Authoritarian Forms Research Articles

„We will go through this TOGETHER!“ Bemerkungen zu Vulnerabilität und zum kompulsiven Resilienzvarieté in politischen COVID-19-Krankheitsnarrativen

<p>In a first, tentative and explorative review, the paper discusses issues of resilience performance in socially addressed illness narratives in the context of political communication and self-representation. Using the examples of U.S. President Donald Trump and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and their Covid-19 disorders, the paper explores forms of media self-representation as resilient politicians. In a critical reading, the gender-coded displays of vulnerability and masculine resilience are related to the performance of the supposedly normal. Taking Judith Butler as a reference point, the illness narratives of strength are interpreted as a defense against and fear of weakness and threat. In the conclusion, the initial observations are related to questions of new forms of authoritarianism, so-called soft authoritarianism. The article is intended as a sketch and as a preliminary consideration for a future systematic study of vulnerability, gender, and political communication. </p>

The Alt-Right: Neoliberalism, Libertarianism and the Fascist Temptation

There is by now broad consensus in the critical literature that neoliberalism and social conservatism have frequently coexisted in practice. Yet the alt-right fits none of the previously identified alliances: this is not the neoliberal neoconservatism of the Reagan and Bush years, nor the neoliberal communitarianism of the Third Way, nor even a form of neoliberal authoritarianism. Instead, the alt-right claims intellectual descent from economic libertarianism, on the one hand, and paleo- (as opposed to neo-) conservatism on the other. This paper traces the contours of this ‘paleolibertarian’ alliance, first by following the volatile political trajectory of Murray Rothbard, the foremost philosopher of American libertarianism, and, second, by uncovering precedents in the longer history of the American far right. It will be argued that paleoconservatism makes for a uniquely powerful ally because it offers a workable response to libertarianism’s intrinsic contradictions.

Le socialisme est égal à la mort, le marché est égal à la vie: discours anti-socialiste et pro marché dans les politiques socio-économiques de l'opposition vénézuélienne contemporaine.

While there has been much coverage in the media and in academic work on the crisis in Venezuela, little has been written about the Venezuelan Opposition, grouped in the Democratic Unity Coalition (MUD) and even less about their economic and social policies. This paper seeks to address this latter lacuna by providing a critical examination of three key MUD policy documents. Situating this analysis within a wider discussion on the relationship between democracy and neoliberalism, and using a framework derived from Wendy Brown’s book “In the Ruins of Neoliberalism”, the article argues that the Venezuelan Opposition is fundamentally neoliberal in ideological orientation. This means that it seeks to, paraphrasing Brown, critique and dismantle society, using anti-socialism as its principle trope to do so; attack “democracy understood as popular sovereignty and shared political power”, even while it uses democracy as its main discursive banner; and extend the personal protected sphere at the expense of the public. This may result, the article concludes, in a form of neoliberal authoritarianism rather than ‘restored’ democracy as the Opposition claims.

Predicting the Patriarchal Politics of Pandemics From Mary Shelley to COVID-19.

I examine the predictive powers of the political science fictions of Mary Shelley, Octavia Butler, and Margaret Atwood for understanding the patriarchal—or men-dominant—dynamics of the politics of pandemics in the twenty-first century. Like her literary followers in post-apocalyptic plague literature, Butler and Atwood, Shelley foresaw that the twenty-first century would be the age of lethal pandemics. Their post-apocalyptic fictions also projected the ways that patriarchal and authoritarian forms of populism could shape the cultural circumstances that can turn a local outbreak of a new and deadly contagious disease, like COVID-19, into a politically chaotic and economically devastating global plague. Modern feminist political science fiction born of Shelley's great pandemic novel The Last Man (1826) is seemingly clairvoyant not because of any supernatural powers of the authors but rather because of their studied attention to the wisdom of plague literature, the lessons of epidemic history, and the political dynamics of patriarchy and populism.

AUGUSTINE AND PELAGIUS AS A CAMEO OF THE DILEMMA BETWEEN ORIGINAL SIN AND FREE WILL

According to St. Augustine’s (354-430) literal reading of the myth of Adam’s “fall”, sin is transmitted to all humanity and leaves an uncontrollable inclination to sin. Salvation from this “original sin” can be achieved only by the grace of God, but the grace of God was mediated exclusively by the orthodox Roman church through the administration of the sacraments. One of the so-called “heretics” who was prepared to speak out against this authoritarian form of church “orthodoxy” was the Celtic monk Pelagius (360-c.420). He denied that sin is transmitted at birth. He claimed that sin was the result of an act of the will, choosing evil over good – and that divine grace cannot perfect humankind’s sanctity without the exercise of one’s own free will. Even though science and biblical textual criticism have prompted a new search for coherence between modernity and the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, some, or other form of the doctrine of original sin is still being propounded in most Christian denominations today. In view of the tragic baggage that Christianity must bear, the question is raised regarding whether Pelagius’s insistence on the choice to exercise free will for good through a Christ-like life would not have led to a more psychologically healthy and effective Christianity? This article employs a History-of-Religion’s methodology to probe the politico-cultural historical context during St. Augustine’s lifetime to understand how it came about that the doctrine of original sin was established. This article hypothesises that the possibility (as claimed by Rowan Williams). of a “normative” Christianity containing “an interwoven plurality of perspectives on what was transacted in Jerusalem” is only achievable if the pre-Darwinian doctrine of inborn sin is relinquished in favour of Pelagius’s insistence on accountability through an effort of will for good sustained by the grace of God.

Precautionary authoritarianism and the contested governance of Chinese food safety

ABSTRACT Chinese food policy has changed over the last two decades from a productivist focus to embracing a precautionary approach to food safety. What are the drivers of this change? And what are the implications for the Chinese political regime? While acknowledging the relevance of global dynamics, we claim that domestic dynamics have largely accounted for this change. A series of food scandals in the 2000s has caused concerns among Chinese consumers and ultimately lead to a contested governance of food safety in the nation that has challenged the legitimacy of the regime itself. The government has responded by introducing new precautionary measures, as theorists of responsive authoritarianism would predict. Contrary to such predictions, though, the Chinese government toughened provisions to repress violations. Due to these characteristics, we conclude that the Chinese approach to food safety that emerged after the food scandals can be synthesised as a form of precautionary authoritarianism.

Neoliberalism and Authoritarianism: Martin Beddeleem in Conversation with Thomas Biebricher

Martin Beddeleem, member of the Global Perspectives Emerging Scholars Forum, talk about Thomas Biebricher’s book on the political theory of neoliberalism as well as Biebricher’s article in Global Perspectives, teasing out links between neoliberal thought and forms of authoritarianism.

Challenging absolute executive powers in times of corona: re-examining constitutional courts and the collective right to public contestation as instruments of institutional control

Purpose The CoViD-19 pandemic has brought about a panoply of institutional challenges both domestically and in the international arena. Classical constitutional theory thereby underwent a reinvention by the executive for the sake of speedy policy action and to the detriment of institutional control while favouring authoritarian forms of governance. This paper concerns itself with institutional responses to such developments, placing emphasis on the role of the judiciary and people*s in contesting emergency decrees and other executive orders, especially where fundamental rights are infringed upon. The paper aims to explore the difficulties arising with exerting absolute executive powers during the health crisis, the respective role assumed by constitutional courts and the impact of the new governance paradigm on forms of public contestation, also as a means of quasi institutional control. Design/methodology/approach Indeed, the right to health may be translated into political discourse and become foundational to security and public interest paradigms. This may result in a shrinking public space given the constraints to the freedom of movement. In the name of public safety, the (collective) right to assembly, expression and protest have been submitted to major limitations in that regard. Findings Ultimately, this re-opens debates on the meaning of absolute rights and contextualities of derogations, as well as the reconcilability of civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights. It also exposes social inequalities, social justice dimensions and vulnerabilities, often exacerbated by the health crisis; migrant rights demonstrably face particularly severe and intersectional forms of violations. Originality/value Particular values lie with the interdisciplinary approach embraced in this paper; the authors draw on a variety of social sciences disciplines to shed light on this very current issue. Both theoretical and empirical methods are used and combined here, making sense of the underlying logic of virus governance and its impacts on fundamental rights.

Estilos educativos parentales y adicción al internet en alumnos de secundaria en La Molina

 The objective of the research was to determine the relationship between parental educational styles, mother and father, and Internet Addiction in students from 1 to 5 years of secondary school in an educational institution in the district of La Molina, the instruments used: scale of standards and requirements (ENE) of Fuentes, Motrico and Bersabé and the Internet Addiction Scale of Lima (EAIL) of Lam-Figueroa et al. The sample consisted of 156 high school students from the district of La Molina. The results showed that there is a significant relationship between parental educational styles and Internet addiction in high school students in the district of La Molina. It was also found that there is a negative relationship between the democratic form, of the mother and father, and the addiction to the Internet. It was also found that there is a relationship between authoritarian form, mother and father, and Internet addiction. Finally, it was found that there is no relationship between the permissive form of the mother, and Internet addiction as opposed to the permissive form of the father and the Internet addiction in which a relationship was found. It was concluded that parental educational styles are related to Internet addiction.

Authoritarian Roads Not Taken: Institutional Trajectories and Authoritarian Constitutionalism in Interwar Eastern Europe

Contemporary authoritarian regimes are more alike than they have been in decades, with most conforming to a constitutional structure that imitates liberal democracies, although many seek to innovate beyond this framework. This paper explores a prior era of authoritarian constitutional innovation, the twenty years of postwar independence among the states of Interwar Eastern Europe. This paper attempts a systematic conceptual categorization among Interwar-era authoritarian regimes in the Baltic states, East-Central Europe, and the Balkans over the period 1919-1939, identifying models akin to modern electoral authoritarianism as well as more unusual schemas conceptualized here as ‘authoritarian constitutionalism.’ Instead of asking why Eastern European states fell away from democracy during the interbellum, this paper asks what forms of authoritarianism took hold in a period when authoritarian institutional creativity was at an historic high. Leveraging data on regime, political system, and institutional configurations across all Eastern European authoritarian regimes, the paper groups institutional patterns and tracks their evolution over the Interwar era, introducing the concept of ‘authoritarian constitutionalism,’ a form of institutionalized authoritarian rule often left as a residual category or marked by ideological signifiers, to better explain the congruence of political and constitutional order across regional cases. Dynamics of authoritarian institutional experimentation are further illustrated with vignette case studies of the electoral authoritarian regime in Poland and the authoritarian constitutionalist regime of Konstantin Pats’ Estonia.

The 'Method and Madness' of Authoritarian Constitution Making in Democratic Regimes

Globally, more than half the attempts at making a democratic constitution have failed to produce one. Another large number of constitutions have suffered the ignominy of having a draft made and implemented, but ultimately being rejected by the populace or political elites for failing to perform its intended functions. A curious case emerges in instances when would-be-autocrats draft authoritarian constitutions in democratic regimes. They do it rather successfully. Moreover, they do so without using force, with the consent of large sections of the society, and in ostensibly democratic ways. The question that then arises is how would-be-autocrats are more successful than their democratic counterparts in such ventures. Using three varied examples of authoritarian constitution-making from Hungary, Venezuela, and Turkey, this article will examine the ‘method and madness’ behind the success of would-be autocrat’s constitution-making endeavors and these authoritarian constitutions’ acceptance by the populace.

The expertocratic shortcut

Lafont rightly criticizes the expertocratic shortcut, i.e. the expectation that citizens blindly defer to experts. This shortcut is based on the assumptions that citizens are generally politically ignorant. I will argue that it is necessary to address not only the political ignorance of citizens, but also that of politicians, scientific experts and entrepreneurs. Just like politicians, scientific experts often show political ignorance towards citizens. This is the case if they do not consider the perspective of citizens in politically charged research. Unlike Lafont, I believe that if citizens are expected to blindly defer to politicians, there is no expertocratic shortcut, but a form of authoritarianism that fosters populism. Lafont overlooks an expertocratic shortcut: scientific experts who expect politicians to blindly defer to them, i.e. to accept the agenda they set. It is noteworthy that neither Lafont nor her opponents defending an expertocratic shortcut explicitly discuss the tension between capitalism and democracy. They should do so in order to explain which citizens are ignorant and bypassed, and which are not. The socio-economic inequalities inherent in capitalism correspond to the degree of political interest and participation of citizens. Entrepreneurs are often not only politically ignorant towards citizens, but also towards politicians and scientific experts. Their political ignorance is due to the fact that they are most often in a dominant position where politicians, scientific experts and citizens depend on them. This can be traced back to what I call the neoliberal shortcut: the expectation that actors blindly defer to the markets.

The Myth of the Illiberal Democratic Constitution

This chapter argues that the category of the illiberal democratic constitution is a very unstable one. It tends to collapse, in different ways, into two other categories: the liberal democratic constitution and the authoritarian constitution. In theory, an illiberal democratic constitution would be based on popular will and would thus hold free and fair elections, but without including the separation of powers and rights to check majority will. But in practice, the design of illiberal constitutions draws heavily on liberal democratic constitutionalism, containing rights, courts, and other counter-majoritarian institutions. No distinctive illiberal constitutional design has emerged, and illiberal, anti-democratic impacts are instead achieved by subverting or abusing liberal democratic designs. In another sense, the illiberal democratic constitution tends to collapse into authoritarianism. This is because liberalism and democracy have a strong tendency to erode together – attacks on liberal concepts like rights and courts also usually tilt the electoral playing field heavily in favor of incumbents, making elections increasingly problematic tests of popular will. Crediting the claims of would-be autocrats that they are actually (illiberal) democrats thus buys into a dangerous myth. It grants a specious imprimatur of majoritarian democracy, while allowing them to reject “western” liberal baggage that is in fact crucial for protecting democratic constitutionalism.

The Perils of Authoritarian Presidentialism: Stumbling Towards Authoritarian Constitutionalism in Eurasia

Hegemonic electoral authoritarian regimes in post-Soviet Eurasia have been increasingly experimenting at the margins with alternative institutional forms beyond inherited democratic structures, yet so far with only minor success. Tinkering with different constitutional formats is likely to continue in the coming decades, especially as the constitutional position of representative legislatures ensures that such electorally-connected remain uncomfortable, latent threats to long-term authoritarian stability. Efforts to structurally deviate from the ‘standard model’ of liberal democratic constitutional schemas derived from the 1990s-era democratization pressures has already been observed in several states, including Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus. More ambitious structural format changes are likely, especially in the form of newly constitutionalized conciliar and advisory bodies, which are also increasingly associated with the institutionalization of stable leader succession rules. Combined with formally disempowering elected legislatures vis-a-vis the executive, these new developments may prove to be more congruent with long-standing electoral authoritarian regimes’ preferences regarding the formalization of authoritarian political orders over the medium- and long-term.

Constitutionalized But Not Constitute: The Case of Right to Social Security in Indonesia

Previous studies on the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia heavily focus on the Constitutional Court’s decisions in upholding the rights. But there is still minimum study on the political economy behind the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia. This article will analyze the development of socio-economic rights through the lenses of the right to social security. This article relies on two major theoretical frameworks to analyze the development of the right to social security in Indonesia. The first theoretical framework is the authoritarian constitutionalism in the economic sphere. The second theoretical framework in this article is Kathrine Young’s theory of the construction of socio-economic rights. This article postulates that the rights to social security has been constitutionalized but not constituted in Indonesia for several reasons. First, and foremost, the legacy of authoritarian constitutionalism that prioritizing economic growth over the fulfilment of social economic rights. The “growth” ideology has contributed to the discrepancy between the constitution and reality, in which the government merely considers protection of socio-economic rights as extra cost, which will hamper the growth of the economy. Second, the lack of philosophical and comparative analysis in the interpretation of rights to social security. Third, the transformation of the Court as a detached court in the enforcement of the rights to social security. The element of detachment is clearly seen in the Court’s too much deferral to the Executive and Legislative branches in defining the scope and meaning of the right to social security. Finally, the failure of social movement to create a new narrative on injustice and the importance of rights to social security.

El fin de algunas ilusiones. Subjetividad y democracia en tiempos de regresión autoritaria / The end of some illusions. Democracy and subjectivity in times of authoritarian regression

Este trabajo propone un análisis de la actual crisis de las democracias y el giro autoritario a partir de una reflexión sobre las formas de subjetivación. En un primero momento describe lo que consideramos cierto ideal de transparencia, tanto en el modo institucionalista de pensar la democracia como en la utopía neoliberal, y su descuido de la dimensión de las subjetividades política. En un segundo momento se detiene en los estudios sobre la personalidad autoritaria de la primera generación de la Escuela de Frankfurt, para mostrar que los fenómenos de autoritarismo social son “síntomas” que no pueden ser reducidos a su ubicación económica ni explicados solamente por un análisis de las relaciones de fuerzas políticas, sino que deben ser también indagados en la intersección entre ideología y subjetividad. Finalmente, ofrece algunas reflexiones sobre los procesos contemporáneos de subjetivación mediante los cuales se produce la aceptación y la justificación de las condiciones sociales y su rol en las formas sociales de autoritarismo.

Paternalistic Leadership and Followers’ Innovative Behavior in Pakistan: The mediatory role of Ethical Climate, Psychological Empowerment and Team Identification

Paternalistic leadership is normally practiced in high power distance and collectivist cultures. These are mostly of eastern origin like in Pakistan. However, its effectiveness in terms of innovation remains inconclusive. We tend to answer this as well as propose a mechanism of how it affects innovation. More specifically, we tend to explore the role of ethical climate, team Identification, and psychological empowerment on the relationship between paternalistic leadership, and innovative behavior. We proposed a theoretical framework, modifying Cheng & Wang (2015) model to incorporate outcomes in form of innovation as well as the mediatory role of psychological empowerment. We hypothesize that paternalistic leadership is characterized by 1. Authoritarian, 2. Benevolent, and 3. Moral Leadership styles inculcate a positive ethical climate, as well as psychological empowerment among their subordinates. These factors would lead towards Team Identification, and further improves Innovative Behavior. We classified Ethical Climate into 1. Egoism on one end, and 2. Benevolence, and 3. Principled on another end. Empirical validity was established by conducting a survey using a close-ended questionnaire. Data was collected from 314 subordinate employees and analyzed using confirmatory factor analysis and structured equation modeling. Results suggested that all forms of paternal leadership namely Authoritarian, Benevolent, and moral leadership seem to positively enforce two positive forms of ethical climate i.e. Benevolent, and Principle at the same time. They also seem to positively affect Psychological Empowerment. Moral leadership seems to negatively impact the Egoistic climate as expected, however; the authoritarian form seems to positively enforce egoism. The principle, and egoistic climate as well as Psychological Empowerment seems to positively affect team identification. However, the egoistic climate seems to curb innovative behavior. Whereas principled and Psychological Empowerment seems to promote it. The benevolent climate didn’t seem to affect either team identification or innovation. Benevolent, and moral leadership also seems to directly and positively impact Team Identification. Benevolent leadership also seems to have a direct positive effect on innovation, which is also impacted by Team Identification. Hence, the finding suggested that egoism positively mediates the impact of moral leadership on innovation but negatively mediates its effect on team identification. Similarly, it negatively meditates the effect of authoritarian leadership on innovation, but positively moderate team identification. Principled climate as well as Psychological empowerment, positively mediate the effect of all three forms of paternal leadership on both innovation and team identification, as well as on innovation through second-order mediation of team identification. The major findings, theoretical contributions, and limitations were discussed.

Outlawing Opposition, Imposing Rule of Law: Authoritarian Constitutionalism in Cambodia

AbstractCambodia's Constitution, promulgated in September 1993, was to be the foundation of a transition to liberal, multiparty democracy. Yet, despite the document's seeming commitment to those very principles, constitutional provisions are frequently used to undermine liberal rule of law and to impose restrictions on political processes, freedoms, and rights. Focusing on the events of 2016–2017, including the jailing of opposition politicians, controversial legal reforms, and the dissolution of the country's foremost opposition party, this article demonstrates how authoritarian practices in Cambodia are framed in terms of adherence – even fidelity – to the Constitution. Further, it explores how ideas of ‘stability’ and ‘law and order’ often elide with those of rule of law in discourses and practices that simultaneously exalt and hollow out the normative power of the Constitution. This article posits that a socio-legal approach that pays particular attention to discourse can shed new light on the empirical fact of authoritarian constitutionalism, but also the processes of meaning-making that accompany, facilitate, and legitimize its practice. Far from merely a sham, then, Cambodia's Constitution – like many others – is imbricated in a complex web of contestation and legitimation that extends far beyond the walls of any courtroom.

Authoritarian constitutionalism: The South African experience

Authoritarian constitutionalism: The South African experience

The far right ĽSNS in Slovakia and its reconstruction of the nation

Societies around the globe have been witnessing the emergence of the radical right, often seen as the result of neoliberal globalization. Democratic governance, liberalism, human rights, and values are being questioned while populist, authoritarian, and ethnonationalist forms of governance are being offered. In the European Union, the tumultuous developments have been testing the viability of the identity marker of Europeanness and its perseverance in EU member states. What we are witnessing are significant shifts in the discourse about sameness and otherness, the convergence of left and right ideologies and the emergence of hybrid forms of authoritarianism and democracy that have been dubbed as illiberal democracy or authoritarian liberalism. The rise of the radical right and its mobilization across the EU member states is reflective of these processes, and it is the goal of this author to understand the mechanisms behind the empowerment, mobilization, and normalization of radical right through the case study of Slovakia. In particular, the effort of this paper is to understand how the far-right party Kotlebovci – Ľudová Strana Naše Slovensko (ĽSNS) in Slovakia re-conceptualized the notion of nation and normalized far-right ideology as a pretext of a broader mobilization.