Formation In Africa Research Articles

THE SETAs AND S-SYSTEM SKILLS DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA AND BRAZIL: A TRANSFORMATIVE SOCIAL POLICY PERSPECTIVE

Relevance. The African Union declared 2024 the Year of Education, Educating an African Fit for the 21st Century and the Agenda 2063 aspiration seeks to catalyse an education and skills revolution for Africa’s industrialisation. This places Technical and Vocational Education and Training at the centre in skills development on the continent. As part of their endogenous initiatives at improving skills, knowledge and abilities desired for work and enhance industrial competitiveness South Africa and Brazil instituted the SETAs system and the S-System, respectively aimed at skills formation and human capital development. Aim. The two BRICS countries of South Africa and Brazil, through Acts of Parliament, institutionalised skills development programs which had seen them emerge as leading economies on their respective continents. What key lessons can be drawn for other African countries in their quest for industrialisation in the AU Year of the Year of Education to foster the relevant and competitive skills needed for the 21st century. Methods. The case studies of the S-system of Brazil and the SETAs system of South Africa are presented using a case study approach. Examining the SETAs and S-systems using a Transformative Social Policy framework, the paper adopts a case study approach seeks to answer the following questions: (1) what kind of institutional linkages and coordination between industry/business and skills/education training institutions need to be in place for adequate and appropriate human capital formation in Africa? (2) what are the appropriate funding mechanisms for human capital development suitable for African countries to adopt? (3) What coordination and facilitating role should be adopted by states in African countries to facilitate industry/training institutional linkages? Results and conclusions. Key finding indicates that while the SETAs in South Africa are widely recognised by employers and give holders a big advantage in securing employment, TVET-market coordination, regional coordination for area-specific industrialisation and appropriate skills funding mechanism are key for competitive skills development and provide practical and policy lessons for African governments.

Child Labour and Capitalist Social Engineering in Africa: Divorcing Society from the Means of Production

Abstract This article engages with some salient issues relating to child labour in colonial and post-colonial Africa. The central argument hinges on the inconclusive assault of capital on pre-capitalist socio-economic formation in Africa and the urgent intellectual task of liberating the study of child labour from humanitarian, United Nations and non-governmental organisation bureaucrats by privileging the voices of children themselves. The first section deals with historiographical issues, while the second focuses on agriculture, aspects of urban poverty and the emergence of a Lumpenproletariat to examine the transformation from above which took place after the colonial state was created at the turn of the century. The third section addresses two insidious categories of child labour in the post-colony: child trafficking and child soldiers. The final section grapples with the moral economy of child labour by interrogating the complex array of instruments that have emerged on the global scene to address what is today seen as the child labour ‘problem’.

Rebel group formation in Africa: Evidence from a new dataset

Theories of internal armed conflict onset often conceptualize an eruption emerging from pre-existing, non-violent opposition movements or organizations. This paper argues that this is not the most common pathway to armed conflict in Africa. It introduces new data on rebel group formation in 47 African states (1997–2015) that offers a more complete picture than existing conflict datasets; about two-thirds of the groups in the new dataset are not named in standard conflict datasets. The strong majority of these rebel groups formed in rural areas; did not emerge from nearby protest movements or civil society organizations; and initially did not benefit from substantial material resources nor commit large-scale violence. Analyses suggest that rebel groups forming in rural parts of African states draw less often on pre-war, public, non-violent contestation than those of urban areas. The paper highlights the need for more theory on the varied pathways to internal armed conflict, and the importance of – and challenges of collecting – systematic evidence on armed group formation.

Why Has Somaliland Not Been Recognised as A Sovereign State?

After the collapse of the Somali state, civil war followed, leading people to turn to their ancestral homeland. Consequently, rudimental local administrations were formed with a provision of becoming part of a decentralised governance system in Somalia. However, one region stood differently by declaring itself a separate state, Somaliland, within the boundaries of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. To overcome the objections of African countries about the session, Somaliland claimed that its declaration of independence in 1991 was supposed to be a dissolution of the union rather than a declaration of separation. This idea follows in the footsteps of other failed federations, such as the United Arab Republic, which included Egypt and Syria from 1958 to 1961, or the Senegambia Confederation, which existed between Senegal and the Gambia from 1981 to 1989. These failed political unions symbolized the breakup of that union and the restoration of the protectorate's original, pre-1960 borders. (Gordon, 2023) Britain granted Somaliland independence on June 26 1960, and after four days, it joined with the former UN Italian Somaliland Trusteeship Territory to form the Republic of Somalia. Thus, Somaliland's case differed markedly from the other regions as it wanted to stand as a separate nation-state within Africa. Yet, over thirty years have passed, and Somaliland has not been recognised as a sovereign entity. To answer why it happened, we have to look at the historical factors on state formation in Africa and how newly independent countries treated colonially inherited boundaries.

Something New out of Africa: States Made Slaves, Slaves Made States

AbstractIn this article I explain a nexus between slavery and state formation in Africa, proceeding from initial demographic and institutional conditions to an external demand shift, individual state responses, and their collective systemic consequences. Historically, African rulers faced distinctive challenges: low population density prioritized control of people more than territory, and internal disintegration was often a greater threat than external conquest. A massive expansion in the demand for slaves offered African rulers increased opportunities to use external resources for “outside-in” state building. Many did so by creating highly militarized predatory slaving states. The collective consequence was heightened systemic insecurity. Variation in the timing of these developments reflected regional and historical variation in the expansion of the demand for slaves. Slaving states appeared first in West Africa, reflecting the late-seventeenth-century expansion of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, before spreading to East Africa a century later, following the parallel later increase in the Indian Ocean slave trade. This “outside-in” path to state formation both parallels and contrasts with contemporary postcolonial state formation.

Leadership and the Comparative Origin of Pro-developmental Ruling Coalitions in Ethiopia and Rwanda

What does it take to forge a pro-developmental ruling coalition in Africa? This paper answers this question based on a comparative study of the origin of pro-developmental ruling coalitions in Rwanda under Kagame and Ethiopia under Meles. The paper approaches the emergence of pro-developmental ruling coalitions as a collective action problem. It argues that overcoming the two collective action problems of limiting powerful actors` resort to violence in the pursuit of their self-interest; and subordinating their short-term rent-seeking interests to long-term developmental ends, are the sin quo non of forging a pro-developmental ruling coalition. Therefore, to study the origin of pro-developmental coalitions is to study society`s quest to overcome these two collective action problems. The paper maintains that in the quest to overcome these two collective action problems, the agency of leaders is critical because leaders possess a range of ideational, discursive/communicative, and organizational tools that may not be available to other actors. The paper demonstrates this by comparing the role of Meles of Ethiopia and Kagame of Rwanda in the emergence of pro-developmental ruling coalitions in the two countries. The findings of the paper contribute to the literature on coalition formation in Africa and leadership in developing societies.

Searching for Africa in Russia: The Fate of Apollon Davidson

This article is devoted to analysing the scholarly path of the outstanding Russian Africanist Apollon Davidson. His personality has already attracted scholarly attention, primarily in connection with the history of the Centre for African Studies of the Institute of Global History, which Davidson created in 1971. In this study, comprehensive analysis of the subject of Russia and Africa in Davidson’s work is conducted for the first time. Earlier research has only partially touched upon this theme. The main sources are Davidson’s works. The origins of Davidson’s interest in Africa are analyzed. This interest was closely connected with the atmosphere of Stalin’s Soviet Union, in the conditions of which the historian’s personality was formed. The analysis shows that avoiding problems related to the political situation was a conscious choice for Davidson, who sought to avoid having to write propaganda essays within the framework of the dominant ideology. The article identifies the key subjects that attracted Davidson’s attention: the formation of Africa’s image in Russia, the position of Russia in the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902, the Comintern and Africa, and the main aspects of Soviet foreign policy in Africa. It is shown that Davidson was especially interested in the African travels of Nikolai Gumilyov and the surge of interest in Africa among the Russian intelligentsia of the Silver Age. The publication of most of Davidson’s studies was possible only in the post-Soviet period.

National Identity and State Formation in Africa

National Identity and State Formation in Africa

Paleo-lateritization and metalliferous ore formation over the metadioritic rock in the Poli group – Northern Cameroon

This study reports on the geochemical characterization of paleo-lateritic covers cropping out in the Poli area, Northern Cameroon. This study aimed at obtaining a better understanding of their formation processes in regard to climate changes and implication in the occurrence of metalliferous ores. Hence, an analytical approach was adopted and consisted of inductively coupled plasma (ICP) atomic emission for major element geochemistry and mass spectrometry for trace and REEs (ICP-AES and ICP-MS respectively). The Poli study area belongs to the geomorphic unit of the Benoue plain and displays two main geomorphic sub-units: the upper and lower landsurfaces. Macroscopically, paleo-lateritic surfaces in this area rest on a Neoproterozoic basement mostly composed of metavolcanic and metasedimentary rocks passing upwards to a soil which consists of three main horizons (bottom to top): saprolitic horizon, spotted clayey horizon and iron-rich duricrust. These horizons result to an intense chemical weathering and moderate lateritization of metadiorite (CIA: 96.6–99.1%; IOL: 41.2–61.7%), related to Cenozoic era known as age of paleo-lateritic surface formation in Africa and during which the Northern Cameroon was located in the humid tropical zone of the Earth's surface. The paleo-lateritization process in the Poli study area is characterized by a moderate loss of silica (RR: 3.2 to 1.7) and a near-complete leaching of alkali, alkaline earth elements (TRB: 742.3 to 7.1 mg kg−1; WIP: 44.1 to 0.9%). Fe2O3 (9.6–43.5 wt %) showed significant variation with increasing trend from the bedrock to the iron duricrust. Among trace elements, Ba, U, Pb, Zr, Hf, Cr, Co, Cu, Ni, Sc and V are significantly enriched in the iron rich duricrust and constitute the mineralization indices with maximum enrichment factor in the lower landsurface. However, only V with an average content of 740 mg kg−1 in the upland and 667 mg kg−1 in the lowland indicates an economic level. Therefore, according mostly to the Fe2O3 and V contents, the iron duricrust cover of Poli displays a considerable mining potential.

Rethinking theological training as ministerial empowerment for contextual mission: A case of the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa

This research engaged a realist paradigm to triangulate existing literature with data that emerged from a PhD study on ministerial formation within the context of being a missional church in the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa (UPCSA). The study identified the need for theological training and ministerial formation to be relevant, contextual and responsive to the realities of the African communities. We concluded that current theological training module is dominated by Eurocentric expressions and narratives, which highlight an urgent need for a theological and ministerial formation model that will equip leaders with relevant and contextual missional strategies necessary for rapidly transforming African communities. There is a need for decolonisation and contextualisation of academic studies in order to align theological training and leadership development with the emerging challenges within the African context.Contribution: This article contributes to systematic, contextual and postcolonial reflections on theological education and ministerial formation in Africa.

Rethinking the State in Africa: Perceptions of Nigerians on State Formation, State-Building, and a Negotiated Social Contract in the Nigerian Case

The colonial disruption of organic state formation in Africa through the imposition of an alien state system adversely influenced state-building in the continent with consequences for good governance, belonging, and development in its holistic sense. Looking at the case of Nigeria, the adverse manifestations of the postcolonial state are signposted in the prevalent high level of insecurity that brings the state to the point of failure. This study used a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods to interrogate the origins of the Nigerian state, the perverse character it manifests, and her future trajectory. The findings show that Nigeria is in self-destruct mode unless, for once, the fundamental problem of its imposed origin and essence is addressed. Doing so will require a political mechanism that enables Nigerians to participate in negotiating a social contract between the state and its citizens as equal stakeholders.

China in Africa: From partner countries to follower countries. Part 1

The authors study Sino-African relations from the point of view of the theory of dependent and unequal development. The aim of the article is to analyze the mechanism of formation of a group of African follower countries of China, that positively perceive the Chinese experience of public administration. The authors set out to investigate the question of how China selects partner countries in Africa, how partner countries become follower countries of the People's Republic of China and by what criteria the rating of African countries according to their importance for the Heavenly Empire is built. The article examines the peculiarities of the formation in Africa of a bloc of states following the policy of the countries of the conditional West, primarily of the United States, Great Britain, France, as well as Italy, Spain, etc. It is emphasized that the United States plays a leading military and political role on the African continent, having up to 500 military and mixed-use facilities in this region. The authors analyze such concepts as a partner country and a follower country. Two models of the implementation of these forms of dependent development with regard to African countries have been identified: the European-North American model and its Chinese version. The authors have identified the criteria on the basis of which the PRC selects the follower-countries. The conclusion is made about the gradual increase of the military factor in the priorities of the Chinese foreign policy course in Africa and the transition from a soft power strategy to discursive power.

Introduction: Covid-19 and the conditions and struggles of agrarian classes of labour.

Covid‐19 generated a crisis in capitalism, but not of capitalism. Capitalism reproduces itself in crisis and in ways that have significant but uneven impacts on the conditions and struggles of agrarian classes of labour. This article explores preliminary studies of how Covid‐19 has affected agrarian social formations in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the farmers, petty commodity producers, labourers and agribusinesses who populate them. It considers some of the implications for wage‐labour, agriculture, accumulation and social reproduction including care work. And it briefly considers Covid‐19's political impacts—in terms of the role of the state and possibilities for challenging capitalism, its violence and its ecological crisis.

Food policy and state formation in Senegal and Uganda

ABSTRACT Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.

Regeneration capacities of woody species biodiversity and soil properties in Miombo woodland after slash-and-burn agriculture in Mozambique

Miombo woodland is the dominant tropical dry forest formation in Africa. Its importance for local populations’ livelihoods and increased pressure has turned the spotlight on this ecosystem, now considered one of the five global wilderness areas prioritized for conservation and restoration. Forest regeneration is a key to restoring ecosystem services, but the characteristics, conditions and dynamics of this specific biome remain largely understudied. The aim of this study was to analyze the current status and evolution of woody species biodiversity, stand structure and soil properties of regrowth plots after slash-and-burn farming in Mozambique. Our survey focused on the area surrounding Gilé National Park in Mozambique, which is dominated by a mosaic of vegetation including mature Miombo woodland, grassland, cropland, and land abandoned after slash-and-burn cycles. We sampled 20 plots in mature woodland and 36 plots in a chronosequence of Miombo regrowth from 1 to 35 years old, grouped in four age classes: 4–6, 8–12; 20–25 and 30–35 years. We observed that woody species richness and diversity increased with time after abandonment until similar values to those in mature woodlands were reached between 20 and 25 years later. Despite the presence of the dominant Miombo tree species belonging to the genera Julbernardia and Brachystegia, after 20–35 years of regeneration species composition remained different from that of mature woodlands. Mean DBH, tree height, and carbon stock increased while tree density decreased along the chronosequence. Tree density and tree carbon stocks in 30–35-year-old Miombo regrowth exceeded those of mature woodland. Soil C stock increased during vegetation regeneration after abandonment. Results suggest that two or three decades are necessary to reach values similar to those of mature woodland. Overall, these findings show that the region has a high regeneration capacity in terms of woody species diversity and soil properties but that disturbances have a long term effect on species composition and stand structure, underlining the importance of integrated landscape management to enhance the provision of ecosystem goods and services.

Endogenous Colonial Borders: Precolonial States and Geography in the Partition of Africa

We provide a new theory and evidence on colonial border formation in Africa. Existing accounts highlight that Europeans unilaterally drew arbitrary international borders in ignorance of local conditions. We instead show that African border formation was a dynamic process that lasted for decades, and propose that self-interested Europeans faced incentives to learn about and adjust to realities on the ground. The rough boundaries of precolonial states and salient geographical features (rivers and lakes) created focal points for Europeans to form borders and settle disputes, and also created leverage for African chiefs to influence colonial borders. To test our theory, we compiled original spatial data on precolonial states. Using both grid cells and ethnic groups, we test hypotheses about precolonial states and water bodies. We also compiled extensive data from treaties and diplomatic correspondences to show direct evidence of the mechanisms. We conclude that the colonial states were largely artificial with respect to historical and geographic antecedents—yet the borders between these states were not.

İNGİLİZ OKULU PERSPEKTİFİNDEN AFRİKA DEVLETLERİ: EGEMENLİK AÇIĞINDAN BÖLGESEL TOPLUMA

This article argues that the mainstream argument that sovereignty of African states has remained unfinished due to the difficulties they faced in domestic politics, should be reread by taking into consideration the cooperation of continental countries and the new model of sovereignty that moves from outside to inside. In this context, the thesis that the concepts such as state, sovereignty and intervention are handled outside of classical Westphalian understanding. It makes this claim by following the trail of the regional community formation in Africa, which we can see as an extension of the English School's international community understanding. The African states, which do not want to return to the old colonial days, choose to cooperate against foreign interventions and this tendency has created an unusual form of sovereignty in the long run, along with domestic liberalization.

Classroom Management: Implications on High School Students’ Character Formation in Africa

Classroom Management: Implications on High School Students’ Character Formation in Africa

At the Origin of African Studies in Ural: Valentina Grak and Her Role in Deepening and Spreading Knowledge about Africa in Sverdlovsk, 1960s — 1980s

The article is devoted to the popularization of knowledge about Africa in Sverdlovsk in 1960—1980s. The author focuses on the role of Valentina Grak – Associate Professor of the Faculty of History of the Ural State University named after A. M. Gorky – in deepening and spreading knowledge about Africa in Ural. This article is based on the interviews conducted by the author with Valentina Grak and Vadim Kuzmin — former department chair at the Sverdlovsk Higher Party School. The author also uses some local media materials. This article proves that the “Year of Africa” and the formation of independent states in the continent failed to attract much attention of the people in Ural in 1960s. Formation of Africa’s image among Ural students began in 1970s, when the phenomenon of African states of “socialist orientation” emerged and these states began to cooperate with the Soviet Union. This interest to Africa was rather high until the middle of 1980s. In the following years the Soviet people were mainly interested in domestic problems of their country.

Negotiating Land Policies to Territorialise State Power

Land policies have been shaping the (trans)formation of the Tanzanian state since independence. Nevertheless, Tanzania has been referred to as a target country of the international “land rush,” which is often associated with a declining role of state actors in the land sector. This article argues, on the contrary, that the negotiations of land deals since the end of the 2000s have reconfirmed an interdependent relationship between land policy processes and state-building. While the formulation of investment-promoting land policies since the 1990s suggests that the privatisation of the sector has increased the leeway for foreign investors, their implementation has reaffirmed the omnipresence of state power. More broadly, the theoretical aim of this article is to consider large-scale land deals as a heuristic object for studies in political science investigating state (trans)formation in Africa.