Fourth King Research Articles

Genealogy of the Raja Alam Pagaruyung Dynasty in Kitab Salasilah Rajo-Rajo di Minangkabau (1336-1825)

Studies on the history and genealogy of the Raja Alam Pagaruyung are still limited, one of the reasons is the lack of written sources. Previous studies have only revealed several kings in Pagaruyung, such as Adityawarman (14th century AD), Sultan Ahmadsyah, and Gagar Alam (17th - 18th century AD). Therefore, this study aimed to explain the history and genealogy of the Raja Alam Pagaruyung from the 14th century to the 19th century AD. This study used historical research methods: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historical writing. The two main sources are a photocopy and the translation book of Kitab Salasilah Rajo-Rajo di Minangkabau manuscript. The results of this study showed that the Raja Alam Pagaruyung Dynasty was the descendant of previous king dynasties, namely the dynasty of kings in Bukit Siguntang (Palembang), Sumpur Sireno Puro, Malayu Tapi Air Jambi, and Ranah Tiga Laras (Dharmasraya). The existence of Raja Alam is related to Dewang Palakama Raja Indra Dewawana (Adityawarman) as Raja Undang in the Rajo Tigo Selo concept (1336-1376). Later, the term Raja Undang was changed to Raja Alam by Dewang Pandan Putowano as the fourth king (1420 – 1457). The first 12 Kings of Alam Pagaruyung reigned at Balai Gudam, but since the Yamtuan Bakilap Alam period (1543), they moved to Balai Janggo.

THE LOST OF OLD DEMAK SULTANATE CITY PATTERN

This article reveals that the problem of sedimentation on the coast causes the loss of the old city. Sedimentation caused the Demak sultanate (1478–1586) no longer be on the coast and lose its power as a Maritime kingdom. What was the old Demak city shape? Historical records state that the strait had become a swamp and experienced frequent flooding. After going through three generations from 1478–1546, the fourth king moved the Demak to Prawata Hill (1546– 1549 AD). Due to the lack of maps and historical data, we analyze the old Demak using maps and pictures of contemporary Javanese sultanate cities such as Cirebon (1506-present) and Banten (1526–1815). We also use its predecessor kingdom, Majapahit (1293 to 1527 AD) as a reference and the successor sultanate as an analytical tool. The long-lasting sultanate had a city centre that grew and developed with complete urban facilities and infrastructure. The sultanate had a short life; the city core was still intact as the city nucleus, like Demak. Due to geological problems, the king needed more time to complete the city plan with city facilities. Demak was a transitional city from the Hindu/Buddhist-Islamic concept and coastal city to the inland concept.

Ferdinand II of Aragon (1479–1516)

Ferdinand II king of Aragon (1479–1516). He was the fourth king of the Trastámara dynasty, which had first come to power after the Compromise of Caspe, reached after Martin I died with no living descendants in 1410. Although in terms of artistic patronage Ferdinand II was not as active as his wife Elisabeth I, he was still aware that the wise use of artistic commissions in reinforcing ideas and concepts favourable to the institution of the monarchy. He is a highly important figure in the history of Spain because, along with Elisabeth, he was one of the Catholic Monarchs and thus represents a new conception of power based on their joint governance, a fact that is reflected in the iconography found in his artistic commissions across all genres. All of the images are evidence of how King Ferdinand, at the end of the Middle Ages, wanted to be recognised by his subjects, who also used his image for legitimising and propagandistic purposes. Nobody else in the history of the Hispanic kingdoms had their image represented so many times and on such diverse occasions as did the Catholic Monarchs.

ACCULTURATION OF ISLAMIC CULTURE AND SAYYANG PATTU’DU AT DESA LERO, DISTRICT SUPPA, REGENCY PINRANG

The tradition of sayyang pattu'du is the ancestral culture of Mandar which is combined with Islamic culture, as a form of appreciation to the children who love the Qur'an, so it becomes a motivation for children to immediately attend the Qur'an. The sub-problems in this study, namely 1) How the beginning of the emergence of the tradition of Sayyang Pattu'du, 2) How is the procedure for implementing the tradition of Sayyang Pattu'du in the village of Lero, 3) How is the acculturation of Islam with the tradition of Sayyang Pattu'du. and the purpose of this research is to find out the beginning of the emergence of the tradition of Sayyang Pattu'du in the village of Lero. This type of research is descriptive qualitative research using data collection techniques namely observation, interviews, and documentation. The approach used is historical approach, sociology, anthropology, phenomenology and theology. Data analysis techniques used are deductive, inductive and comparative. The results showed that: the beginning of the emergence of the tradition of sayyang pattu'du when Islam entered in the land of Mandar during the reign of the kingdom of Balanipa, namely the fourth king Daetta tommuane, which was under the preachers. Then it was developed by K.H Muhammad Tahir Imam Lapeo, so that this tradition developed and was carried out until in the village of Lero because the majority of the population was the Mandar tribe. In the village of Lero, the implementation of the sayyang pattu'du tradition was carried out every two years coupled with the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. The procedure for implementing it is through several stages, namely first preparing the things needed, ma'barasanji, marrattas baca and parrawana. This tradition is an acculturation of Islam and the culture of Mandar ancestral ancestors. The acculturation of Islam and the culture of the ancestors of the mandar found in the tradition of sayyang pattu'du are khatam al-Qur'an, the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad, reading of barzanji, traditional customs of Mandar, Mandar art (rawana and kalinda'da), motivating others, and hospitality

Corporate governance: the inputs to outcomes evolution

Purpose The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that there was a clear shift from the First King Report in 1994, which advocated an input approach to corporate governance, to the Fourth King Report in 2016 that proposed an outcomes-based approach to corporate governance. It will be demonstrated that there was a gradual shift from an “apply-or-explain” approach in the earlier editions of the King Reports, to an “apply-an-explain” approach in the fourth edition of the King Report. Design/methodology/approach Historical narrative and analysis. Findings The fourth King Report, published in 2016, encapsulates an evolution in corporate governance thinking where four good governance outcomes – ethical culture, good performance, effective control and legitimacy – are placed at the forefront of measuring governance, with governance principles and practices following from these outcomes. Originality/value This study is part of a special issue that looks at the contribution of the King Reports to governance globally.

Gross National Happiness: lessons for sustainability leadership

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to look behind the veil of the concept of Gross National Happiness (GNH), which has been initiated by the fourth King of Bhutan as an alternative to the traditional development concept of gross national product, by analyzing it as an expression of a particular view of leadership originated in the philosophical tradition of Mahayana Buddhism and exploring its relevance for leadership of sustainable development and sustainable (business) organizations.Design/methodology/approach– Review of literature on GNH in a historical and current context, linking it to trends and concepts in sustainability and leadership. Complemented by author’s observations on regular visits to Bhutan since 2003.Findings– The GNH leadership view consists of a set of principles: first, interrelatedness of economy, society and eco-systems; second, the economy, society and eco-systems can flourish if their needs are served; third, governance is the agent for serving these needs by the creation of societal happiness; and fourth, societal happiness should include the enhancement of subjective happiness and well-being of people. By tracing these principles to the philosophy of Mahayana Buddhism, especially the Bodhisattva ideal, and comparing them to the principles driving sustainability, the paper argues that GNH leadership signifies an innovation in leadership for sustainability.Practical implications– This paper examines how GNH leadership can be applied to organizational and business sustainability, and how it contributes to the emerging theory and practice of sustainability leadership.Social implications– The social relevance of the paper lies in the examination of how GNH leadership can be applied to organizational and business sustainability, and how it contributes to the emerging theory and practice of sustainability leadership.Originality/value– The paper concludes that GNH leadership – as it corresponds to the principles driving sustainability – represents a new model for sustainability leadership.

Healthcare and happiness in the Kingdom of Bhutan.

Bhutan is a small landlocked country measuring 38,394 km2,(1) with a population of 745,153.(2) It recently celebrated 108 years of monarchy; however, the country introduced its first constitution in 2008.(3) When the current King of Bhutan, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, was crowned in 2008, Bhutan was transformed into a unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy.(2) The second and reigning Prime Minister of Bhutan, and the political head of the country, is Tshering Tobgay. Bhutan is divided into three regions (Western, Central and Eastern) and has 20 districts called dzongkhags. Bhutan’s currency is the ngultrum (Nu) and its value is on par with and pegged to the Indian rupee. The major sectors that contribute to Bhutan’s economy are tourism, agriculture, forestry and the sale of hydroelectric power. According to the 2011 National Health Accounts, its gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was USD 2,121.(2) Bhutan is known for measuring its happiness with the Gross National Happiness (GNH) Index. The term was coined by the fourth king of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuck, in 1972 to show his commitment toward building the economy in a sustainable manner, based on Buddhist spiritual values and well-being.(4) The Constitution of Bhutan also expresses the importance of GNH, as it states “the state shall strive to promote those conditions that will enable the pursuit of Gross National Happiness”.(5) GNH has four underpinning pillars and nine domains (Fig. 1).(4) Open in a separate window Fig. 1 Flowchart shows the four pillars of Gross National Happiness (GNH).

Mahayana Buddhism and Gross National Happiness in Bhutan

In 1972, the fourth King of Bhutan announced that Gross National Happiness was more important than Gross Domestic Product. In this paper, the basic conceptual features of Mahayana Buddhism are discussed particularly as they relate to the Mahayana Buddhist view of happiness. The primary purpose of Mahayana Buddhism is to spread happiness and compassion to everyone in the world. This includes that by awakening to the Ultimate Truth, one obtains greater clarity and insight about the true nature of the universe, leading to internal peace and happiness. As this paper shows, the goal of modern Gross National Happiness is also based on Mahayana Buddhist principles to increase happiness for everyone. This occurs through governmental policies and programs that promote material needs balanced with becoming enlightened.

On Textual and Contextual Position of The Ophthalmological Treatise of Bodhisattva Nagarjuna

Medical knowledge in India began to be introduced to China in earliest from the Later Han Dynasty period to the times of Wei-Qin and South & North Dynasties. This is proved by many Buddhist medical books appeared in those days. Of the contents of Indian medicine, the theory of four major elements affected Chinese medicine more than did the theory of body fluids. Based on the theory of four major elements that was began to be introduced in Fú shuō fú yī jīng, an attempt to establish a new medical system was made in Zhŏu hòu băi yīfāng written by Táo Hóng-jĭng and Sūn Sī-miăo who tried to develop etiology further but could not achieve any great outcomes. Unlike the foregoing situation, Indian medicine aroused a large echo in China in the field of ophthalmology with ophthalmological knowledge mentioned in Suśrutasa hitā and 'Jīnzhēn-shù'(cataract couching) introduced as a surgical treatment of cataract. The Suśrutasa hitā which is one of the three major texts of Indian medicine contains additional information on surgical operations not introduced in the Carakasa hitā. The technique of cataract surgery was particularly popular in the Tang and Song dynasty periods in China under the name Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn(The Ophthalmological Treatise of Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna) or Lóng shù lùn and was even designated as a subject to educate medical officers. While the original text of Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn was not handed down, the first testimony that show the trace of the introduction of this text into China was the Tiān zhú jīng lùn yăn mentioned in Wài tái mì yào(Arcane Essential from the Imperial Library) written by Wang Tao. Long shàng dào ren who was mentioned as the compiler of the book is assumed to be Lóng shù. Although Tiān zhú jīng lùn yăn introduced anatomical knowledge about the eyeball that could have not been in the traditional Chinese medicine, this book has only limited quantity of information in this regard. Thereafter, Tài píng shèng huì fāng (Holy Prescriptions for Universal Relief) compiled by a national agency at the beginning of the Song Dynasty period introduced Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn without clear indication of the reference. Contemporary with this book, many ophthalmological books such as Mì chuán yăn kē lóng mù lùn(Longmu's Ophthalmology Secretly Handed Down) were published. As Chinese culture was spreading out into surrounding countries, medical knowledge was also introduced to Korean peninsula and Japan. The ophthalmological knowledge contained in Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn was also reflected and some parts of it were introduced in I shin bō in Japan. Based on the policy decision of King Sejong, the fourth king of Joseon Dynasty, large scaled promoting projects of medical knowledge was established. It is notable that the Ui bang ryu chwi compiled as a result of the synthesis of the medical treatises available at that time initiated by King Sejong contained a considerable part of Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn in reedited form that had already passed into oblivion in China. The intellectuals in Joseon Dynasty who participated in the compilation of Ui bang ryu chwi not only indicated that Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn was a medical text published in the times of Wei-Qin and South & North Dynasties in China but also clearly indicated the textual reference and left the original text for later generation without modifying the contents. According to the Ui bang ryu chwi, the Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn indicated that the core causes of eye diseases were heat, winds, and three body fluids(trido a) and contained the analyses of symptoms, related treatments, and several analyses of wrong treatments. In addition, Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn explained diverse eye diseases through more than 30 medical treatments. In particular, this book accurately described golden needle acupuncture for treatment of a Nèi-zhàng understood to be cataract. Therefore, this book is a significant textual record in the history of ophthalmological medicine in East Asia. Along with the golden needle acupuncture which is a method of removing the crystalline lens in which white turbidity occurred by stabbing the eyeball with a needle, traces of Indian medicine that had been already lost in China were clearly indicated in Lóng shù pú sà yăn lùn kept in the Ui bang ryu chwi. In particular, the book indicates that the eyes were directly correlated with the brain and that to treat the internal disorder, treating the brain that lost stability due to heat and bodily wind was indispensable; these are the traces of Indian influence. This textual source demonstrates a case of knowledge exchange in field of medicine with concrete cases of the encounter and clash between the standpoints of understanding human body.

Materialising the king: The royal funeral of King Tāufa`āhau Tupou IV of Tonga

The arrival of the body of King Tāufa‘āhau Tupou IV, in Tonga on 12 September 2006, prompted complex funerary rites modelled on those of the previous monarch, Queen Sālote. Instead of looking at how funerals reinforce kinship ties or what the effective cost is of the objects exchanged, I concentrate on the presented objects, which formed the focal point of the funerary rites. In doing so, I engage with Keane (2005: 184) who asserts the relevance of semiotics in answering the question: ‘How can we both understand things and do full justice to their materiality?’ I argue that traditional prestigious objects (barkcloth, mats, baskets and coconut oil), ‘modern‐times’ valuables (flower garlands, flower baskets, and crocheted bed spreads), and contemporary objects (cakes wrapped in cling film, screens with chocolate, plastic baskets filled with bags of crisps, chocolate and sweets), materialise qualities the deceased king embodied as a descendant of a mythical ruler, as the fourth king in the modern Christian dynasty and as a contemporary ruler who reformed both education and economy. A consequence of materialising qualities is that they become contingently bound up with other qualities (Keane 2005: 188). I thus concentrate on those objects where the bundling of qualities is realised visually, examining how barkcloth, fine mats, baskets and coconut oil embody female generative power, protecting, controlling and linking qualities. It is the qualities of the objects bundled in the matter of the objects themselves that make some objects matter more than others.

From Champasak to Cambodia: Ya Chao Tham (Chao Thammatheva), a Wily and Influential Ethnic Lao Leader

Ya Chao Tham, or Chao Thammatheva, was the son of the ninth king of Champasak, Chao Boua, and the grandson of the fourth king of Champasak, Chao Nou. He played an important role in shaping the political circumstances in the Laos-Cambodia border region for almost half a century, from the 1880s until his death in the early 1930s. Born to the Champasak royal family in present-day southern Laos, he travelled to the Sesan River Basin in present-day northeastern Cambodia in the 1880s, where he allegedly used his magical powers to suppress the highlanders who lived there and to establish Veun Say on behalf of Champasak and their Siamese mentors. Later, after the French gained control of the east bank of the Mekong River in 1893, Ya Chao Tham continued to wield considerable power within the French Lao administration. In late 1904 Stung Treng— including Veun Say— became a province of the French protectorate of Cambodia. Ya Chao Tham adapted to the circumstances, becoming the first governor of Stung Treng. He fell in and out of favour with the French from then onwards, but retained considerable influence in the region right up until the time of his death. This article traces Ya Chao Tham’s personal history in the context of the broader political and sociocultural circumstances of which he was a part, especially of the establishment of the ethnic Lao population along the Sesan River. The account relies on both archival and oral sources. I examine how this wily and influential ethnic Lao leader became entwined in the sociopolitical life of the region, while explaining the overriding recent history of the Sayakouman line of the royal family of Champasak, of which Ya Chao Tham was a key member.

Ebrauke and the Politics of Arthurian Geography

THE ROUND TABLE65 Ebrauke and the Politics of Arthurian Geography RICHARD J. MOLL Medieval tradition gives us three possible locations for Dolorous Garde, the castle in which I.ancelot protected Guinevere from Arthur's vengeance. The Auchinleck version ofrhe ShortEnglishMetrical Chronicle tells us that the pair resided in Nottingham, while Thomas Malory suggests that the castle was either Alnwick or Bamburgh. It has been proposed that both of these statements are inspired by contemporary political issues, and indeed an association between Alnwick and Dolorous Garde does seem to be invented to echo cuttent events. Both Nottingham and Bamburgh, however, had long been associared with King Ebrauke's foundation ofa castle called either Mount Dolorous or Dolorous Garde. Rather than inventing the tradirion, therefore, both the anonymous chronicler and Malory adapted existing traditions concerning Ebrauke to their own thematic concerns. The ultimate source for rhis confusing srate of affairs is, of course, Geoffrey of Monmourh's Historia regum Britannie, where Ebrauke is a minor figure. The fourth king after Brurus, Fibrauke is known for his many children and his city-building activities. Most famously, he establishes York, 'id est ciuitas Ebrauci' [rhat is, the city ofEbrauke], but he also founds 'oppidum montis Agned, quod nunc Castellum Puellarum dicirur, et Montem Dolorosum' [the fort at Mount Agned, which now is called the Castle ofMaidens, and Mount Dolorous]. Several latet chroniclers felr rhat Mount Dolorous was an alternative name fot the Castle of Maidens, while others attempted to identify it, just as the Castle ofMaidens was identified as Edinburgh. The first author to claim that Ebrauke founded Bamburgh was Geffrei Gaimar in his mid-twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis. Gaimar had also translated Geoffrey's Historia as the Estoiredes Bretuns, but that work is now lost. In the EstoiredesEngleis Gaimar writes of Ida, the king of Bernicia, who reigned twelve years ? Baenburc bien restotad, / Dechaette ctt e mult defraite / De si cum Eubrac Tot ainz faite' [and well restored Bamburgh, which was in ruins and falling down from when Ebrauke had earlier esrablished it]. The detail about Ebrauke's foundation of Bamburgh is an addirion to Gaimat's source. Gaimar does not specifically associate the castle with Mount Dolorous, but, given the later Traditions discussed below, it seems a fair assumption that he had included a full account ofEbrauke's foundations in his translation of Geoffrey and that pethaps he had there identified Bambutgh with Mount Dolorous. The association between Ebrauke and Bamburgh was not universal, however, and Raufde Boun's Le Petit Bruit (c. 1309) srates that King Ebrauke founded 'Ie chasrel Sidemound Dolorous qe homme appelle ore le chastel de Notyngham' [the Castle of Sidemound Dolorous, which men now call the castle of Nottingham].4 Rauf suggests that the castle was called 'Dolorous' because Ebrauke's wife and children 66ARTHURIANA were killed thete by Gog and Magog. It is unclearwhy rhese authors add Nottingham and Bamburgh ro the list ofEbrauke's foundations. They may merely be supplying information missingin the Historiabyassigning northern castles to Geoffrey's cryptic reference to Mount Dolorous. These identifications could be based on local oral Tradition or, perhaps, simply the whim of rhe chronicler. Ir is only after Ebrauke had been credited with founding both Bamburgh and Nottingham that the firsr Arthurian association is made in the Auchinleck version of the ShortEnglish Metrical Chronicle (c. 1330s). Other versions ofthis chronicle give a typical précis ofArthur's reign, but this manuscript presents an unusual picture. It is, in fact, the only English chronicle to deviate from Geoffrey of Monmourh's narrative and include a romande relationship between Lancelot and Guinevere. After a brief passage of praise for the king, the Arthurian section quickly turns to internal conflict: bcrafter aros wer strong burch he quen in his lond. Launcelot de Lac held his wiif, Forjji bitven hem ros gret striif. Lancelot was a qucynt man: For \>c quen sake he made Notingham, be castcl wip mani selcou]3c wonder, Caucs mani he made pervnder. Ri;5t in \>e hard ston Chambers he made mani on !•at ))c quen mißt in wone, ;^ifhe king wald |)ider come. After the couple has resided in Nottingham for almosr fouryears, Arrhur...

Tablets from the Sippar Library X. A Dedication for Zabaya of Larsa

The Neo- or Late Babylonian tablet presented here adds to the increasing number of ancient Mesopotamian formal inscriptions extant in copies made by first-millennium scribes. Another such tablet from the Sippar library, containing a copy of two building inscriptions reporting the work of Gudea and Šulgi on the temple of Nanše at Sirara, has already been published.The present tablet's existence was announced in Iraq 49 (1987) 249. The inscription copied on to it uses an early monumental script. The text (11. 1–13) is a dedication to the goddess Nanše made by a diviner called Nanna-mansum (or Sîn-iddinam) for the well-being of an Amorite sheikh called Zabaya. This is most probably the fourth king of Larsa, who enjoyed the same name and title and reigned in the mid-twentieth century BC, in the usual chronology. The present text is accordingly catalogued by the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia project under Zabaya of Larsa as E4.2.4.3 (Frayne, Old Babylonian Period, RIME 4, p. 112). Original inscriptions of this king have been found at Larsa and Maškan-šāpir.The colophon (11. 14–18), apparently written over a poorly erased text, is in a conventional late script. The object on which the inscription was found is reported as a bronze “buck” (daššu), presumably a goat-shaped figurine. This was no doubt the object dedicated by Nanna-mansum (or Sîn-iddinam) to Nanše for his royal master many centuries before. Such bronze castings occur elsewhere in the written sources as ornaments on a bed (Nbn 206, 2: da-áš-šá-a-tum).

Tablets from the Sippar library X. A dedication of Zabaya of Larsa

The Neo- or Late Babylonian tablet presented here adds to the increasing number of ancient Mesopotamian formal inscriptions extant in copies made by first-millennium scribes. Another such tablet from the Sippar library, containing a copy of two building inscriptions reporting the work of Gudea and Šulgi on the temple of Nanše at Sirara, has already been published.The present tablet's existence was announced in Iraq 49 (1987) 249. The inscription copied on to it uses an early monumental script. The text (11. 1–13) is a dedication to the goddess Nanše made by a diviner called Nanna-mansum (or Sîn-iddinam) for the well-being of an Amorite sheikh called Zabaya. This is most probably the fourth king of Larsa, who enjoyed the same name and title and reigned in the mid-twentieth century BC, in the usual chronology. The present text is accordingly catalogued by the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia project under Zabaya of Larsa as E4.2.4.3 (Frayne, Old Babylonian Period, RIME 4, p. 112). Original inscriptions of this king have been found at Larsa and Maškan-šāpir.The colophon (11. 14–18), apparently written over a poorly erased text, is in a conventional late script. The object on which the inscription was found is reported as a bronze “buck” (daššu), presumably a goat-shaped figurine. This was no doubt the object dedicated by Nanna-mansum (or Sîn-iddinam) to Nanše for his royal master many centuries before. Such bronze castings occur elsewhere in the written sources as ornaments on a bed (Nbn 206, 2: da-áš-šá-a-tum).

The Iron Age Background to the Formation of the Phrygian State

Recent excavations at Gordion have revealed below the destroyed Phrygian city (ca. 700 B. C.) an early Iron Age settlement with handmade coarse ware, which is followed by a settlement that contains the earliest Phrygian pottery forms. The handmade ware relates to that from Troy and the Balkans and is considered firm evidence of the historically recorded migration of the Brygians into Anatolia. A suggested chronology for the two early settlements is posited, based primarily on information from Troy. This chronology is then examined together with the information derived from preserved ancient traditions. A hypothesis is generated regarding the chronology of the establishment of kingship in Phrygia. This event is posited to have occurred in the late ninth century B. C., and the historical King Midas is considered to have been the fourth Phrygian king to reign.

Vires/Robur/OpesandFerociain Livy's Account of Romulus and Tullus Hostilius

In a recent article I observed that Livy sees a dialectic at work in Roman history over the course of the reigns of the first four kings. The first king, Romulus, is associated with physical (i.e. military) strength and is devoted to war. His successor Numa is devoted to peace and to the advance of religion, law and the civilizing virtues. The Romulean thesis, having been answered by the Numan antithesis, reasserts itself in the reign of the third king, Tullus Hostilius. This time, devotion to war is even more intense: Tullus isferocior(1.22.2) than Romulus. Excessive devotion to war, however, entailed the neglect of other things: towards the end of his reign, during a plague to which he himself eventually fell victim, Tullus turned to religion, hoping that the gods would end the pestilence if he could balance his Romulean devotion to war with a Numan concern forsacra. But his efforts were too late and inept. It was not until the reign of the fourth king, Ancus Marcius, that a synthesis was achieved. Ancus had amedium ingeniumthat fused the Romulean and Numan tendencies. The adoption of theius fetialeby the Livian Ancus symbolizes this synthesis: theius fetialewas a martial (i.e. Romulean) ritual, but it also acknowledged the Numan claims of religion and right.

The Hall of Heavenly Records: Korean Astronomical Instruments and Clocks, 1380-1780 (review)

BOOK REVIEWS135 Four describing the Tongil campaign should have been placed at the beginning. The problem was somewhat mitigated by the contents of Chapter Seven, a summation of state/society relations in other bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes like Taiwan and Brazil, and how, in terms of their research policies and agricultural development responses, they are alike, yet different, from the South Korean example. Finally, I doubt that the survey instrument introduced in Chapter Six, administered in the manner described, within the time frame described, has much validity. Burmeister intimates as much on page 135, where he discusses the problems of adapting his questionnaire to that particular environment. I am also surprised that when Burmeister conducted his key informant surveys, he missed a splendid opportunity to sample opinions of those foreign (British, American, West German, and other) agricultural advisors who worked closely with the Office of Rural Development during the 1970s. Their opinions are a deep well of refreshing and rich anecdotal materials about the South Korean agrobureaucracy . In spite of these several, and for the most part minor criticisms, I find Burmeister 's book overall to be informative and thoughtful. Some sections are extremely interesting and enjoyable to read. At such a moderate price in paperback , I can recommend it for purchase to enhance any library collection that includes advanced studies on international development and on Korea. David J. Nemeth Central Michigan University The Hall ofHeavenly Records: Korean Astronomical Instruments and Clocks, 1380-1780, by Joseph Needham, Lu Gwei-djen, John H. Gombridge, and John S. Major. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. To the traditions which make up East Asian civilization, Korea has its own contributions , which historically have manifested some differences from the Chinese tradition, but about which comparatively little is known. This is particularly so in regards to the traditional science and technology of Korea. Only recently has the history of science been gaining ground in South Korea. However, there is still not even a single non-Korean historian of Korean science. Thus The Hall of Heavenly Records, by Needham, Lu, Gombridge, and Major, is indeed a welcome addition to the poverty-stricken academe in Korean traditional science. Even in Korean, no similar research has been published, making this book a unique contribution for future study of the history of Korean science . The book consists of three main sections, discussing the equipment of the Royal Observatory under King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) (Part 2), the armillary clock of 1669 (Part 4), and an eighteenth century astronomical screen (Part 5). Part I 136BOOK REVIEWS provides a "Theoretical and Historical Background" (pp. 1-15), and Part 3, "From Munjong to Yöngjo (1450-1776)," presents a narrative description of the relevant developments of the period. In Part 2, the authors have attempted to present the preliminary research necessary for rebuilding the whole array of astronomical instruments and timepieces of the Sejong era. King Sejong, the fourth king of the Chosön Dynasty (1392-1910), is remembered today for his great cultural achievements, including the creation of the Korean alphabet. Beginning in the 1430s he tried to build a Royal Observatory, containing a variety of astronomical instruments and clocks. Unfortunately none of these instruments have survived, except in records that are sometimes detailed but mostly very brief. In Part 2 the authors offer reconstructions of eighteen items from the Royal Observatory, including a self-striking water-clock, several forms of sundials, a rain gauge, and other lesser known instruments. Five pieces in particular receive better treatment in their reconstruction drawings: a sun-and-stars time definer (pp. 44-60), a forty-foot gnomon and its shadow definer (pp. 70-74), a plummet sundial, a horizontal sundial, and a south-fixing sundial (pp. 80-90). Although these reconstructions may well have limitations, they definitely can serve as a starting point for the reconstruction of the instruments of King Sejong's observatory. The details of another major invention of the period, an ingenious selfstriking water-clock, are now lost, but from the remaining vague descriptions, the authors have tried to reconstruct a minutely detailed technical description of the water-clock, sufficient to rebuild one today. A similar effort is made in Part 4 to...

Radiocarbon Chronology of Archaic Egypt

Previous articleNext article No AccessRadiocarbon Chronology of Archaic EgyptFekri A. HassanFekri A. Hassan Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Near Eastern Studies Volume 39, Number 3Jul., 1980 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/372803 Views: 8Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1980 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Erich Robens, Shanath Amarasiri A. Jayaweera, Susanne Kiefer Documentation and Archiving, (Jan 2014): 519–593.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-36447-1_7Stephen H Savage Towards an AMS Radiocarbon Chronology of Predynastic Egyptian Ceramics, Radiocarbon 43, no.33 (Jul 2016): 1255–1277.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033822200038534C. Eyraud, E. Robens, P. Rochas Some comments on the history of thermogravimetry, Thermochimica Acta 160, no.11 (Apr 1990): 25–28.https://doi.org/10.1016/0040-6031(90)80237-SFekri A. Hassan The Predynastic of Egypt, Journal of World Prehistory 2, no.22 (Jun 1988): 135–185.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00975416Fekri A. Hassan, Steven W. Robinson High-precision radiocarbon chronometry of ancient Egypt, and comparisons with Nubia, Palestine and Mesopotamia, Antiquity 61, no.231231 (Jan 2015): 119–135.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003598X00072641Fekri A. Hassan Chronology of the Khartoum ?Mesolithic? and ?Neolithic? and related sites in the Sudan: statistical analysis and comparisons with Egypt, The African Archaeological Review 4, no.11 (Jan 1986): 83–102.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01117036Fekri A. Hassan Radiocarbon chronology of Neolithic and Predynastic sites in Upper Egypt and the Delta, The African Archaeological Review 3, no.11 (Jan 1985): 95–115.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01117456Paul Åström Egyptian and Mesopotamian chronologies, Geologiska Föreningen i Stockholm Förhandlingar 104, no.33 (Jan 2010): 260–261.https://doi.org/10.1080/11035898309455267

「閏月のある平年」

A normal year with an intercalary month—What does it mean? Such a curious year cannot theoretically exist. But the Drehem calendar could have such a year once in its short history. This article is devoted to the in all probability only one example of such a seemingly very curious phenomenon which did take place in the third regnal year of Susin, the fourth king of the III Ur dynasty.According to Drehem texts, years began either with the iti-mas-da-ku month or with the iti-se-gur10-ku5. That we find two different systems of calendar in one and the same place, Drehem, has seriously disturbed many eminent Assyriologists as, for instance, F. Thureau-Dangin, H. de Genouillac, B. Landsberger. Of course this kind of coexistence cannot be true, because otherwise it must necessarily have brought inevitable confusions into all spheres of everday life and activities of those days. In fact, both of these two systems were not used simultaneously. One which began with the iti-mas-da-ku month was used only in the years between the 39th regnal year of Sulgi and the third year of Susin. On the contrary, the other system beginning with the iti-se-gur10-ku5 month and thus making the iti-mas-da-ku month the second was not used until the fourth year of Susin.This change of the month with which years began leads us to the acceptable assumption that an amendment which made the iti-se-gur-ku5 the first month must have taken place most probably at the end of the third year. If so, the iti-se-gur10-ku5 month as first month of the fourth year follows immediately after the month of the same name, i. e. another iti-se-gur10-ku5 which is the last month of the previous year. What happens, then? A very serious confusion in dating of administrative documents isn't to be avoided. I see a clear trace of scribes' endeavor to avoid such a not always inevitable confusion in their placing an intercalary month in the third year of Susin.This year has been, however, considered as an undoubtedly pure intercalary year by scholars with no single exception because of its having an intercalary month, i. e. iti-diri-ezem-dme-ki-gal (-e-us-sa) ‘an additional (month which follows the) month of the festival of me. ki. gal.’ If this is correct, then the year must have had not 12 but 13 months. But at end of some texts of the year man finds the following colophon: iti-mas-da-ku-ta iti-diri-ezem-dme-ki-gai (-e-us-sa)-se iti-12-kam. This indicates the absence of the month iti-se-gur10-ku5 in the year. The insertion of an intercalary month as a very substitute of the normal twelfth month iti-se-gur10-ku5 and instead the omission of the latter are, in my judgemet, a wise device in order to avoid the above-mentioned possible confusion.How can we prove our assumption true? We find some referrences to some of Nippur festivals among Drehem texts. The ezem-gu4-si-su festival after which the second month of the Nippur calendar, iti-gu4-si-su, was named, was celebrated in this city in the second month and animal disbursement for it was recorded in Drehem texts of the iti-ses-da-ku (in the years Sulgi 46, Amarsin 1, 3, 4, 7, Susin 1, 2) and iti-mas-da-ku (in Susin 7). This shows us clearly that the second month of the Nippur calendar, iti-gu4-si-su, corresponded to the iti-ses-da-ku in the period before Susin 3 and to the iti-mas-da-ku since Susin's fourth year. It means the amendment of the Drehem calendar took place in his

The Kingdom of Wambu (Huambo): A Tentative Chronology

Wambu (Huambo) was one of the more important of the Ovimbundu Kingdoms of central Angola, the histories of some of which were treated in Part III of Umbundu Kinship and Character (1949) q.v.The tradition of Wambu begins with Feti, the Adam of the Ovimbundu. Through the vaNganda it is definitely linked with the cattle-complex peoples of south-west Angola, and it is also connected with the ‘Jagas’ described by Battell. This latter link provides a chronological starting point early in the seventeenth century. Thus, beginning with the ‘Jaga’ Wambu Kalunga, the fourth king named, tradition and historical reference are followed through the reigns of twenty-five kings, until independence ended with the capture by the Portuguese forces of two strongholds and their capital town of Samisasa during the ‘Bailundu War’ of 1902. The chief occupation of the kings and the men of Wambu (as of practically of all the Ovimbundu Kingdoms) during most of this time, was raiding their neighbours, those of other tribes and those of European descent.