Forms Of Repression Research Articles

“Ministering at the Altar of Slavery”: Religious slavery conflict and social movement repression

AbstractWhy did some American Protestant denominations experience slavery-related schism during the nineteenth century, while others appear to have been unaffected by slavery conflict? I conduct a comparative case study of four national Protestant denominations and find that slavery-related schism was not a consequence of a particular theological orientation, but instead occurred when denominational leaders lacked the capacity to repress abolitionism. In all four denominations, leaders attempted to stifle the abolition movement to avoid conflict. Their capacities to do so differed, however: in some denominations, diffusely distributed authority created openings for abolitionist mobilization, eventually leading to irreconcilable conflict and schism. In other denominations, concentrated authority enabled repression, leaders blocked abolitionist mobilization, and schism was avoided. This research shows that non-state targets of social movements can use “soft” forms of repression to undermine movement mobilization, but that their capacity to do so is constrained by organizational characteristics. It also demonstrates the critical role of organizational dynamics in shaping religious responses to contentious issues more broadly.

How Exile Shapes Online Opposition: Evidence from Venezuela

How does exile affect online dissent? By internationalizing activists’ networks and removing them from day-to-day life under the regime, we argue that exile fundamentally alters activists’ political opportunities and strategic behavior. We test the effect of exile on activists’ public discourse in the case of Venezuela, through an analysis of over 5 million tweets by 357 activists spanning seven years. Our results suggest that after going into exile activists increasingly emphasize foreign-led interventions to shape their home country politics, focus less on local grievances, and become more harshly critical of the regime. This is partly due to the changes in exiles’ networks: after leaving, activists increase their interactions with foreign actors and tweet more in English. This work contributes to our understanding of the relationship between exile—one of the most ubiquitous yet understudied forms of repression—and dissent in the digital age.

Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons

We explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian manipulation.

Bleiburg and Croatian Political Emigration – Commemorations, Interpretations and Use in Anti-Yugoslav Propaganda

The paper presents forms of commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy and the Way of the Cross in the communities of Croatian political refugees in the West and different interpretations of the mentioned events. It also analyzes some cases in which the world public was made aware of the massacres committed by communist Yugoslavia, as well as forms of repression and diplomatic pressure by the Yugoslav authorities to prevent commemorations in Bleiburg.

Bleiburg and Croatian Political Emigration – Commemorations, Interpretations and Use in Anti-Yugoslav Propaganda

The paper presents forms of commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy and the Way of the Cross in the communities of Croatian political refugees in the West and different interpretations of the mentioned events. It also analyzes some cases in which the world public was made aware of the massacres committed by communist Yugoslavia, as well as forms of repression and diplomatic pressure by the Yugoslav authorities to prevent commemorations in Bleiburg.

Cultural Violence and Gender Identities: A Feminist Post-Structural Discourse Analysis of This House of Clay and Water

The present study explores the dialectic relation between gender, identity, violence, discourse and social practices, as portrayed in Mansab’s book This House of Clay and Water. Viewing gender as a biological trait determined at birth whereas all the social roles and identities are considered fixed is a prevalent social practice in countries like Pakistan. Proving that gender is a socio-cultural construct is the first step towards awareness that gender roles are not fixed and certain violent social norms can be transformed to help the marginalized groups like intersex/transgenders, and women. This study aims to show that certain forms of abuse, repression and cultural violence are normalized through the use of language and literary discourses, and the very same tools can be used to counter these structures. The theoretical insights for this research are drawn from Feminist post-structural discourse Analysis and Butler’s Queer theory. The qualitative analysis is based on the closed textual reading and discourse analysis within the parameters of the chosen framework. The significance of this study lies in the fact that it applies FPDA to study fictional characters who are a reflection of humans and social practices in general, and how they are forced to suffer and ultimately resist gender-based violence to co-construct their ever-shifting identities through discourse. Keywords: Gender; discourse; identity; social practice; cultural violence; FPDA; transformation

Культурные практики, литературные свидетельства и личные документы преследованных Свидетелей Иеговы

The article deals with memoir texts written by the members of a religious minority group repressed by the Soviet Union authorities. The author of the article pays significant attention to the specifics of the texts, the motives for recording the stories, and the subject of the memoirs themselves. Most often, the authors of the memoir texts reported on the course of exile to Siberia, difficult living conditions and constant overwork. They talked about being in labour camps, beatings, surveillance and other forms of repression. In addition to the analysis of selected issues, the author of the article discussed also the texts under analysis role. These written texts are not only crucial historic documents that tell about past events. They are the testimonies of those events victims. They are an element of cultural practice and, among other things, are aimed to create a sense of community, reveal the values which dominate within the group and to promote certain behaviour codes which include maintaining loyalty to beliefs and totalitarianism.

Social movement learning about violence

The article analyses learning related to experiencing violence in social actions and social movements. Activists may experience physical abuse from individuals and from organised entities such as the police, both accidentally and as a form of intentional repression. Applying the social movement learning approach to the analysis of individual experience, collective responses to violence, and preparations for the eventuality of its occurrence allowed us to identify the functionalities of protest culture towards de-escalation of violence. The article offers a review of literature as well as an analysis of empirical data from our previous research projects. The result of the analysis is a model of social movements learning about violence, linking individual suffering with the potential of social change.

Counter-surveillant organizing during the secessionist cycle of contention in Catalonia

ABSTRACT The literature on repression in social movement studies focuses mainly on protest behavior and neglects other aspects of activism. This paper expands this literature by looking at how surveillance as a covert form of repression affects organizational practices in social movements. The secessionist mobilizations around the 1 October 2017 referendum in Catalonia serve as a case study to explore this question. Semi-structured interviews with organizers from the Catalan independence movement were used to identify two surveillance threats. Organizers feared the monitoring of their digital communication and the infiltration of their assemblies. They responded to these threats with five moves of counter-surveillant organizing: encryption, face-to-face communication, analogizing meetings, committee decision making, and closingoff assemblies. How organizers perceived surveillance and responded was closely connected to the cyclical dynamics of contention over time. The five moves allowed the movement to resist surveillance at least in the short term without moderating their claims or going underground. However, they were also harmful to the Catalan independence movement’s organizing culture based on inclusivity and horizontality. These findings suggest that the consequences of repression for social movements go well beyond protest behavior and have a profound impact on their organizational practices.

Art for democracy’s sake: How neo-McCarthyism is resisted by arts-based social movements

The rise of neo-McCarthyism has strengthened the power of the state through the repressive use of public institutions. Those who challenge capitalism and authoritarianism are singled out for reprisal. Arts-based social movements can resist state-sponsored neo-McCarthyite sanctions against democracy. Social movement activists can provide counter-narratives to the emerging forms of anti-leftism in autocratic states. As a model of resistance, travelling art and theatre groups could operate on a collaborative, crowdfunded basis, moving from place to place and providing innovative alternatives to the status quo. They would present comedy sketches, monologues, oratory, parodies, poetry, satires and songs that have a social and political message. They would at the same time disseminate information to help people make effective use of available resources and connect with solidarity networks. Performances could be live-streamed or recorded, then uploaded onto various social media platforms, helping to promote social movement objectives. Due to the collaborative nature of the work, public support would grow for these arts troupes that would eventually become self-funded. As social movement projects move online, artists encounter new forms of neo-McCarthyite repression.

Review: En tela de juicio: Justicia penal, homicidios célebres y opinión pública (México, siglo XX), by Elisa Speckman Guerra

Review: <i>En tela de juicio: Justicia penal, homicidios célebres y opinión pública (México, siglo XX)</i>, by Elisa Speckman Guerra

The Self-Possessed Girl in Golden Age Girls’ Books

This article explores the meanings of girls’ silence in three popular late nineteenth-/early twentieth-century novels: Susan Coolidge’s What Katy Did (1872), Johanna Spyri’s Heidis Lehr- und Wanderjahre (Heidi, 1880), and L.M. Montgomery’s Anne of Green Gables (1908). These three classics of girls’ fiction are international bestsellers; all three novels are available in Nordic languages as well as their original English or German. Often read as taming narratives in which wild girls are forcibly shaped into compliant young women, these texts allow us to see how the girls’ book has struggled with conformity and agency since its beginnings. As influential early girls’ books, these novels help us disentangle the patterns early examples of the genre offer us as twenty-first-century readers and critics. Though a girl’s silence can indicate trauma and social repression (as we see in What Katy Did and Heidi), withholding speech can be a voluntary decision that girls make for themselves (as in Anne of Green Gables). In this article, we draw on disability theory to propose a model for thinking about the distinction between silence and silencing. While silence can be a form of repression, paralyzing the thoughts as physical injury paralyzes the body, it is also linked to prayer and the concept of self-possession. Silence is not always a marker of the loss of voice or physical autonomy; by appealing to the idea of self-possession, we can move beyond a dichotomy of speech as positive and silence as negative.

Ukrainian Archaeologists-Nonconformists of the Totalitarian Era

The article is devoted to the study of manifestations of intellectual resistance of scientists to the ruling regime during 1920—80s, which has signs of non-conformism. The author considers the concept of “non-conformism”, based on the definition of the Russian human rights activist Yu. F. Lukin: in every society there are not only those who support the official policy, indifferent conformists, but also those who disagree, dissidents who oppose the dominant religion, ideology, the existing political system, a way of life. The topic of non-conformism in archaeology was substantiated by Russian thinker L. S. Klein, who included G. A. Bonch-Osmolovskyi, S. M. Zamyatnin, O. M. Rogachev, O. L. Mongait, G. B. Fedorov and A. S. Formozov among them. L. S. Klein should be added to them. Among the Ukrainian archaeologists of the totalitarian era, the personalities of M. O. Makarenko, V. P. Petrov (Domontovych), M. Yu. Braichevskyi, B. M. Mozolevskyi, S. N. Bratchenko attract attention. They represent four generations of native scholars who consistently carried the baton of resistance to the ruling regime until its logical collapse in 1991, which they had foreseen. They deliberately chose public forms of protest through speeches, statements, lectures, creation and distribution of resonant scientific texts in the country and abroad. An important role was played by communication with colleagues and students in the archaeological expeditions they led. In the system of total control created by the authorities, non-conformists quickly became the objects of close attention from the State Security Committee. The declassified archives of the special services shed light on the methods of their work with a contingent of people dangerous to the regime, including: study, recruitment attempts, prevention and repressive forms of influence, up to execution (the fate of M. O. Makarenko). All mentioned researchers had gone through the control system. B. M. Mozolevskyi was saved from arrest thanks to the Pectoral he found. The system did not allow revealing and realizing the powerful creative potential of deviant creators. This did not save it, and irreparable damage was done to science.

Does Non-violent Repression Have Stronger Dampening Effects than State Violence? Insight from an Emotion-Based Model of Non-violent Dissent

AbstractThe effects of repression on dissent are debated widely. We contribute to the debate by developing an agent-based model grounded in ethnographic interviews with dissidents. Building on new psychology research, the model integrates emotions as a dynamic context of dissent. The model moreover differentiates between four repression types: violence, street blockages, curfews and Facebook cuts. The simulations identify short-term dampening effects of each repression type, with a maximum effect related to non-violent forms of repression. The simulations also show long-term spurring effects, which are most strongly associated with state violence. In addition, the simulations identify nonlinear short-term spurring effects of state violence on early stage dissent. Such effects are not observed for the remaining repressive measures. Contrasting with arguments that violence deters dissent, this suggests that violence may fuel dissent, while non-violent repression might suppress it.

PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM ANAK DALAM KEJAHATAN PORNOGRAFI DAN UPAYA PEMERINTAH DALAM MENCEGAH KEJAHATAN PORNOGRAFI DI INDONESIA

A number of files related to child pornography often appear on several sites and forums on the internet. This is a reflection of the impact of technological developments which were originally created to facilitate human life. The issue of child pornography began in the nineteenth century after the invention of the camera. At that time, the issue of child pornography only developed in hard copy form. The Internet era in the early 1980s dramatically changed the scale and nature of the child pornography problem and required a new approach to research and control.The study used in conducting this thesis research is normative legal research. Normative legal research is legal research that puts the law as a building system of norms. The system of norms in question is about principles, norms, rules of statutory arrangements, court decisions, agreements and doctrines.The results of the thesis research are related to the juridical basis of children's rights related to the crime of child pornography in cyberspace based on the ITE Law, namely Article 26; Article 27 paragraph (1); Article 36 and Article 37 and forms of legal protection for children's rights in pornography crimes in Indonesia are of two types: repressive forms of protection (Penal) and preventive forms of protection (Non-Penal)

Failed Autocratization: Malaysia under Najib Razak (2009–2018)

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak's systematic strategy of autocratization backfired. This paper is based on a model of three pillars of authoritarian regimes. It traces the di erent strategies and measures employed to weaken the opposition and shows that major survival strategies were prone to frequent shifts. At the beginning of his tenure, Najib depicted himself as a reformer, and refined some forms of repression. The regime scrapped central coercive tools such as the Internal Security Act, but later replaced them with kindred, yet ine ective measures. Co-optation was more centralized and "money politics" expanded. The widespread and unprecedented usage of patronage resulted in corruption, which fundamentally destabilized the regime. Legitimation was modified since 2013 to a more Malay-centric and Islamist discourse. Because of this shift, legitimation eroded among ethnic and religious minorities. The prime minister's legitimacy shrank due to corruption scandals. This paper helps gauge the lacking complementarity of the pillars and the failures of an authoritarian regime in crisis, which is important also with a view to political developments in Malaysia since 2018.

Somewhere bigger and brighter? Ambivalence and desire in memories of leaving the north of Ireland during the Troubles

ABSTRACT This article examines oral history interviews of migrants from Northern Ireland to Britain, specifically a group of ten people who left the North during the Troubles. It reads their interviews for, on the one hand, accounts of migration as liberatory or as generative of new subjectivities and new possibilities; and on the other hand, expressions of nostalgia, ambivalence or uncertainty which exist alongside those more optimistic narratives. In doing so, it highlights a specific form of dichotomised composure within this selection of oral histories and argues that the specificities of this composure are suggestive of some of the discourses that operate around the relationship between Northern Ireland and Britain, as well as of the contested memory of the Troubles. They also reveal aspects of the complicated history of multiculturalism in Britain, and of various forms of social repression in the North, showing how our interviewees navigated their movement between those two places.

САМОРЕГУЛЯЦИЯ СТУДЕНЧЕСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ В ПЕРИОД ПАНДЕМИИ COVID-19

The empirical study presented was aimed at the identification of the mechanisms of regulatory violations among students during the COVID-19 pandemic. The features of protective strategies, personal characteristics and basic beliefs associated with a sense of security were studied. Two profiles of self-regulation are identified based on the indicators of the questionnaire “Style of self-regulation of behavior” by V. I. Morosanova. It was revealed that in the subjects with a low level of self-regulation, the concept of “safety” is connected in meaning with concepts directly and indirectly describing the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequences. Low values of basic beliefs about self-worth, ineffective defensive strategies in the form of repression and regression, as well as high accuracy, perseverance and foresight were also found in this group. The semantic relationship between the concept of “security” and various manifestations of the pandemic was poorly expressed in the group of subjects with a high level of self-regulation. In this group, a developed system of basic beliefs about self-worth, effective defense mechanisms in the form of rationalization, low indicators of accuracy, foresight and perseverance were identified. The results of the study can be used to identify violations of self-regulation in a group of young people and their psychological correction in the context of global crises.

CONTEMPORARY WOMEN ART AND ARTISTS: A STUDY ON FEW FEMALE VISUAL ARTISTS OF ASSAM

Art has always been an open filled for women artists and an important tool for social and political articulation from a gender perspective, so they have expressed many forms of repression and discrimination by using various media and by incorporating both traditional and modern-day motifs. A large number of them have been active even in the pre-independence era of India, as the visibility of women-made art production grew, which can be contributed to the prominence of Sunayana Devi of famed Jorasnako Tagore residence of Calcutta and Paris educated painter Amrita Sher-Gil with their pioneering works. My objectives are to study contemporary women artists in Assam in specific of recent time of last 30 years and their concerns on globalization, gender politics and ecology of Assam.

The Unknown Labour Camp in Slivnitsa (August – September 1989)

The labour camp in the military unit in the town of Slivnitsa as a place of state repression in the campaign for forced name change has not been the subject of special scientific research. In early 1985, hundreds of Turks from North-Eastern Bulgaria were summoned to the military checkpoints and as "mobilized" were sent to the unit, part of which was turned into a special labour camp. In Slivnitsa and other labour camps, the mobilized were subjected to heavy physical labour and psychological harassment. In the archive of the State Security documents are kept with some of the statistics on this form of violent dealing with the most active Turks – potential opponents of the forced name change and organizers of mass protests in North - Eastern Bulgaria. The repression in the labour camp in Slivnitsa from August-September 1989, happened during a period of the hardest field work for the tobacco producers. As "reserve troops" some of the most prominent Pomaks in Southern Bulgaria, including also some Turks from the Pazardzhik and Gotzedelchevski villages, were isolated. Subjected to humiliation, harassment and ideological manipulation, more than 100 people in a month were held halfhungry and forced to engage in heavy physical labour. This state violence scared the population and interrupted all possibilities for general opposition against the communist regime. This study aims to present this form of mass repression, carried out secretly and thoroughly concealed by the communist totalitarian regime in Bulgaria and plunged into oblivion. It is based on archival documents, memories, unknown to science notes and a list of the names of those brought in in 1989 in the labour camp in Slivnitsa.