Free Press Research Articles

Media politics in Japan: News journalism between interdependence, integrity, and influence

AbstractAlthough Japan is generally considered a liberal democracy with a free press, concerns about media independence have repeatedly been raised. The World Press Freedom Index ranks Japan last among G7 nations. One of the major reasons for its performance lies in a deep-rooted entanglement of the mainstream media with the political establishment, which is said to promote a climate of self-censorship and impede courageous, critical journalism. While the government-approved reporters’ clubs (“kisha clubs”) are often cited as lying at the heart of the problem, there are other relevant structural and historically grown factors hindering the improvement of press freedom: Despite theoretical constitutional protection, media governance in Japan does not provide an adequate framework for journalistic independence; furthermore, revolving door politics, editorial interventions and informal arrangements are well-established practices inside the sphere of media and politics. Nevertheless, there have been those critical moments when the mainstream media, in fact, influenced the course of politics. Setting out from the present condition of media democracy in Japan, this article traces back the historical roots of the seemingly firmly ingrained relationship between journalism and the state. Thereby, it portrays the ambivalent interdependence between the media and politics, and the dilemmatic tension between journalistic integrity, economic interests, and political influence. Finally, it explains why the current hegemony of the legacy media in the public sphere may eventually face a silent, but profound transformation in light of digitization and advancements in artificial intelligence.

Press Freedom in Romania: Regulation, Realities, and Expectations in the Context of Adopting New European Regulations

Part of the freedom of expression, press freedom is guaranteed in Romania by the fundamental law. After the repeal, in 2012, of the press law adopted during the communist period, no new press law has been adopted. There have been initiatives in this regard, but the opposition from journalists, who feared the introduction of restrictions on press freedom, has been stronger. Although Romanian legislation is, as stated, aligned with European standards, in reality, the freedom of the press in Romania has been subject to some criticism. Reports from international organisations, such as Reporters Without Borders, have highlighted various issues, such as political pressures on journalists, self-censorship in the media, and excessive concentration of ownership in the media industry.The adoption of new European regulations could bring significant changes to the field of press freedom in Romania. Such regulations could impose higher standards for protecting journalists against political pressures and could promote transparency and pluralism in the media. In consequence, the adoption of new European regulations is expected to bring significant benefits for press freedom in Romania, strengthening the role of a free press in democratic society and contributing to the protection of citizens' fundamental rights to information and media pluralism. Keywords: Press freedom; Political pressure on journalists; European regulations; Right to information and media pluralism

“The Throttling of the Free Press in Cuba”: Exploring Transnational Journalism and Sigma Delta Chi’s Advocacy for Press Freedom in Cuba, 1959–1962

ABSTRACT Members of Sigma Delta Chi (SDX), the largest journalism professional organization based in the United States, engaged in advocacy for transnational freedom of information and press freedom in Cuba between 1959 and 1962, between the Cuban Revolution and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Analysis of archival sources—including SDX member records, correspondence, and declassified government reports—and content in the official SDX magazine, reveals three themes: justifying a Latin America section with a primary focus on Cuba, the throttling of the free flow of information in and from Cuba, and documenting transnational flows of propaganda from Cuba and news from United States-based Cuban exiles to Cuba. Communist threats to reporters and democratic news organizations increased, and news management from the Cuban government and US government influenced information flows during this period. These findings add to the histories on free press advocacy abroad, cross-border journalism, and international press-politics in the context of US and Cuba relations.

Press Insecurity during Anglophone War Coverage in Cameroon: Ways to Protect Marginalized Journalists

As the global media community prepares for World Press Freedom Day 2025 culminating and the Academic Conference on Safety of Journalists, attacks on journalists and the profession are diversified as never before. Military regimes and democratic governments prevent journalists from accessing and reporting news correctly. That scenario exists in the Republic of Cameroon (aka LRC), where some eight million predominantly English-speaking people in Cameroon and abroad struggle for recognition as a separate nation from the Republic of Cameroon. The struggle has been disfigured by misinformation on social media platforms, unreliable reporting of the crises, and journalists having limited access to news and information sources. LRC’s military and pro-independence fighters often prevent journalists from reaching affected groups, particularly refugee inhabitants facing inhumane treatment by the military, thus possibly fearing backlashes from government officials, human rights advocates, the United Nations Human Rights Council, pro-independence groups, and Free Press Unlimited.Using straw polls, email surveys, and telephonic surveys carried out periodically between January 2022 and March 2024 on news reporters and journalists serving four independent newspapers in the Anglophone region, this presentation shall highlight newsgathering and reporting practices during the war. This paper offers possible solutions for the gridlock inter-alia: (i) ways of re-establishing integrity in journalism as a credible news bank and (ii) how journalists in nations excluded from mainstream social, economic, educational, and cultural life should be protected against punitive activities facilitated by international partners, particularly donors.

The Ambiguities and Vagaries of Popular Control: Trust and Parochial Corruption in Early Modern England

Abstract Over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and across Britain’s empire, the idea took hold that a public office was a fiduciary trust, with legally and rhetorically enforceable duties of accountability, selflessness, and duty of care. Coupled with a remarkably free press which enabled the exposure and pursuit of corrupt activity, and petitioning activity that put pressure on Parliament, this development fostered important ideas and practices of public accountability. Yet, as the second half of the article shows, these were often difficult to effect and sustain at the local level, especially in large urban parishes, where campaigners were sometimes able to mobilize popular support for anti-corruption investigations but also faced a degree of indifference that meant change and reform were protracted, patchy, and by no means certain. Thus, on the one hand, popular control—or perhaps better, popular accountability—advanced in conceptual, legal, and some practical ways; but on the other, in some circumstances it was difficult to implement and was blunted by a range of factors that limited popular pressure and worked against reform. This article thus problematizes a linear narrative of unfailing progress toward greater accountability, highlighting instead the variety of local experiences and the nature of anti-corruption as an ongoing process. Both the central state and the parish state faced similar challenges, albeit in different contexts.

Unmasking the Authoritarian Mob Boss: A Critical Analysis of Donald Trump’s Political Leadership

This article comprehensively examines Donald Trump’s political leadership, arguing that his tenure as the 45th President of the United States exhibited characteristics commonly associated with authoritarian mob bosses. Drawing upon various empirical evidence and theoretical political science frameworks, the study sheds light on the underlying dynamics that shaped Trump’s leadership style and its implications for democratic governance. The analysis begins by contextualizing Trump’s rise to power within the erosion of democratic norms. It explores how his rhetoric, characterized by demagoguery and the demonization of opponents, mirrors the tactics employed by mob bosses to consolidate their power and suppress dissent. Moreover, the study uncovers the striking similarities between Trump’s administration management and the hierarchical structures of organized crime, highlighting his reliance on loyalty, personal connections, and a disregard for institutional checks and balances. Furthermore, this research delves into Trump’s autocratic tendencies, as evidenced by his disdain for the free press, attacks on the judiciary, and attempts to undermine the integrity of democratic processes. It reveals how these actions align with the strategies employed by authoritarian leaders to silence opposition and perpetuate their dominance. By examining Trump’s presidency through process tracing, this study contributes to our understanding of the complex relationship between authoritarianism and the erosion of democratic institutions. The findings underscore the urgent need for continued scholarly and public scrutiny of leaders who exhibit traits akin to authoritarian mob bosses to safeguard the principles of democratic governance and protect the integrity of liberal democracies.

The Singapore Free Press and the War of 1898 in the Philippines

The <i>Singapore Free Press</i> and the War of 1898 in the Philippines

Response to Focus Issue

ABSTRACTBarnett responds to three articles that put the thought of Søren Kierkegaard in conversation with modern popular media. He argues that each of these pieces demonstrates that Kierkegaard's criticism of the burgeoning free press remains relevant today, particularly in the areas of journalistic practice, mental health, and political responsibility. At the same time, however, Barnett wonders if the radical nature of the Dane's critique has been fully considered. For Kierkegaard, in other words, it is not just that popular media have flaws in need of correction; it is that the media constitute “the evil principle in the modern world.”

Impact of corruption control, free information flow, and ICT infrastructure on China's outward foreign direct investment

ABSTRACT This study examines the interplay between corruption control, Information and Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructure, and free information flow, assessing their collective influence on China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI). Based on unbalanced panel data on China's OFDI flows to 182 countries from 2005 to 2020, we find that improved corruption control measures and advanced ICT infrastructure in host countries significantly increase China's OFDI. Furthermore, a more robust information flow, facilitated by e-participation and a free press in the host country, enhances the positive influence of corruption control measures on attracting China's OFDI. Importantly, the beneficial effect of corruption control on China's OFDI is amplified when the host country has well-developed ICT infrastructure that supports e-participation. By elucidating the complex interplay between institutions, ICT, and international business activities, this study contributes novel insights into the understanding of ICT's role in socioeconomic development, particularly in the context of foreign investment.

Abstract 1292: ProTALKS: A community outreach project founded by a graduate of the CaRE2 Community Scientist Research Advocacy training program, Mrs. Lynn Jones-Turpin

Abstract ProTALKS was created and led by a community member committed to reducing prostate cancer health disparities. ProTALKS stands for Prostate Cancer Outreach, Opinions, and Opportunities and is designed to increase awareness of prostate cancer prevention, research, and treatment as well as highlight the health disparities observed in Black communities. According to the Florida Department of Health, prostate cancer incidence and mortality rates among Black men living in Duval County are higher compared to men of other races and ethnicities. Therefore, there is a need for programs like ProTALKS that focus on early detection strategies and promoting community resources. In collaboration with the Prostate Health Education Network (PHEN), The American Legion Post 197, and Florida Blue, ProTALKS has increased access to services such as prostate cancer screening and evidence-based information. Community events implemented by ProTALKS bring together oncologists, researchers, key community leaders, health educators, and providers to educate and promote positive health behavior changes among high-risk communities. In addition to hosting health fairs, ProTalks has hosted grilling competitions and community awareness walks to further educate the community about prostate cancer prevention, screening, and research. ProTALKS also shares information through the local newspaper, The Jacksonville Free Press, The Lynn &amp; Friends radio show, and social media platforms. Since its start in 2021, with support from the Florida-California Cancer Research, Education, and Engagement (CaRE2) Health Equity Center, ProTALKS has implemented more than 10 community events with over 1,000 community members from Jacksonville, Florida. ProTALKS, in collaboration with CaRE2, continues to disseminate information about cancer screening, the importance of clinical trial participation, and donating biospecimens for cancer research. Although ProTALKS has been successful in its mission, there have been challenges throughout its implementation. For example, one challenge has been increasing the number of community members attending events and using appropriate marketing techniques to promote ProTALKS’ activities. Future implications to avoid challenges include recruiting more volunteers, and partnering with other community organizations in Duval County. Citation Format: Lynn Jones-Turpin, Ileana Guzman, Brooke Hensel, Fern Webb. ProTALKS: A community outreach project founded by a graduate of the CaRE2 Community Scientist Research Advocacy training program, Mrs. Lynn Jones-Turpin [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 1 (Regular Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(6_Suppl):Abstract nr 1292.

Representations of the Quebec nation through reactions to Bills 21 and 96: an analysis of editorials and Op-eds in English-language media

This article examines the representations of the Quebec nation in English-language media, specifically focusing on editorials and Op-eds which discuss Bill 21 An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State and Bill 96 An Act Respecting French, the Official and Common Language of Quebec. The study explores the perspectives expressed by members of the dominant English-speaking group in response to these nation-building policies introduced by Quebec public officials between 2019 and 2023. Specifically, it asks: How do editorials and Op-eds in established English-language newspapers represent the Quebec nation in response to Bill 21 and 96? In doing so, the research uncovers how the Quebec nation and its nation-building enterprises are portrayed in the media by examining four established newspapers: the Globe and Mail, the Winnipeg Free Press, the Montreal Gazette, and the Calgary Herald. Mobilizing a qualitative and inductive critical content analysis approach, it highlights core common themes and key normative and regional variations in the perspective advanced by the media outlets.

Shushing the press shortens lives: cross-national evidence of the impact of press freedom on life expectancy.

Press freedom around the globe has deteriorated over the past decade, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper explores the effect of press freedom, as a cornerstone of democracy, on life expectancy. Exploring cross-country data, we use the ordinary least square method to estimate the association between press freedom and life expectancy. In addition, we adopt three novel instrumental variables to explore the causal relationship. Our estimations indicate that a freer press leads to higher life expectancy, and the effect exists independently of the level of democracy. In addition, the effect of continuous exposure to press freedom is stronger than sporadic free press status. The results are robust to measurement errors, influential outliers, and country-specific heterogeneity. This study reveals the fundamental role of press freedom in promoting public health that was previously underexplored. Therefore, enhancing freedom of expression can be an effective tool to address three of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, that is, reduce under-five mortality, improve maternal health, and combat HIV/AIDS.JEL:I1 H7 D02.

Journalistic Practices in Difficult Times: The Cases of Fictional Television Series Borgen and El Caso in Denmark and Spain

This study sets out to understand how journalism is represented in the Danish fiction series Borgen and the Spanish series El Caso: Crónica de Sucesos. The aim is to provide an understanding of how journalism is conceptualized in non-American fiction. Through textual analysis, we found out that Borgen (years 2010 and up) represents a generational and evolutionary conflict in which journalistic values are restrained by political and commercial imperatives reflecting challenges in Danish journalism. As such, this series criticizes the free press myth—commonly found in American fiction series. El Caso (1960s) also engages with this myth through the representation of journalism practices embedded in Spain’s Francoist regime that balance public and political-religious interests. However, El Caso smooths over this conflict to illustrate how journalists cleverly overcame the censorship of the Catholic church. Both series explore the gendered and cultural obstacles of their respective contexts and eras.

Beyond the Income: The Normative Effects of Unemployment in the Goldfields of Welkom, Free State, South Africa

ABSTRACT “Beyond the income” puts emphasis on the need to go beyond income loss to understand the meaning of wage labour, and the effects that unemployment and inequality have on people. This ethnographic and in-depth interview-based research focused on the experiences of unemployment among South African black men—ex-mine workers in their fifties and sixties who had worked on the Welkom goldfields—and found that they suffered three types of loss: economic loss, psychological harm and social exclusion. These findings illustrate that, while income loss is crucially important for workers globally, unemployment has far-reaching effects other than income loss. Income loss interconnects with other types of loss (psychological and social). E. Durkheim (1964, The Rules of Sociological Method. New York: The Free Press) and G. Therborn (2013, The Killing Fields of Inequality. Wiley) foreground the importance of taking into consideration income loss, but they also demonstrate the need for approaches that take into consideration anomie and existential inequality to understand that unemployment has greater effects on its victims than only income loss. The research has relevance for the debates on basic income grants. Because the loss involved in unemployment is greater than income loss, ex-mine workers’ loss cannot be solved only by the income support offered through a basic income grant. The basic income grant would only go to the extent of responding to income loss, but it would be limited in relation to the normative aspects that were fulfilled by wage labour. The paper concludes by suggesting that going beyond the income broadens our understanding of the effects of wage labour, unemployment, and inequality, and that this understanding should inform research, policy (social and economic), and movement building.

Protecting “No Surprises” Journalism: Why Courts Should Preserve the Actual Malice Privilege for News Media that Include the Subject’s Response to Allegations of Misconduct

The recent onset of the “fake news” era has brought with it a wave of public discussion about the importance of ethical journalism. The sheer volume of misinformation from non-traditional online sources has had the corollary effect of also reducing the trust of many in traditional news sources. This is especially the case when the report involves alleged misconduct or scandal, which stands to potentially benefit opponents of the subject person or organization. Traditional news sources have fought vigorously to both differentiate “fake news” and reinstate public trust in sources committed to ethical journalism. But what exactly is “ethical journalism”? Do recognized legal protections relating to free speech and free press rights at all encourage ethical journalism over tactics used by those peddling fake news? The Society of Professional Journalists summarizes the concept well in providing simply that: “Ethical journalism should be accurate and fair.” A key tenet in ensuring both accuracy and fairness is the principle that a journalist should “diligently seek” out the person or organization that is the “subject” of a developing news report “to allow them to respond to criticism or allegations of wrongdoing.” This principle is referred to by many as the “no surprises rule” because it gives the subject a “fair chance to refute the facts” for publication. The Washington Post goes so far as to say in its current Policies and Standards that “[n]o story is fair if it covers individuals or organizations that have not been given the opportunity to address assertions or claims about them made by others.” It is this fundamental “discipline of verification” that “separates journalism from other forms of communication such as propaganda, advertising, fiction, or entertainment.” According to core principles established by the United States Supreme Court in a line of relevant cases, the free speech and free press rights guaranteed by the First Amendment should incentivize the “no surprises rule” and most often protect news media that include the subject person’s response to allegations of misconduct in the published report. Specifically, in most reports involving a public controversy, the news media defendant should be protected by the “actual malice privilege” in a subsequent libel lawsuit brought by the subject person because such person qualifies as a “limited purpose public figure.” However, a lingering dicta observation made in one Supreme Court opinion in this relevant line of cases has created the potential for confusion on this point. Perhaps even more problematic are two artificial self-defense-based exceptions to the actual malice privilege that have been established in two federal circuits, which remove protection of the news media in many relevant circumstances. These exceptions have only become more confused and conflated as they have spread. Given the increasing need to protect and encourage ethical journalism in the online age, and the recent interest from some members of the Supreme Court in reevaluating the scope of the actual malice privilege itself, consideration of the issue is critical at this time. This Article demonstrates that, in most circumstances involving a public controversy, a news media defendant should be protected by the actual malice privilege in a subsequent lawsuit brought by a libel plaintiff that responded to the alleged false statements in a published report. In sum, this Article shows why such a libel plaintiff should be considered a limited purpose public figure.

All I Want for Christmas is Someone to Vote for the LVT: Commentary on Detroit Free Press Article

All I Want for Christmas is Someone to Vote for the LVT: Commentary on Detroit Free Press Article

Hard Truths: Libel by Implication Doctrine and the Need for a Uniform Standard

Since the inception of the tort of libel, claims against the media have created a tension between the First Amendment’s commitment to a free press and the desire to prevent reputational harm to individuals. Further complicating the issue are cases in which plaintiffs allege that literally true statements are defamatory based on implications created through juxtapositions or omissions of facts. This is known as libel by implication, a tort currently governed by states through a patchwork of varying standards and interpretations. Not only does the lack of uniformity leave journalists without due notice of the law in the jurisdictions they are reporting on, but also it encourages forum shopping by plaintiffs and attacks against the media. A solution is critical: libel by implication claims have become increasingly popular with politicians seeking to dispel criticism — precisely the speech the First Amendment was intended to protect. To best protect crucial reporting in an era of animus towards the press, this Note argues that states need to adopt a uniform standard for governing libel by implication that requires a showing that (1) the implications of the article are false and (2) the journalist acted with actual malice in publishing them. “I imagine it’s no surprise by now that many courts and commentators have complained that defamation law is a ‘quagmire,’ lacks ‘clarity and certainty,’ is ‘overly confusing’ and ‘convoluted,’ leaves courts ‘hopelessly and irretrievably confused,’ and ‘has spawned a morass of case law in which consistency and harmony have long ago disappeared.’” Dallas Morning News, Inc. v. Tatum, 554 S.W.3d 614, 643 (Tex. 2018) (internal citations omitted).

The paradoxical image of democracy, votes, and elections in the selected African states

Voting and elections are regarded as quintessential democratic and policy behaviours. The problem with elections is that they do not fully mean democracy. The rationale behind the latter is that regular, free and fair elections do not provide for individual freedoms, political equality, empowerment, an independent civil society, a free press, or scope for deliberation-all key components of liberal democracy. Moreover, elections serve as a pivotal instrument designed to express and simultaneously reinforce the principles (representation, equality, and participation) on which democracy is founded. In democracy, communities exercise their voting rights to elect their representatives, who in turn hold the bureaucracy accountable for implementing decisions that affect the welfare of local communities. Looking at South Africa among African countries, the introduction of a democratic dispensation came with opportunities for the previously excluded citizens. Therefore, Section 195 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, emphasizes that 'people' needs must be responded to and the public must be encouraged to participate in policy making. The Paper seeks to give a comparison of democracy and elections in selected African countries. Often countries tend to practice elections and perceive democracy differently. This conceptual paper employed the use of a desktop study and has retrieved its basic contribution and argument from the existing literature on democracy and elections in Africa. Furthermore, the article discovered that in most cases citizens’ beliefs, preferences and behaviors change through political engagement, and further recommends that during voting campaigns and elections, a diversity of issues such as culture, beliefs, tradition, and individual preferences should be considered.

Lord Byron and the Free Press: A Burkean Outlook?

This article endeavours to resolve the apparent inconsistencies between Lord Byron’s advocation of the free press and his suppression of the revolutionary press in Missolonghi. The novel approach uses a methodological framework based on recent studies on Byron’s forms of thinking and Edmund Burke’s ideas on prudential judgement and rejection of metaphysical abstraction in political matters. After a brief outline of Byron’s experience of censorship and a short analysis of The Vision of Judgement , his clash with Stanhope and motives to suppress The Greek Chronicles are investigated. The set of ideas articulated by Burke is used as a prism to interpret Byron’s actions and resolve prima facie inconsistencies. Overall, it is suggested that Byron’s relativist and sceptical outlook was subtly Burkean in regard to the free press, a framework that could be used in future research to resolve further questions in Byron studies.

A Century of JMCQ Legal Issues in Media: Scholarly Commitment to Free Press, Free Speech, and More

This systematic review of more than 300 Journalism &amp; Mass Communication Quarterly (JMCQ) articles on media law since 1924 documents what a vital scholarly outlet the journal has been and continues to be for research on freedom of the press and speech. While defamation law remains a popular topic, journalism and mass communication scholars have expanded their focus to a wider range of media law issues, including privacy, copyright, student speech, journalistic privilege, free press v. fair trial, advertising, and issues involving other media. JMCQ has been refreshingly open to international and comparative law, moving away from a U.S.-centric approach to media freedom. The review highlights a decline in the number of media law articles published in recent years, possibly due to competition from alternative journals, manuscript length limitations, and the APA-style requirement. Nevertheless, media law scholarship remains essential, offering invaluable insights into the evolving legal landscape of media.