Reviewed by: Parliament and Convention in the Personal Rule of James V of Scotland, 1528–1542 by Amy Blakeway Janet Hadley Williams Blakeway, Amy, Parliament and Convention in the Personal Rule of James V of Scotland, 1528–1542, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2022; hardback; pp. xiv, 361; R.R.P. €99.99; ISBN 9783030893767. As a capable administrative historian, Dr Blakeway wastes no time: 'At its heart, this book argues that specialized and expert advice was a central factor in governing Scotland in the reign of James V' (p. vii). Her study of consultation and decision-making during James's personal rule, drawing constantly on primary sources, bears this out, the resulting rich body of material greatly modifying and enlivening the accepted narrative. Blakeway first discusses earlier misconceptions about personal as opposed to minority monarchical rule, showing that, contrary to the old assumption that 'strong adult kings ruled free from the constraints of Parliaments, councils and the like' (pp. 2–3), in the case of James V the opposite is apparent in much of the evidence. This is obscured, she notes, by changes in record-keeping practices, and the creation in 1537 of a 'secret council register' no longer extant. Blakeway concedes that the king could sometimes overrule these central advisory committees, but she shows too that he did on occasion incorporate consultation when he might have bypassed it. Blakeway establishes the nature of each of the bodies operating during James's personal rule—parliament, court of session, and committees, including the lords of council, 'secret council', lords of articles; conventions of the burghs; and the hybrid 'lords of articles and council'—examining the parts each played (occasionally across multiple meetings), and the ways in which they might sometimes interact. Parliament, for example, had distinct roles as court (although one willing to negotiate for a high price), and as legislator; the conventions could plan for warfare and grant a tax, yet could not enact a permanent law, or try traitors, distinctions that eliminated them as rivals to parliament. She considers, too, the limitations of sources, and the need, despite modern editions, to consult the manuscripts. The register of the lords of council and session, Blakeway observes, does not present original notes, but those compiled after meetings; actual manuscript entries are sometimes incomplete, awaiting, and not always receiving, information. She cautions that the lack of sederunt lists inhibits conclusions about who was involved in particular decisions; that council and convention records have 'wildly differing levels of detail' (p. 65); and that, [End Page 152] to some foreign reporters, the Scottish conventions were unfamiliar, thus not always accurately described. She addresses the period's linguistic flexibility—the elasticity of the terms 'lords' (p. 12) or 'tax' (p. 215), for example—and its usefulness in singling out the unusual meeting from others. Chapters 2–4 examine in more depth the various relationships between councils and conventions, and the development of each during the reign. Chapter 2 charts the complex course by which the lords of articles became more than a body simply drafting laws. Chapter 3 considers the types of specialized meeting that preceded three significant events: domestic campaigns (borders; Hebrides, 1530–31); a foreign campaign (Anglo-Scottish War, 1532–33); and the royal marriage (1528–36). For both chapters, Blakeway looks at the size, type, and reasons for each meeting, and at how information was withheld or communicated—sometimes taking the ritual form of public counsel to the king, sometimes tightly controlled by secret council. New details emerge, on the concern for the king's heirless state (p. 92); in the conduct of the case of Mac Dhòmhnaill of the Isles (pp. 103–05); and on the use of differently constituted meetings to address several types of activity, all, however, relating to the broader concern of the larger meeting(s) (p. 126). Chapter 4 studies the role of the third estate (burgesses) in central government, particularly in matters of international trade and choice of staple port, and how local interests could vary responses. This less powerful estate developed alternative ways of operation—discarding royal officialdom; collective bargaining; engaging directly with the king—, the study of them hampered by loss of some records...