Political Freedom Research Articles

The Business of Liberty: Freedom and Information in Ethics, Politics, and Law, by Boudewijn de Bruin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. 240 pp.

The Business of Liberty: Freedom and Information in Ethics, Politics, and Law, by Boudewijn de Bruin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. 240 pp.

Sustaining development in Nigeria through liberal democracy

Development is a pivotal process for human existence. The unique feature of the development is that it involves an active engagement of everybody. In Nigeria, the situation is different because, with the inception of self-rule particularly the return of full democracy in 1999, the system of politics disguisedly revolves around the interests of the few (bourgeois). National interests are handled like private property by the selected few who came into power on the basis of socio-economic status, tribe, and religion. However, people who are supposed to contribute to the transformation of the state are neither not voted into power because of their tribe nor allowed to participate in national decisions. Nigerian politics in a nutshell stifled all efforts of true democratization because of greed which sidelines the welfare of the masses. Advocates of development insist that the process can only be sustained in a society where there is a principle of equal opportunities. By this, the principles of right, law, and government should aim at shielding different personalities as illustrated in the principles of liberal democracy. Liberal democracy maintains a political value that incorporates equality and widens the horizon for religious, economic, political, and intellectual freedom of citizens. It is on this basis that this study suggests liberal democracy as a vital system which can transform the socio-economic and political situation of Nigeria. The study recommends that to sustain development in Nigeria, stakeholders should prioritize the welfare of the civil society against material gains and selfish interests of the few elites.

‘He has not been playing the game with us’: Paul Kirchhoff in imperial Britain

ABSTRACT The decision by the British Colonial Office to prohibit the German-born anthropologist Paul Kirchhoff from entering any empire African colony, including South Africa, created a diplomatic problem as well a nearly derailing a major research project, ‘the Changing African’, developed by the German linguist Diedrich Westermann, London School of Economics (LSE) anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and JR Oldham, secretary of the London-based International Institute of African Languages and Cultures (IIALC). This paper examines academic and political freedom, as well as the treatment of émigré scholars – those forced to leave for political and/or racial reasons –, in interwar imperial Britain and its colonies using Kirchhoff as a case study. It scrutinizes the role of government and its instrumentalities on the appointment of researchers, using political affiliation as a key factor; secondly, it investigates how quasi-academic institutions, such as the IIALC and the Australian National Research Council (ANRC) acquiesced to government demands. It also illuminates the transnational aspect of security services and the international reach of academic anthropology. Thirdly, it traces the impact such actions had on research project(s), that is, how research projects were modified considering a perceived or anticipated response by government and its instrumentalities in the colonies and dominions.

Uber mobilities, algorithms, and consumption: Politicizing ethical reflection

Based on an ethnography of Uber’s arrival in Buenos Aires, Argentina, this article uses a political economy approach to think politically about ethical reflections concerned with what good mobilities are, how they should be governed and what kinds of relations they entail. I found that particular understandings of what algorithms were and did, and how, however spurious, superficial or derivative, triangulated the differential salience and (re)production of juridical technicalities, political philosophy, naturalized mobilities and ideas of moral and political freedoms to modulate an ethical orientation to mobility in the grammar of facts, realpolitik, a kind of freedom and an attunement to ‘the bottom line’. Ultimately, my goal is to understand through this particular kind of mobility how certain problems become ethical in certain forms to certain people, and how particular dispositions prevail over others.

Violence and Impunity: Democratic Backsliding in the Philippines and the 2022 Elections

As president from 2016 to 2022, Rodrigo Duterte captured the judiciary, dominated the legislature, attacked the media, and presided over a campaign of mass killing, leaving an estimated 30,000 alleged drug criminals dead. Despite wielding vast amounts of power, Duterte stepped down after the national elections on May 9, 2022 in a largely peaceful transfer of power to Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son and namesake of the former dictator deposed in 1986. Why did Duterte amass power without causing full democratic collapse into authoritarian rule? The Philippines experienced backsliding to competitive authoritarianism: while elections remain free and somewhat fair, other features of democracy like civil liberties and political freedoms have eroded badly because of mass violence. The Philippine case demonstrates the autocratizing e ect of an emerging form of political violence: a focused campaign of state terror that produces fear and electoral success. I present evidence from two cases—the national "war on drugs" and its local antecedent in Davao City—to explain how violence escalates, provokes accountability, evades culpability, and contributes to democratic backsliding without immediate collapse to authoritarianism. With the election of Marcos Jr., the impunity of the former incumbent is likely to become institutionalized, and democratic backsliding is unlikely to be reversed.

Freedom As and Against Democracy

Freedom As and Against Democracy

Five Republics and One Tradition: A History of Constitutionalism in Chile 1810–2020 by Pablo Ruiz-Tagle

<i>Five Republics and One Tradition: A History of Constitutionalism in Chile 1810–2020</i> by Pablo Ruiz-Tagle

Impact of Cultural and Environmental Factors on the Adoption of AAOIFI Accounting Standards in MENA Countries: Logistic Regression and Neural Networks

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of cultural and environmental factors on the decision of adoption of Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI) in MENA countries. Precisely, we empirically diagnosed the impact of culture, the origin of the legal system, economic growth, the presence of National Shariah Council and the political freedom on the adoption of AAOIFI. Data from 44 countries belonging to the MENA region was used and compared between 26 countries adopting the standards of AAOIFI and 18 not adopting during the period 2007-2017. The paper used a Logit regression analysis to model the binary decision to adopt the AAOIFI or not. Additionally, neural networks were performed to test the robustness of the results of the logistic regression. We found that all macroeconomic factors affected the decision of adoption. Furthermore, the neuronal model showed that the level of education and the political freedom were the most important factors influencing the adoption of AAOIFI. Keywords: AAOIFI standards, culture, legal origins of law, political freedom, economic growth, logistic regression, neuronal networks.

Is social spending pro‐poor in developing countries? The role of governance and political freedom

AbstractThis article extends the existing literature on the social spending‐poverty nexus by testing the proposition that the quality of governance and the political freedom status determine social spending effectiveness in developing countries (DCs). Our analysis helps explain the surprising result documented in prior studies, of no clear evidence that higher social spending, especially on education and health, translates to a significant reduction in poverty in DCs. Using unbalanced panel data of a large sample of DCs covering the period 1980–2019, we demonstrated that the impact of public spending on poverty is significantly reduced in countries that have a poor quality of governance and in those with relatively few political freedoms. This result is robust to a change in the poverty indicator and type, and the estimator used in regression models. This finding implies that improving the efficacy of social spending through improving governance and political freedom is as crucial as increasing the scale of this spending in the poverty alleviation strategy of DCs, especially those with limited public resources. Our empirical analysis also revealed other novel results about the socioeconomic factors most likely to explain poverty in DCs.

Father James Page: An Enslaved Preacher's Climb to Freedom by Larry Eugene Rivers

Reviewed by: Father James Page: An Enslaved Preacher's Climb to Freedom by Larry Eugene Rivers Alexis Wells-Oghoghomeh Father James Page: An Enslaved Preacher's Climb to Freedom. By Larry Eugene Rivers. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2021. Pp. xvi, 311. $39.95, ISBN 978-1-4214-4030-9.) Despite the prominence of Afro-Protestantism in the historiography of Black religion in the United States, few studies devote more than a chapter to the lives of individual enslaved and freed Christians, on account of the scarce and disparate nature of sources by and about them. In Father James Page: An Enslaved Preacher's Climb to Freedom, Larry Eugene Rivers uses James Page's rare autobiographical account and a range of supporting sources to offer a full-length biography of the preacher, starting with his enslavement and extending through the postemancipation era. Described by Rivers as "a committed father and husband, a teacher, a sexist, a segregationist, a moralist, a pluralist, a pragmatist, an overseer/manager, and a conservative political leader," Page led a life that typified the lives of other late-nineteenth-century enslaved and freedpeople in its precariousness, yet it evinced uncommon privilege on account of his literacy and relationship with slaveholders (p. 232). Through his narration of Page's extraordinary life, Rivers offers an in-depth look into how slavery's rigors shaped Christianity among the enslaved and at the proliferation of Afro-Protestantism in the wake of emancipation. Following the arc of Page's autobiography, Rivers traces the preacher's life in slavery from his birth in Richmond, Virginia, in 1808 through the Civil War—in the process revealing as much about the lives of bondpeople held by slaveholder John Parkhill as about Page's emergence as a spiritual leader. Throughout the biography, Rivers strives to paint a sensitive yet accurate portrait of Page as a young man striving to carve out a space in the world amid the uncertainties and negotiations endemic to life in slavery. Despite Page's atypical privileges, many familiar historical experiences and events are threaded throughout the narrative. Born to an enslaved woman and a free man, Page apparently remembered little of his parents, despite spending much of his early years with his mother, Susie Page, and younger brother, Tom. Rivers depicts Page's life as being heavily shaped by his slaveholder John Parkhill, whose conversion to Christianity, marriages, investment failures, economic growth, and death determined Page's literacy, separation from his mother and brother, movement from Virginia to Florida, elevation to the role of overseer, and ordination. Attending to Page's words, while filling in what might have been left unsaid, Rivers narrates Page's growth as a Baptist preacher in slavery and as a reluctant political leader afterward. Page's role as overseer on Parkhill's Florida plantation coincided with his ascension as a spiritual leader, and Rivers appropriately questions whether fear, as opposed to devotion, compelled Page's flock. According to Rivers, Page developed a Trinitarian, spiritually egalitarian, otherworldly theological stance that reflected his careful negotiation of his position within enslaved and slaveholding, Black and white societies. Rivers unabashedly brands the preacher a conservative both in terms of his adherence to patriarchal gender norms and in his continued economic and political partnerships with former slaveholders after freedom. Juxtaposing [End Page 552] Page with his more progressive African Methodist Episcopal Church counterparts, Rivers presents the varied ways Black Protestant leaders responded to freedom in the South and offers insight into how denominational affiliations aligned with sociopolitical stances. Page's extraordinary sociopolitical career as the founder of Bethel Baptist Sunday School, a registrar, and a justice of the peace in Leon County, Florida, cautions against one-dimensional portraits of historical figures and the all-encompassing projections of terms like conservative and progressive. In the end, Page was a complex individual whose measured political activities were a part of a larger landscape of Black people striving toward economic and political freedom, even as his relationships with former slaveholders enabled him to plant Baptist churches throughout the South. Besides adding to a corpus of knowledge regarding Afro-Protestantism, Rivers models the methodological creativity necessary for excavating details about the lives of people...

Milli İktisattan İslam İktisat Düşüncesine: Ekonomik Çağdaşlaşmada Özgünlük Arayışı

Bu çalışma Osmanlı’nın son dönemlerinden başlayarak günümüze değin Müslüman toplumlarda giderek artan ekonomik çağdaşlaşma arayışlarını ve bu alandaki entelektüel katkıları ele almaktadır. Sanayi devrimi sonrası kapitalizmin küresel bir boyut kazanması ile Batıda ortaya çıkan yüksek refah üretimi karşısında Osmanlı’nın son dönemlerinde, özellikle Tanzimat dönemi sonrasında, başlayan ve günümüzde halen devam etmekte olan iktisadi özgünlük arayışları çağdaş Müslüman toplumların siyasi ve ekonomik geleceklerini belirlemede oldukça kritik bir önem kazanmıştır. Tanzimat sonrasında sıklıkla dile getirilen milli iktisat söylemi ile sömürge sonrası küresel düzende artan İslam iktisadı söylemi bu açıdan kapitalizme alternatif olabilecek ortak bir arayışın son yüzyılın farklı dönemlerindeki benzer çözüm arayışları olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. &#x0D; Bu çalışma, her iki söylemin de kapitalizmin geçirdiği evrelerden, sanayi kapitalizmi ve finans kapitalizminden bağımsız düşünülemeyeceğini iddia etmektedir. Dönemin önemli aydınlarından Ahmet Midhat ekseninde geliştirilen milli iktisat vurgusu da finans piyasalarının küresel boyut kazandığı çağda ortaya çıkan İslami finans da bu anlamda kapitalizme bir alternatif olmaktan çok İslami bir soft kapitalist çözüm sunmanın ötesine geçememiştir. Çalışma yöntem itibariyle Ahmet Midhat’ın iki temel eseri üzerinden milli iktisat söylemi ile çağdaş İslam iktisadı arasında mukayeseli bir söylem analizi benimser.

Об упадочном характере эллинистической философии

The purpose of the article is to identify the factors that influenced the formation of the idea of the decadent nature of Hellenistic philosophy. It is established that Hegel and E. Zeller played an important role in the formation of this idea. The formation of the idea of the inferiority of Hellenistic philosophy was influenced by the problem of sources. Serious gaps in the sources led to a distorted view of the philosophy of Hellenism. Underestimation of the philosophical teachings of Hellenism is the result of the idea of their moral and practical orientation and a low level of speculative and scientific. The negative attitude towards the philosophy of the Stoics, Epicureans and skeptics was promoted by the idea of the dominance of individualism in these teachings. The last factor is the thesis about the decadent nature of the Hellenistic era, which was caused by the loss of political freedom by the Greeks

The China Effect: Democracy and Development in the 21st Century

The China Effect:Democracy and Development in the 21st Century Obert Hodzi (bio) The basic tenets of democracy are under threat worldwide as governance and human rights re-emerge as sources of ideological contention between China and the United States. Freedom House reported that between 2005 and 2020, "the number of Free countries in the world reached its lowest level…while the number of Not Free countries reached its highest level."1 African countries are prominent in this ideological contention due to their political and economic proximity to both powers. The majority of countries that Freedom House found to have regressed are in Africa and, in particular, sub-Saharan Africa, where since 2010 there have been fourteen successful military coups, most recently in Chad, Mali, Guinea, and Sudan. In all these countries, militaries re-emerged as political players in the countries' governance, shrinking the space for civil society and civilian politics. Africa is not alone, however; democracy faced major setbacks from ultra-nationalism, populist regimes, threats to minority rights, and attacks on the freedom of the press even in European Union countries such as Hungary and Poland. At the core of these challenges to democracy and political freedom is the shifting balance of power from the West to China, suggesting a showdown between authoritarianism and democracy. Undoubtedly, the emergence of nondemocratic powers such as China that contest the assumption "democracy leads to development" adds new complexities to democracy's global crisis. In short, China's extraordinary economic growth illustrated the efficacy of a strong developmental state without political pluralism. Accordingly, as China increases its influence abroad—particularly in Africa—concern is rising in the West that "the share of international power held by highly industrialized democracies is dwindling as the clout of China, India, and other newly industrialized economies increases."2 As such, an [End Page 51] understanding of what and how exactly China's rise impacts democracy and development is necessary. The "China effect" on democracy and development is complex, in part because China does not seem to actively promote its governance and development model abroad. This approach is different from the United States and the EU, which promote democracy and human rights as part of their foreign policy, including as conditions for foreign aid and bilateral development assistance. Instead, China professes a policy of noninterference and makes no demands for states to align themselves with its norms or governance model, except to acknowledge the "one China" policy. This noninterference policy seemingly offers less to understand how China is challenging the global democratic hegemony and restructuring international development. This essay highlights China's strategies to expand its influence and how they are playing out in Africa. It examines the linkages between the rise of China, internal contradictions in the West, and the resolve in Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Rwanda to implement alternative development and governance models. China is at the intersection of these factors. Although the essay focuses on China, it cautions against an exaggerated focus on China and the overestimation of Beijing's capacity to mold the world into China's own image; instead, it urges an agency-focused perspective to emphasize the strategic localization of nondemocratic political norms and practices by political elites in the three African countries—Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Rwanda. These three states are examples of countries that strategically adopt a major power's policies and attractive example to extract benefits from that power. The essay concludes that China constitutes both a threat to democracy and sustainable economic development and at the same time an opportunity for refining redundant liberal norms and ideas. China's Influence Expansion Strategies Despite its extraordinary economic growth, China acknowledges that its military and economic power are insufficient to directly challenge the liberal international order, which underwrites the West's promotion of liberal democracy and the basic principles of international development. China also lacks the historical political connections to developing regions—and African countries in particular—possessed by the United States and European states such as France, the United Kingdom, and Belgium. However, China is pragmatic: it is using its economic capabilities [End Page 52] to create "parallel infrastructures of influence" to the Western-created global institutions, such as the grand...

From Official to Grassroots Racism: Transformation of Anti‐Chinese Sentiment in Indonesia

AbstractIndonesia has a long history of racism towards its Chinese population dating back to colonial times. Its population has suffered through discriminatory policies and a series of racist riots, some sponsored by the state. This article examines the transformation of racism towards the Indonesian Chinese by summarising the past, before investigating recent developments. While the Chinese have enjoyed unprecedented political freedom since the fall of the racist New Order regime, they have been witnessing worrying developments, including: continuing racist attitudes of some officials and political elites; a proliferation of Shariah‐inspired bylaws in the regions; and lastly, unresolved grassroots racism. Grassroots racism has become more difficult to tackle as it has intertwined with religious issues, making being anti‐Chinese justifiable. This article suggests that a counter‐narrative from Islamic moderate civil organisations would be needed to redress the religious sentiment in native Chinese relations.

COLONIAL RULE AND MUSLIM WOMEN

Relevant to any attempt for amelioration of woman’s conditions was the history of Muslim people in general and that of Muslims in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent in particular. This paper highlights Muslim women’s struggle for their rights movements in British India. Their continuous struggle altered educational and political institutions, allowing them to emerge from seclusion and participate more actively in the nation's public life.&#x0D; It is said that when women in the developed countries were agitating against their own male regarding their rights, a similar struggle had begun in the subcontinent where men started encouraging participation of women in education and politics, appreciated, and sometimes patronized it. The imperialists in India reversed the economic and social milieu. By strengthening system, British fortified the position of the feudal and tribal lords which not only contributed towards solidifying the struggle for Muslim Women’s Rights in the British India but also resulted in lowering the status of women. The British, on the other hand, did not believe it was necessary to extend their politics into all aspects of life. As a result, local laws continued to apply in family and personal matters like as marriage, guardianship, and inheritance, and the status quo between men and women was maintained. After a prolonged protests and struggle for women’s rights, the central legislature undertook legislation on issues relating to Muslim women such as child marriage, property rights, widow remarriage, divorce, etc. Muslim women had to resisted on the laws imposed by imperialists as most of it were the violation of their fundamental rights, and that they were mostly successful i.e., law of inheritance 1937. The paper shows that women's struggles for educational and political freedom had a significant impact in the British India Particularly in 1940s during Pakistan Movement. Everyone is aware of the social changes/developments that occurred at that time. However, few people acknowledge that women had a key role in bringing about these developments. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that women have achieved tremendous progress and have paved the way for more reforms in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.&#x0D;

Charles Taylor’s Ideal of Modern Identity in the Context of the "Liquid Modernity" Realities

Purpose. The article aims, through a comparison of the modern identity as presented in Charles Taylor’s concept with the Postmodern era identities, to show the strengths and weaknesses of Charles Taylor’s position on preserving or prolonging the Modern era identity to our time, as well as to define the specifics of liquid modernity compared to the New Age. Theoretical basis. Given the relevance of the topic of the human search for authentic existence in the modern world, the author analyzes Taylor’s belief that the moral ideal of authentic identity emerged in the New Age. This ideal to contrast the idea of it in the previous periods is not set from the outside but is formed or created by a human himself. In addition, it is so powerful and productive that it must be fought for nowadays. After Taylor, since the existence of modern people tends to experience negative distortions associated with the focus on consumer individualism, instrumental thinking, and their loss of political freedom, the only possible way out is to turn to the ideal of authenticity of modern times. However, the article emphasizes that the modern studies of the Second Modernity (U. Beck) or liquid modernity (Z. Bauman) show a rather radical change in social reality, which, accordingly, requires new types of identity. Originality. The article argues that the identity formed in the New Age had signs of authenticity only owing to the socio-economic system of the time that formed a human as a self-acting being who determines his or her destiny. This person was characterized by such traits as individualism, self-sufficiency, self-reliance, victory, heroism, and so on. However, the article emphasizes that today the situation has changed radically, as the reality of the Postmodern era is characterized by the fact that instead of stable, clearly defined life forms and institutions we are dealing with changing, fluid, "liquid" (Z. Bauman) institutions and behaviours of people. Diversity, uncertainty, and pluralism are the hallmarks of this era that need to be taken into account in one way or another. Therefore, although Taylor’s arguments for defending the modern identity are logically invulnerable, they have the disadvantage of not taking into account the irreversibility of the changes that have taken place in modern reality. Therefore, the ideal of authenticity formed in the New Age may not be adequate in the times of pluralism and the development of other dimensions of identity. Conclusions. Taylor’s interpretation of modern authenticity was based on the idea of man as one who constantly constructs himself and is focused on the future, which we can imagine, plan and make some effort to achieve. This position of Taylor is criticized in the article. I substantiate the view that both the moral ideal and its components can change in the process of historical development. This becomes clear if we take into account the gap that manifested itself in the shift of value orientations during the transition from the Modern to the Postmodern era. Nowadays, we have a process of changing the basic conditions that determined the identity of a modern human, and the formation of new basic conditions that are suggested as requiring identity redefinition in a post-industrial network society.

They Warned (Soviet Scientists Who Foresaw The Collapse of The Ussr)

The works of Soviet scientists who warned in the 60–70 years about the possibility of the collapse of the USSR are analyzed. In the book "Will the USSR live to 1984?", published in 1969, historian Andrei Amalrik identified the causes of the possible collapse of the USSR (the elimination of the most active and capable from the life and composition of the ruling class, the decrepitude of the regime, the degradation of morality and deideologization) and even named its approximate dates. In a note to the leaders of the government party dated March 19, 1970, physicists Sakharova and Turchin and historian Medvedev showed the slowdown in the sixties in the USSR of economic development and technological progress, the standard of living of the population, the growing lag in these areas from developed capitalist countries. They linked these phenomena with the lack of freedom of thought and creativity, political freedoms. The economist and historian Akhiezer analyzed the history of Russia and, based on the revealed cyclical development of Russia and the huge factual material about political and economic development, predicted perestroika and its collapse, accompanied by the collapse of the USSR. Khanin produced alternative estimates of the dynamics of the economic development of the USSR and its factors by a number of methods. A steady decline in the pace of economic development and resource efficiency has been revealed since the seventh five-year plan. On this basis, a significant reduction in the national income of the USSR was predicted from the mid-80s. B.N. Mikhalevsky, head of the Forecasting Department of the Central Research Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences, in 1967 made a forecast of the development of the Soviet economy for the next 10–15 years. Based on an in-depth analysis of the structure of the Soviet economy and real inflation figures, it predicted a decline in industrial production and the standard of living of the population while maintaining the previous economic policy. It is shown that the authors of forecasts of the possible collapse of the USSR were either persecuted or their opinion was ignored. It is shown that ignoring warnings about the possible collapse of the USSR is explained by the authoritarian nature of the Soviet social system, the low intellectual level of the Soviet leadership of the 60s and 70s, and fears of losing power. The article analyzes the appearance of the authors of warnings about the collapse of the USSR.

Liberty and Freedom. Hegel on Civil Society and the Political State

&#x0D; The contribution places Hegel‘s political philosophy, chieflypresented in Elementsof the Philosophy of Right from 1820 but already adumbrated in The GermanConstitution from 1799-1802, intothe context of the quarrel between the ancients and the moderns about the relation between thecitizen andthe stateand the corresponding differentiation of political freedom and civil liberty. In particular, the contribution attributes to Hegel a third, conciliatory position beyond the establishedopposition between the ancient republican ideal of civic commitment and service and the modern emphasis on individual choiceand personal self-fulfillment.&#x0D;

Rousseau’s illiberal constitutionalism: Austerity, domination, and the circumstances of politics

Abstract While contemporary commentary on illiberal constitutionalism has focused on questions of democratic procedure—highlighting populist attacks on constitutional structures—a rather different dimension or tradition of illiberal constitutionalism is found in the constitutional projects of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. While the illiberalism of Rousseau’s theory of political freedom is well understood in abstract terms, the illiberalism of his substantive constitutional proposals has not been commented upon to the same extent. In this article, I argue that the illiberal constitutional devices he prescribes for specific eighteenth-century societies help shed some light not only on the foundations of Rousseau’s antiliberal philosophy, but also, relatedly, on certain weaknesses or blind spots of liberal constitutionalism, particularly in its orientation towards questions of freedom and domination. While Rousseau aims to foster social and economic austerity using constitutional devices, this not only illustrates an alternative dimension of illiberal constitutionalism, but also speaks to a dimension of freedom and domination—especially in the symbolic and cultural realms—that liberal constitutionalism tends to ignore.

القوى المؤثرة في تكوين الثقافة السياسية العراقية: رؤية اجتماعية سياسية

The research sought to show the most prominent forces influencing the formation of political culture in Iraqi society. The political culture suffered before 2003 AD to a great scaling by the political system, which was working to instill, a culture of submission and loyalty to the system, as well as the use of means of coercion to suppress any attempt to put forward ideas or Political practices aimed at participating in power. This led to a culture of submission and loyalty to the political system and not opposing it. After 9 April 2003, the form of the political system changed from a totalitarian system to a democratic one, and from a one-party system to a multi-party system. Thus, the citizen was given a wide space to exercise political rights and freedoms, and an opportunity to develop a culture of participation instead of traditional political cultures and a culture of submission.