a relational lens to examine how the category of ‘the’ people, specifically the ummah, is co-constituted. In focusing on the islamist category of ‘the’ ummah, the article examines how far right and islamist discourses work together to co-construct an antagonistic frontier. Rather than categorising distinct party families, a relational lens is employed to render visible how both islamist and far right discourses invest in an antagonistic ‘ummah’, or Muslim collective. Through a case study of far right (Party for Freedom) and islamist (Hizb ut-Tahrir) discourses that aim towards separating the Muslim from the secular and liberal Self/Other, the article examines the mutual grounding of an antagonistic frontier. Adhering to the primacy of antagonism in political identification, the article demonstrates a populist conception of ‘the’ ummah is activated and mobilised by both nationalist and islamist forms of articulation. In doing so, the article contributes to the conception and empirical discussion on prevalent forms of radical (and extremist) politics.

Islamophobic Discourse of European Right-Wing Parties: A Narrative Policy Analysis

In Europe, in tandem with growing social anxiety regarding the so-called threat of Islamization, right-wing, populist parties have increasingly positioned themselves against Muslims and Islam to the point of becoming anti-Islam parties. This paper deconstructs Islamophobic discourses of the Freedom Party of Austria, the League, and the Alternative for Germany through narrative policy analysis and shows that they are built upon a similar narrative of a villain, victim, and hero. Muslims are depicted as villains that pose a threat to Europe, while national and European cultures are presented as victims, threatened by Islamic practices which are cast as irrational, dominant, and violence-prone. The depiction of Muslims as villains and European culture and society as victims gives these parties an opportunity to create a “hero” character for themselves. By presenting proposals, such as bans on Islamic practices, these parties narratively construct themselves as heroes determined to save their countries and European culture. Disregarding the heterogeneity of Muslims and Islamic traditions as well as the contribution of Muslim scientists and philosophers, these parties depict a simplistic picture of the world in which they appropriate for themselves the role of protector. Character construction in Islamophobic discourses raises important questions about multiculturalism, tolerance, and religious freedom in Europe.

Bir Cumhuriyet Aydını: Cihad Baban’ın Gazeteciliği ve Siyasal Yaşamı

Irak’ın Süleymaniye şehri köklü ailelerinden Babanlar/Babanzadeler ailesinden gelen Cihad Baban, Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde yetişmiş, önemli ve iz bırakan aydınlardan biridir. Mensubu bulunduğu Babanlar, Osmanlı Devleti’nin son döneminde ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde değişik ve yüksek mevkilerde bulunmuşlardır. Baban’ın ortaöğrenimi sırasında amatörce başlayan gazetecilik hayatı, 1934 yılında profesyonel bir hal almış ve neredeyse vefatına kadar kesintisiz devam etmiştir. İstanbul Hukuk Fakültesini bitiren Baban’ın en ağır basan özelliği donanımlı ve işin ehli bir gazeteci olmasıydı. Bu özelliği doğrultusunda gazeteciliği bir yaşam biçimi olarak özümseyen Baban, birçok gazetenin kuruluşunda öncü olmuş, hem kuruluşunda bulunduğu gazetelerde hem de diğer kimi gazetelerde başyazarlık yapmış, ayrıca değişik görevler ifa etmiştir. Gazeteciliği kadar olmasa da siyasi yaşamı ile de dikkat çeken Baban ikisi İstanbul, ikisi İzmir ve biri Çanakkale’den olmak üzere beş dönem milletvekili seçilmiş, iki defa da bakanlık koltuğuna oturmuştur. Bağımsız ancak Demokrat Parti yakınlığı ile başlayan siyasal yaşamında Hürriyet Partisi’nin ve Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin de önemli bir yeri vardır. 1946’dan 1960’ların sonuna kadar siyasetin içerisinde aktif bir şekilde bulunmuştur. 27 Mayıs 1960 Darbesi’nden sonra Basın-Yayın ve Turizm Bakanlığına getirilmiştir. Türkiye’nin dış siyasetinde de kendisine birçok kez sorumluluk yüklenilen Baban, 1970’lerde aktif rol üstlenmemiştir. 12 Eylül 1980 Darbesi sürecinde Kültür Bakanlığı ile siyasete yeniden aktif dönüş yapmıştır.

AUSTRIA: PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN THE CRISIS ERA

Incumbent Austrian president Alexander Van der Bellen obtained re-election with a clear win in the early October 2022. He has been in the office since 2016. The whole presidential campaign was heavily influenced by the current pan-European crisis caused by the ongoing military operation in the Ukraine. Main political parties in Austria – People’s Party (Österreichische Volkspartei – ÖVP) and Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs – SPÖ) – did not field their own candidates, choosing to indirectly endorse Van der Bellen instead. His main opponent was a candidate from the Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs – FPÖ) W. Rozenkranz. Unlike previous presidential elections in 2016 the current campaign did not bring any major surprises and the result of re-election of the incumbent president was pretty much determined beforehand.