The village of Ferryden, Scotland, has 800 people and two Presbyterian churches. The larger one, the Established Church of Scotland, is state-supported, the smaller one, the United Free (Continuing) Church, is not. Supporters ofthe latter regard members of the former as traitors, yet the doctrinal differences between them may at first seem rather small to an outsider. As one Ferrydener said, one kirk, ye stand to sing and sit to pray; in the other, ye sit to sing and stand to pray. To understand how a small village can sustain two churches and why feelings about them run so high, we must look not at the formal differences in doctrine?what they might mean to an outsider considering attendance?but rather at their symbolic meaning for the people of Ferryden. In doing so, we find that this meaning derives from the social transformation of the community from a homogeneous fishing village to a divided, partially suburbanized dormitory for people perceived by the fisherfolk as incomers. The two churches come to stand for this division. In a previous article (Nadel 1984), I argued that the Ferryden fisherfolk clung to their occupational identity despite its stigmatization by outsiders, and despite their dependence upon new forms of work, because without it they would lose their most precious possession: the sense of belonging to a community. In short, fisherfolk identity has become a way of staking a moral claim upon the home of their ancestors. Here I investigate the process by which Ferryden fisherfolk (and Scottish fisherfolk, more broadly) of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries used both the dissenting Free Kirk and revivalism for social and psychological advantage and as a means for social change. In doing so, they elevated their own perception of what fisherfolk identity meant, giving it a gloss of respectability and virtue that it had never had before. During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Scottish fishing commu? nities were reputed to be strongholds of paganism and the Established Church appeared to little hold over their lives. From the middle of the nineteenth century, however, the fisherfolk came to be known for fervent religiosity, adhering to different Christian sects of varying doctrinal and ritual strictness (Anson 1974:47). In fact, the fisherfolk ofthe northeast have been described as apt to embrace every new form of religion on offer (Fraser 1983:22). Revival movements were especially popular in the 1850s, 1870s, and the 1920s. They were often inspired by itinerant missionary preachers from other parts of the English-speaking Protestant world, including Ulster, England, and the United States, but were frequently led by local men who had undergone sudden and