Form Of Civil Disobedience Research Articles

Doctors Strike During COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia

Doctors Strike During COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia

“People Crushed by Law Have No Hopes but from Power”: Free Speech and Protest in the 1940s

In a trio of cases handed down on the same day in 1950, the Supreme Court denied constitutional free speech protection to civil rights picketing and labor picketing. The civil rights case, Hughes v. Superior Court, has often been portrayed as an early test case about affirmative action, but it originated in repression of an alliance of radical labor and civil rights activists exasperated by the legislature's repeated failure to enact fair employment law. Seeking a people's law like the labor general strikers and sit-downers of the 1930s and the civil rights sit-inners of the 1960s, they insisted that the true meaning of free speech was the right to speak truth to power. Courts and Congress forced the labor movement to abandon direct action even as it became the defining feature of the civil rights movement. The free speech rights consciousness they invoked challenged the prevailing conservative conception of rights and law. Direct action was a form of legal argument, a subaltern law of solidarity. It was not, as civil rights protest is often portrayed, a form of civil disobedience. What happened during and after the case reveals how the subaltern law and formal law labor and civil rights began to diverge, along with the legal histories of the movements.

Editor's Introduction: The Arts and Humanities in a Democracy

Editor's Introduction: The Arts and Humanities in a Democracy

The The Critique of Technocracy in Riga Stencil Graffiti

The utilization of the street as an alternative and independent medium for transmission of radical political ideas is a form of civil disobedience manifested thus to a certain extent in a work of propaganda and is an example of creative idealism. In this case graffiti can be regarded as a non-violent protest that was theoretically described by Henry David Thoreau in the treatise on “The Duty of Civil disobedience”, a work that has become an essential part of anthologies of political and social philosophy. To a certain degree, in its visual format, graffiti is a continuation of the “samizdat” tradition dating back to the Soviet era, both in the sense of a socially critical message and in the use of an alternative medium. Proposing a new, tactical usage of technology critically directed against technocracy of contemporary society youth of the city is trying to occupy it’s public space by specific type of aesthetization and, in the same time, is delivering clear message. The goal of this paper is the reading and interpretation of messages of the images and texts in stencil – graffiti in Riga in the context of interplay between counter cultures, different minor social groups and their ideologies. The method used is social semiotic analysis. The results show that the criticism of technocratic capitalism, consumerism and the oppression of life and the nature are most important issues taken up by the authors of stencils.

Civil disobedience as a constituent/dis-instituting power

In this paper, I aim to present a new interpretation of civil disobedience with the objective of revealing its potential in the construction of an anti-capitalist radical democracy. After discussing the differences between constituent and dis-instituting power, both of which are activated by civil disobedience, the study concludes by indicating some of the characteristics and forms of civil disobedience that can be seen as images of constituent and dis-instituting power.

Hong Kong’s Civil Disobedience under China’s Authoritarianism

Acts of civil disobedience have significantly impacted Hong Kong’s liberal constitutional order, existing as it does under China’s authoritarian governance. Existing theories of civil disobedience have primarily paid attention to the situations of liberal democracies, but find it difficult to explain the unique case of the semi-democracy of Hong Kong. Based on a descriptive analysis of the practice of civil disobedience in Hong Kong, taking the Occupy Central Movement (OCM) of 2014 and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement of 2019 as examples, this article attempts to explore the extent to which and how civil disobedience can be justified in Hong Kong’s rule of law-based order under China’s authoritarian system, and further aims to develop a conditional theory of civil disobedience for Hong Kong that goes beyond traditional liberal accounts. More specifically, it is argued that an act of civil disobedience targeted at the actions of the central government, which has no democratic accountability to the people of Hong Kong, is one aimed outside the domain of Hong Kong’s autonomy, and is thus unlikely to succeed in the Hong Kong context. By contrast, an act of civil disobedience intended to push against the government of Hong Kong acting within its domain of autonomy largely fits into Hong Kong’s semi-democratic system. Moreover, it is suggested that both forms of civil disobedience have had significant utilitarian value as a civic educational tool. Finally, this article seeks to reconcile unlawful acts of civil disobedience with Hong Kong’s rule of law by establishing clear limitations on permissible conduct, with particular attention paid to non-violence as a fundamental condition, albeit without excluding the use of limited forms of violence as an appropriate strategy, e.g. to invigorate political participation, in particular when available democratic and peaceful channels have been exhausted.

Islam and Iconoclasm

Abstract In the Qurʾān, Ibrāhīm is portrayed as breaking the idols that his people worship (21:51–73), a story that comes at the crossroads of a number of ethical issues, including the freedom of belief. In this study, I examine the issue through a number of different lenses: Qurʾānic commentary (tafsīr on the story), art history (Islam, art and iconoclasm), legal opinions (jurisprudence), philosophical approaches (civil disobedience), and literary analysis (focused on idolatry and Ibrāhīm in the Qurʾān). In looking at the issue from these various perspectives, I argue that analyzing the story as a form of civil disobedience, while using literary analysis, lends new insights and gives modern readers tools with which to bridge some of the moral and ethical issues at play in the story of Ibrāhīm breaking his people’s idols.

Transformative (h)activism: Breast cancer awareness and the "World of Warcraft" Running of the Gnomes

Players of the massively multiplayer online role-playing game World of Warcraft (WoW) are accustomed to a transformative culture that appropriates off-line events and personas into virtual-world representations inside of the game. Following this culture, players have transformed an off-line event—the Race for the Cure, to benefit breast cancer charities—into an online event called the Running of the Gnomes with parameters and participation properties appropriate for the virtual world. This transformative event is a disruptive form of civil disobedience including elements of hacktivism. Though the event conforms to the game's culture and rules, the mass collective action of the Running of the Gnomes disrupts the player experience by flooding the game's chat boxes with messages about an off-line concern (breast cancer) and also disrupts the game itself by crashing the server through the sheer volume of player participation. This disruption is embraced as an integral part of the event and is one of the primary causes for the event's success as a fundraising activity.

Booters: can anything justify distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks for hire?

PurposeThis paper aims to examine whether there are morally defensible reasons for using or operating websites (called ‘booters’) that offer distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks on a specified target to users for a price. Booters have been linked to some of the most powerful DDoS attacks in recent years.Design/methodology/approachThe authors identify the various parties associated with booter websites and the means through which booters operate. Then, the authors present and evaluate the two arguments that they claim may be used to justify operating and using booters: that they are a useful tool for testing the ability of networks and servers to handle heavy traffic, and that they may be used to perform DDoS attacks as a form of civil disobedience on the internet.FindingsThe authors argue that the characteristics of existing booters disqualify them from being morally justified as network stress testing tools or as a means of performing civil disobedience. The use of botnets that include systems without the permission of their owners undermines the legitimacy of both justifications. While a booter that does not use any third-party systems without permission might in principle be justified under certain conditions, the authors argue that it is unlikely that any existing booters meet these requirements.Practical/implicationsLaw enforcement agencies may use the arguments presented here to justify shutting down the operation of booters, and so reduce the number of DDoS attacks on the internet.Originality/valueThe value of this work is in critically examining the potential justifications for using and operating booter websites and in further exploring the ethical aspects of using DDoS attacks as a form of civil disobedience.

Innovative Strategies of Indigenous Resistance among the Wounaan People of Colombia

Innovative Strategies of Indigenous Resistance among the Wounaan People of Colombia Mary Cappelli (bio) THE WOUNAAN PEOPLE of northwestern Colombia's San Juan River are the latest casualty of a violent twenty-five-year reign of terror hastened by the convergence of coca growers, gold miners, paramilitaries, guerillas, and government troops—all vying for control of the waterways and resources along the ancestral stretch of traditional Wounaan territories.1 Until the arrival of mono-crop production for export, Wounaan's steadfast strategies have thwarted the bloodied battlefields of Spanish colonial impositions, nationalist armies, and Marxist guerrillas. Occupying small thatched huts stilted on posts hovering up to eight feet high along the clearings on the riverbanks, the Wounaan kept to their subsistence livelihoods of hunting, fishing, Werregue Palm basket-weaving, and small-scale agriculture of bananas, pineapples, and yucca. That is until November 2014, when the Wounaan people were forced to leave their village of Unión Aguas Claras along the San Juan River of the Cauca Valley and take up a twelve-month residence in El Cristal Sports Arena in Buenaventura, Colombia. According to Wounaan spokesman Crelo Obispo, "Paramilitaries kicked us out of land," and for twelve months they worked diligently to "find a peaceful way to recover our own indigenous land."2 The Wounaan turned their occupation into a form of civil disobedience and refused to return to their lands without adequate protection and security from warring factions. Although on November 29, 2015, they returned home along the San Juan River, their cultural survival signals a critical humanitarian and environmental emergency in which Indigenous people living sustainable lives have been caught in a resource war for coca cultivation, gold mining, and control of key river tributaries. As an interdisciplinary ethnographer and witness for peace, I had the opportunity to accompany the Wounaan in their occupation of El Cristal [End Page 89] and to make visible the distinctive resistance tactics they employed to defend their right to living in their native territories.3 Occupy El Cristal For a full year, 343 Wounaan people, 63 families, occupied the cold hard floor of the basketball courts, sleeping in multicolored, handwoven hammocks strung beneath the stadium bleachers. One of them was a young wearied mother holding a shirtless eleven-month-old infant suffering from a burning fever and bouts of diarrhea and vomiting. She recalled, "There wasn't any medicine."4 Herein lies the crisis. Not only were mothers unable to gain access to traditional herbal medicines, they were also unable to gain access to modern health care. Three somber mothers told me they were running out of adequate food and water sources. Buenaventura officials confirmed the death of two young children, one-year-old Neiber Cárdenas Pirza in December 2014 and a two-day-old baby in June 2014. The Wounaan claimed the deaths were a result of inadequate health care and living conditions in the sports arena. "Our people practice culture, artistry, spirituality and traditional medicine. We need our lands to do so," said Obispo.5 The affirmative belief that the Wounaan were "occupying" the sports arena and taking a political stand against their dispossession by violence is key to understanding Wounaan resistance. "We arrived November 28, 2014, and since that time we had been in resistance," Chama Puto said.6 Because "the local government hardly did anything, and gave no guarantees of assistance," he urgently called on international help and social advocacy networks to "get meetings with entities who could make change" and affirmed Wounaan ancestral ties to their lands. "Land doesn't belong to the government or police. It belongs to the indigenous," he added.7 Although Wounaan Leaders such as Chama Puto are well versed in Colombia's constitutional law, they are fully aware of how constitutional decrees have remained rhetorical discourses because of the government's failure to implement constitutional protections within its infrastructure—an absence of institutional support that has undermined the visionary purpose of the protections. In particular, Article 63 states, "Communal lands of ethnic groups and reservation lands cannot be taken away or attached";8 Article 72 states, "Ethnic groups settled in areas of archeological treasures have special rights over that cultural heritage...

Constitutional Fidelity and Extra-Legal Discretion: Justifying Executive Prerogative and Disobedient Disclosure

In this article, I defend the justifiability of both concealed uses of executive prerogative as consistent with the end of self-preservation for which government is constituted by the people and its disobedient disclosure as consistent with the rational interest of the citizens of the constitutional state in non-subordination. Indeed, I argue both prerogative and disclosure are justifiable, despite the latter clearly operating at cross-purposes with the former. I also contend that disobedient disclosure aligns more closely with the justificatory conditions of executive prerogative than more traditions forms of civil disobedience. My discussion is limited to the question of justification, highlighting the normative stakes of delegitimizing either mode of extra-legal discretionary judgment by executive or disclosers respectively.

DISSIDENT THOUGHT: SYSTEMS OF REPRESSION, NETWORKS OF HOPE

Each society has its regime of truth, its 'general politics' of truth: that is, the type of discourse which it accepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acquisition of truth; the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true.-Michel Foucault (1980) Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977. New York, Pantheon, p. 131.Introduction: Dissent and Negation as a Condition of DiscourseEverywhere the structures of repression of the dominant group against minorities, of racial, sexual and gender violence, of state totalitarianism against the citizen, engender sparks of dissidence that leads to a person, movement, literature, discourse or a form of scholarship that actively challenges an established doctrine, policy, law or institution to call out against unlawful violations of speech and rights. Dissident thought is that which takes place against conformism and consensus in the name of the good of society. It is a critical principle of science, politics and discourse. It may be an underground activity that exposes the secrets and the contradictions of governments and subjects fellow citizens to moral triage in opposing the unjust, often resulting in hardship, punishment, exile and imprisonment.The anthropology of dissidence can both theorize and document the struggles on the ground in totalitarian Soviet Russia, East Europe or China or against the cultural imperialism of the West through the diverse activities of politics, theatre, literature or poetry. It can also reflect on the nature of dissident thought as a form of public discourse and academic scholarship that is the consequence of outspoken public intellectuals who through their practice dissent and refus e the brutal and arbitrary application of power. Globalization has given birth to its own geographical and historical forms of protest, against free trade, against austerity, against tyrannical dictatorships, a gainst fina nce capita lism and the greed of Wall St that led to the Global Financial Crisis. These contemporary protests - the Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, anti-capitalist rallies, anti-globalization mobilizations - have learned from and utilized new forms of protest and discourse of the first wave (the speech and student movements, the peace movement, Black civil rights and later the anti-Apartheid movement, the feminist and ga y movements) to broaden the politics of nonviolent protest to create imaginative public pedagogies (McKenna & Darder, 2011).Dissident thought has a kinship relationship with the ecology of concepts that proceed from the concepts of dissent and the very possibility of disagreement as an inherent aspect of discourse. It has taken many different forms in relation to discourse thought and action, and encompa ssed and cultivated political norms associated with freedom of speech that allows the expression of opposition, protest, revolt, and the expression of anti-establishment thought that takes the form of civil disobedience, non-violent protest and sometimes revolutionary activity. Often this opposition has taken the form of the metaphysics of negation brought back to life as an operating principle by Hegel but seen by some to be an intrinsic aspect of being and communication. Daniel Dahlstrom (2010) in his Presidential Addr ess to the Metaphysical Society of America, suggestsNegation is something that we do. It is typically a judgment that we make, a judgment that something is not the case, and it usually - albeit by no means exclusively - takes the form of a statement... Negations ... are commonplace, in our lives and in our grammar, and they may well be a distinctive feature of human communication. Almost two decades ago Jon Barwise made the observation: 'All human languages contain one or more mechanisms of a negative character; no animal communication does' (p. …

Conscientious objection in medical practice

Medical practice implies the controversial encounter of diverse circumstances in which eventual conflicts between physicians and patients values as well as between physicians values and legal or institutional rules arise. When dealing with these situations, physicians have the right to refuse acting against their moral conscience. This conscientious objection, accepted as a personal right and recognized by several legislations and medical ethics codes, is valid only if it has been reasonably justified and declared in advance. Conversely, it would be invalid if it is based upon convenience or understood as a collective refusal, which may be a form of civil disobedience. Conscientious objection in medicine is considered a limited right even though patients ought to be respected in their demands for legally accepted treatments or interventions. On the other hand, personal conscientious objection is different from the prerogative of institutions to establish their own regulations according to their institutional ideology or ethics codes. However, public hospitals have to offer all treatments or interventions legally allowed, since the state has the obligation to guarantee all citizens an appropriate access to them.

Political Ecology of Environmental Management and Resource Control in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria (Lessons of Experience and the Way Forward)

Environmental issue is a very sensitive matter in state governance today in sub-Saharan Africa. Its utilization and management are issues that government can hardly ignore. Oil is Nigeria`s highest source of foreign earnings. And 94% of the commodity is produce in Niger Delta region of the country while the remaining 4.5% is produce in the south eastern region of the country specifically in areas between Abia and Imo states while the remaining 1.5% is produce in the south western state of Ondo. Minimal governmental attention to environmental management in region where this commodity is produce is translating in demand for resource control and other forms of civil disobedience. Conducted with the use of quantitative research analysis and method, this work examines the meanings of political ecology, environmental management and resource control in relations to the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The work also examines some of the emerging lessons been learnt from state negligence of environmental management in the region. Lessons emanating from demand for resource control by the people of the region were also examine by the study. And finally, the work also made suggestions on the way forward on this sensitive political ecological matter.

Creating Counter-Spaces of Resistance and Sanctuaries of Learning and Teaching: An Analysis of Freedom University

Background/Context In 2011, the Georgia Board of Regents passed an educational policy that denies qualified students without documentation access to five selective institutions of higher education in the state. As a form of civil disobedience, Freedom University in Athens, Georgia, was founded to cultivate a space where students without documentation can continue their postsecondary educational pursuits. Research Questions The research questions that guided this study are: (a) In what ways does Freedom University serve as a sanctuary of teaching and learning from the perspectives of faculty members? and (b) What challenges and successes have been and continue to be experienced by the faculty of Freedom University in developing sanctuaries of teaching and learning for students without documentation? Research Design This qualitative case study included in-depth interviews with three founding faculty members. It also included document analysis that was based on historical aspects associated with the formation of Freedom Schools during the Civil Rights era and the concept of school as sanctuary to understand the pedagogical and philosophical underpinnings associated with the establishment of Freedom University. Through constant comparative data analysis, the authors uncover how Freedom University operates as a sanctuary for students without documentation. Findings The findings demonstrate that Freedom University is a postsecondary sanctuary school because it centers students’ experiences within the curriculum and embodies transformational resistance by both students and faculty. Conclusions/Recommendations The authors suggest that, by creating sanctuaries at a post-secondary level, students without documentation are afforded a space to continue their education not for a college degree but for the sake of learning.

Ain’t Scared of Your Jail: Arrest, Imprisonment, and the Civil Rights Movement by Zoe A. Colley (review)

Reviewed by: Ain’t Scared of Your Jail: Arrest, Imprisonment, and the Civil Rights Movement by Zoe A. Colley Beth Fowler (bio) Ain’t Scared of Your Jail: Arrest, Imprisonment, and the Civil Rights Movement. By Zoe A. Colley. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2012. Pp. 160. $69.95 cloth) Brutal treatment and criminal records awaited black activists who protested segregation laws in the Jim Crow South. Thousands of protesters, however, answered the call to “fill the jails” during the heyday of the black freedom movement in the 1950s and 1960s. Even though civil rights organizations encouraged activists to serve their sentences as a form of civil disobedience, and Freedom Riders have long asserted that their famed 1961 campaign was carried over into the infamous Parchman Farm, where hundreds of participants were sent after violating the transportation codes of Mississippi, this particular aspect of movement activity is usually given scant attention in other assessments of the civil rights movement. Zoe A. Colley’s fascinating Ain’t Scared of Your Jail: Arrest, Imprisonment, and the Civil Rights Movement helps explain this link by arguing that going to jail was an integral part of putting one’s body on the line in protests across the South, and that this experience helped build community among activists and intensify the impact of their use of nonviolence. Colley’s extensive use of interviews with activists, as well as papers and letters from many private collections, allows her to construct a convincing account of how civil rights campaigns extended into jail cells across the South. She effectively traces the origins of the push to accept “jail-no-bail” through the sit-in movements of 1960, the Freedom Ride campaign and Albany movement of 1961, the Freedom Summer project of 1964, and the Black Power organizations of the late 1960s. Throughout, she effectively shows how activists considered serving jail time as a crucial part of their contributions [End Page 158] to the movement, as well as how these sentences rejuvenated their flagging spirits, thus allowing campaigns to continue. Colley does not ignore the brutalities of imprisonment—each chapter is, in fact, brimming with detail about the violence, sexual harassment, lack of shelter and amenities, poor food quality, and exposure to the elements that prisoners faced. But for the Freedom Riders, who were sent to Parchman Prison in droves once the campaign extended to Mississippi, turning the jails into sites of activism was crucial. Colley quotes C. T. Vivian as noting that “the feeling of people coming out of the jail was one that they had triumphed, that they had achieved” (p. 57). Jail sentences also helped Northern and white activists show their dedication to the fight, as displayed by Peter Milenburg’s assertion that “before I ever went to jail I longed for the experience out of curiosity and to put the official stamp on my involvement in the movement” (p. 88). Colley readily admits that jail-ins did not ultimately help dismantle Jim Crow laws. She attributes this lack of success to the relatively small number of activists willing to go to jail, and to changing tactics which focused more on spadework that required activists to actually be present in local communities rather than sitting in cells. She does not, however, explain that, since jail-ins took place outside the public eye and the gaze of the media, they were unable to provoke the anger and support among outsiders on which nonviolent direct protest generally relies. This lack of attention to the contributions of mass media is odd, given that Colley herself details cases in which activists were forced to languish in cells until photographers surreptitiously captured and published their images, forcing local authorities to release them. Civil rights activists’ experiences in jail cells may not have prompted the nationwide support and federal intervention that more public acts elicited, but Colley succeeds in showing how going to jail remained integral to the practice of nonviolent protest and in helping to reinforce ideals of community and moral righteousness among activists. Her book is a revealing portrait of activism that [End Page 159] almost always took place beyond the scope of the camera lens, and is all the...

Nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie a państwo demokratyczne

The aim of this article is to present the complex issue of civil disobedience in the democratic state. The authors pay attention to the fact that ineffectiveness may lay the foundation for civil disobedience. It should be stressed that the activity of the citizens in the form of civil disobedience shall not always harmonize with the legal norms of applicable democratic state of law. Civil disobedience may reflect varied interests of different social groups. These points of view – often very different - shall be perceived by the governmental authority, which in the decision-making process is forced to choose between the so-called “lesser evil”. The authors present the issue of civil disobedience by showing examples from the country and abroad.

Crises of leadership and the ethical grounds of revolution in Africa

Leadership is conceived as a vocation to service backed by authority to exercise administrative powers not for any personal gains but for the good and development of the people and the state. The leadership in Africa seems to derail from this rather noble understanding of leadership while tilting towards the egocentric idea of leadership where there is a shift from the people centered leadership to the person centered leadership and where the interest of the leader and his group is protected. This leads to underdevelopment in most African states and a protracted suffering of the citizens of these states which often comes in form of mismanagement of funds, abuse of human right and wanton discrimination in the state. The need to survive these long sufferings has led some people to demonstrations against the government which often come in form of civil disobedience and more recently revolution in some African countries. This work examines ethical rounds of these revolutions while asserting that no matter how moral a revolutionary movement is, care should be taken to avoid damage that will create more problems instead of solving them. Key words: Leadership, crisis, Africa, revolution.

Urban Social Movements in ‘Weak’ Civil Societies: The Right to the City and Cosmopolitan Activism in Southern Europe

The transition from fast spontaneous urbanisation in southern Europe, with popular squatting as a form of civil disobedience, to ‘new social movements’ (NSMs) for democratic globalisation in cities, is taking place in the context of a broader transition. In the 20th century, there were unstable politics, civil wars and also still dictatorships in the south, which contributed in a north—south divide in Europe, engulfing civil societies, the welfare state, planning and grassroots mobilisations for a ‘right to the city’. This paper focuses on social transformation during the 21st century and points to three directions. First, it explores the nature of several NSMs as urban social movements (USMs) organised by loosely networked cosmopolitan collectivities, social centres and flâneur activists demanding a ‘right to the city’, and interprets this with reference to globalisation, democratisation and the Europeanisation of southern civil societies. Secondly, it unveils innovative forms of ‘urban’ mobilisations in the south, influencing the rest of the Europe: squatting in the past, social centres and the ESF (both starting in Italy) at present. Thirdly, it traces transformations of USMs between two centuries and argues about the deconstruction of the north—south divide in Europe with regard to movements and definitions of the ‘right to the city’. Mediterranean USMs have offered new insights and have broadened geographical imaginations in Europe.

What’s Unique About Immigrant Protest?

Increasingly, western democratic countries are bearing witness to immigrant protest, that is, protest by immigrants who are dissatisfied with their status in the host community. In protesting, the immigrants object to the ways in which various laws and practices have proved to be obstacles to their full integration. Because immigrants, upon entering, have consented to abide by the rules and regulations of the host state, it might be thought that these forms of civil disobedience are, effectively, contract violations. Immigrants might therefore be thought to have a particularly stringent duty to abide by the laws of their host state. This paper evaluates whether immigrants are indeed under a special duty to abide by the laws of their host state. First, it suggests that it is useful — although incomplete — to apply the device of the 'contract' to understanding the relationship between new immigrants and the host community. Second, it argues that there are limits to what can be demanded of and by immigrants as well as of and by host communities. It then turns to offering principles that help to evaluate the motivations of immigrant protestors, as well as that help guide their actions, when they believe that the community they have joined is treating them unjustly. These principles suggest that immigrant protest actions are subject to the restriction that they do not undermine the possibility of an inclusive democratic community.