Form Of Self-determination Research Articles

Continuity and Discontinuity: From Antisemitism to Antizionism and the Reconfiguration of the Jewish Question

This paper argues that antizionism must be understood, like the antisemitism that came before it, as an ideology. Here I draw upon Arendt’s definition of ideology as a radical distortion of social and political relations. I draw also upon Fine and Spencer’s understanding of the Jewish question as the antisemitic reaction to Jewish emancipation. I argue that antizionism is a reconfiguration of that reaction in the context of Jews’ modern emancipation in the form of national self-determination in the State of Israel. While that modern reaction, antizionism, displays both continuity and discontinuity with the antisemitism that came before it, it remains a manifestation of the Jewish question.

Mobile health ethics and the expanding role of autonomy.

Mhealth technology is mushrooming world-wide and, in a variety of forms, reaches increasing numbers of users in ever-widening contexts and virtually independent from standard medical evidence assessment. Yet, debate on the broader societal impact including in particular mapping and classification of ethical issues raised has been limited. This article, as part of an ongoing empirically informed ethical research project, provides an overview of ethical issues of mhealth applications with a specific focus on implications on autonomy as a key notion in the debate. A multi-stage model of references to the potential of mhealth use for strengthening some or other form of self-determination will be proposed as a descriptive tool. It illustrates an assumed continuum of enhanced autonomy via mhealth broadly conceived: from patient to user autonomy, to improved health literacy, and finally to the vision of supra-individual empowerment and democratised, participatory health and medicine as a whole. On closer examination, however, these references are frequently ambivalent or vague, perpetuating the at times uncritical use of established autonomy concepts in medical ethics. The article suggests zooming in on the range of autonomy-related aspects against the backdrop of digital innovation and datafied health more generally, and on this basis add to existing frameworks for the ethical evaluation of mhealth more specifically.

Advance decision-making in mental health – Suggestions for legal reform in England and Wales

This paper argues that existing English and Welsh mental health legislation (The Mental Health Act 1983 (MHA)) should be changed to make provision for advance decision-making (ADM) within statute and makes detailed recommendations as to what should constitute this statutory provision. The recommendations seek to enable a culture change in relation to written statements made with capacity such that they are developed within mental health services and involve joint working on mental health requests as well as potential refusals. In formulating our recommendations, we consider the historical background of ADM, similarities and differences between physical and mental health, a taxonomy of ADM, the evidence base for mental health ADM, the ethics of ADM, the necessity for statutory ADM and the possibility of capacity based ‘fusion’ law on ADM. It is argued that the introduction of mental health ADM into the MHA will provide clarity within what has become a confusing area and will enable and promote the development and realisation of ADM as a form of self-determination. The paper originated as a report commissioned by, and submitted to, the UK Government's 2018 Independent Review of the Mental Health Act 1983.

Organized Crime as a Form of Self-Determination of Crime

The paper discusses the influence of organized crime on the criminalization of modern Russian society — the so-called self-determination of crime. To effectively counteract the self-determination of crime, a comprehensive study of all its forms and mechanisms is necessary, special emphasis should be placed on organized crime due to its heightened social danger. The proposed approach allows a deeper and more precise study of self-determination of organized crime and related phenomena. Recently, there has been a transformation of domestic organized crime into economic crime, which explains the deep criminalization of the Russian economy. The paper also discusses another form of self-determination of crime that is closely related to organized crime — corruption. The Russian experience in combating organized crime highlights the need to develop an integrated strategy in this area. The results of the study can be applied in the educational process in the study of the Criminology Course in higher educational institutions.

A vontade geral e o sistema autogestionário

Consistindo em um processo ético-jurídico de deliberação coletiva, o que se impõe à manifestação da Vontade Geral como um fenômeno histórico-cultural é a condição de imanência que a caracteriza em um movimento dinâmico-dialético que demanda uma formação econômico-social que possibilite a emergência de valores e práticas, condutas e comportamentos, necessidades e objetivos que, tendo como fundamento o interesse comum, se lhe correspondam, convergindo para uma forma de autodeterminação que guarda possibilidade de promover a superação da alienação das capacidades humanas no contexto das relações socioprodutivas, a saber, a autogestão. Tal experiência social de autodeterminação coletiva, conforme assinala o artigo, envolve tanto a esfera política quanto o âmbito econômico (trabalho) e encerra a noção que implica desde a igualdade substancial (concreta) até a efetiva participação política, sobrepondo-se ao viés mercadológico da organização econômico-social vigente e à estrutura burocrática corporificada pelo Estado no sistema capitalista.

Diversifying Sovereignty and the Reception of Indigenous Art

In the mid-1980s sovereignty as a concept was understood by many people, including many Native Americans, as a form of self-determination articulated primarily through Western notions of law. This ...

Enesemääramise udus: Eesti ja Ameerika Ühendriigid 1918–1919 [Abstract: In the fog of self-determination: Estonia and the USA in 1918–1919

The most important documents associated with the birth of Estonian statehood (the decision of the Estonian Provincial Assembly from 15 November 1917, the Estonian Declaration of Independence and the Treaty of Tartu) contain the concept of self-determination. For the first time in the twentieth century, the right to self-determination was written into an international agreement in Tartu on 2 February 1920. Article II of the peace treaty acknowledged that Estonia’s “birth certificate” was written out on the basis of legislation enacted by the Soviet regime, with which the Estonian side agreed. This treaty did not raise the right to self-determination to the level of international law. The peace treaties concluded between Soviet Russia and its other neighbours, which similarly employed the concept of self-determination, also did not manage to achieve this. How was the question of self-determination manifested in contacts between Estonia and the USA in 1918–19? The USA has not been selected randomly here and there are two reasons for this. First of all, Ants Piip, the author of the peace treaty and the foremost expert on international law in Estonia, was forced to admit that he did not understand the behaviour of the USA. The attitude of the Americans was “particularly anomalous”, even though Woodrow Wilson was considered an exponent of the “right to self-determination”. He, nevertheless, was not the author of the idea of self-determination. The concept of self-determination was used in at least three different meanings in 1917–19. Firstly, the most widely known form of self-determination in Eastern Europe and consequently also in Estonia was connected primarily to ethnic nationality. As such, the concept of self-determination and the debate surrounding it were employed altogether earlier than when Wilson used it. It was complicated to differentiate between linguistic-ethnic-cultural self-determination on the one hand and the Leninist or rather the Communist Party’s notion derived from it but connected with class membership on the other hand. The third variety proffered by Wilson envisioned territorial-state self-determination partially founded on cultural identity. Wilson was concerned with the opportunities for people, but also the people as the citizenry or population, to choose the democratic system of government for themselves. Self-determination was more a democratic whole for Wilson shaped on the basis of people’s common interests, originating from the interests of the people, or “self-government”. For him, self-determination meant the opportunity for people or nations of their own accord to choose for themselves the democratic way of government. The USA expressed friendship and loyalty to the Russian state and people. The de jure recognition that the USA gave to the Baltic States remained conditional. This derived primarily from the vision of Russia’s right to self-determination. Thereat the Russian people and its democratic representative body were expected to reach an agreement concerning the future status of its peripheral regions. The knowledge that Russia had supported the northern states during the American Civil War but did not directly intervene in American internal affairs held the Americans back from helping in any way to dismember Russia. Wilson’s opposition to Russia’s dismemberment was also opposition to the plans of Japan and also partially of Great Britain. Unfortunately, all this contradicted his internationalism, new diplomacy and ultimately even his slogan of self-determination and his plans for creating the League of Nations. Estonian politicians used the concept of self-determination in their communication with the USA, even though they gave it more of a national-ethnic meaning as was done elsewhere in Eastern Europe. This was dangerously similar to the Leninist approach. The Estonian viewpoint nevertheless suited the USA administration more than the Leninist notion of self-determination, which contradicted Wilson’s standpoint a great deal more. Since the concept of self-determination did not become part of international law, the legal status of Estonia and other countries like it remained conditional between the two world wars, at least in the eyes of the Americans.

Mobility as Antiracism Work: The “Hard Driving” of NASCAR's Wendell Scott

This article explores spatial mobility as a form of African American resistance and self-determination. We argue for examining the everyday activism and “countermobility work” of ordinary people of color as they move in ways that subvert, negotiate, and survive white supremacy. These ideas are developed through a historical case study not typically identified with the black civil rights struggle, specifically the National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR) and the “hard driving” of Wendell Scott. The first and only African American driver to win at NASCAR's top level, Scott raced throughout the segregated South and faced considerable discrimination in what was otherwise an all-white sport. We offer a critical (re)reading of Scott's racing career as antiracism mobility work and focus on the bodily, social, and technological practices he employed to maintain and even enhance his mobility around tracks and to and from races. Scott did not represent his efforts in terms of civil rights activism, but it is important to contextualize black resistance outside the confines of formal protest to include the struggle for survivability and material reproduction. The work of racing and driving was part of Scott's geographically situated political practice and important to the struggle to access and move about the sport of stock car track racing and hence the larger U.S. landscape of citizenship. Our discussion has implications for analyzing historic practices of resistance but also has currency for understanding how countermobility practices remain central to resisting continuing racial discrimination.

From Self-Legislation to Self-Determination: Democracy and the New Circumstances of Global Politics

It is a distinctive feature of the global political order that democracy is no longer confined to nation-states, characterized by extensive and overlapping constituencies. It is important to think of the significance of these developments for individuals’ self-determination, which may be undermined in different ways. Here it is argued that democracy must serve to delegate power to complex units of decision making which favour self-determination. Contestability is part of this form of self-determination, allowing forms of politics to emerge based on the democratic rights and powers of self-determining, non-dominated citizens.

Der Neopragmatismus und das Eichhörnchen

Abstract According to Dewey, normative criteria are a part of the social process and insofar a process themselves. These criteria have to be reflected and reformulated in new situations in which new social problems occur. The democratic public is in this conception the realm in which a common elucidation of problematic social consequences of the existing institutions takes place and in which proposals for the overcoming of these consequences are formulated. Thereby it reconstructs the central norms embedded within the social institutions and shows how collective actions guided by these norms leads to problematic social consequences. This is then the background for a critical reflection on and a reformulation of the guiding norms of these institutions. To realize such a form of collective self-determination the democratic public has to be extended to all forms of social cooperation.

Comments on International Legal Aspects of the Crimean Question in the UN

The article analyses three main elements of the Crimean question which aredirectly connected with the UN Charter as discussed and voted on in theSecurity Council and in the General Assembly, namely the problems of theself-determination requested by the Crimean population, the unilateralmodification of the internationally recognized border between Ukraine andRussia and the veto put by Russia on the vote on a draft resolutiondeclaring the invalidity of a referendum organized in Crimea in March 2014.Despite the fact that international law does exceptionally tolerate secessionas a form of self-determination, the secession of Crimea did not satisfy thenecessary international legal conditions for accepting a secession.International law does not allow a unilateral modification of aninternational border between two existing states, but nevertheless, that iswhat happened in Crimea. Finally, Russia vetoed the above mentioned draftresolution in spite of Article 27 [3] of the Charter, which requires the partiesto a dispute, when they are members of the Security Council, to abstainfrom voting in the Council on their dispute. The draft resolution on Crimeahas to be considered as applying Chapter VI of the Charter, with Russiabeing a party to a dispute on the status of Crimea with Ukraine. Therefore,Russia had no right to vote on the draft,

Reframing Bi-nationalism in Palestine-Israel as a Process of Settler Decolonisation

This paper examines some of the emerging critical civil society debates in relation to the one-state solution being the most appropriate geo-political arrangement for the articulation of freedom, justice and equality in Palestine-Israel. This is done with reference to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions’ 2012 statement in support of a bi-national state and the ensuing critiques it attracted from Palestinian supporters of the one-state position. Drawing on these debates which have largely revolved around Jewish Israeli rights to political self-determination in Palestine-Israel, this paper proposes that alternative versions of self-determination as cultural rights for the established Hebrew-speaking national community represent a more inclusive form of self-determination in the eventuality of decolonisation.

Fluctuating capacity and advance decision-making in Bipolar Affective Disorder — Self-binding directives and self-determination

For people with Bipolar Affective Disorder, a self-binding (advance) directive (SBD), by which they commit themselves to treatment during future episodes of mania, even if unwilling, can seem the most rational way to deal with an imperfect predicament. Knowing that mania will almost certainly cause enormous damage to themselves, their preferred solution may well be to allow trusted others to enforce treatment and constraint, traumatic though this may be. No adequate provision exists for drafting a truly effective SBD and efforts to establish such provision are hampered by very valid, but also paralysing ethical, clinical and legal concerns. Effectively, the autonomy and rights of people with bipolar are being ‘protected’ through being denied an opportunity to protect themselves. From a standpoint firmly rooted in the clinical context and experience of mania, this article argues that an SBD, based on a patient-centred evaluation of capacity to make treatment decisions (DMC-T) and grounded within the clinician–patient relationship, could represent a legitimate and ethically coherent form of self-determination. After setting out background information on fluctuating capacity, mania and advance directives, this article proposes a framework for constructing such an SBD, and considers common objections, possible solutions and suggestions for future research.

Revolutionary Identities: New Afrikans and Name Choices in the Black Power Movement

This article explores name choices during a moment when many African Americans advocated a spiritual return to Africa, partially through nomenclature. It is especially concerned with how activists in the Republic of New Afrika framed their decisions about names. As part of an effort to gain political independence from the United States, name selection constituted the most basic form of individual self-determination. However, by framing this personal choice within the context of building a new society, community-centered thinking gave more meaning to their mundane personal decisions. In turn, personal decisions impacted how various individuals understood the broader ideology.

ANALYSIS OF YOUTH SUBCULTURES IN THE EDUCATIONAL ENVIRONMENT OF COLLEGES

Youth subcultures are considered as a necessary condition of personal development, as a form of vital search, self-expression and self-determination of young people united in informal groups. The subcultures preferred by college students (gamers, rappers, thrill-seekers) and rejected by them (street muggers, emo, Satanists, etc.) are revealed. The comparative analysis of characteristics of students of the technical and humanitarian specialties focused on the subculture and the dominating culture is made.

Eastern Religions and Attitude toward Direct Democracy in Taiwan

AbstractWhile direct democracy is a practical form of self-determination in the political process, the value system stemming from a given country's social and cultural factors has been argued to be critical in shaping citizens' preferences for a political institution. This article investigates the relationship between religion and the attitude toward direct democracy for the case of Taiwan, an East Asian country where most people are affiliated with Buddhism, Taoism, and folk religions. Unlike Western countries dominated by Judeo-Christianity, some arguments indicate that value systems emphasizing collectivities, social cohesion, and obedience to authorities in East Asian countries are inconsistent with the fundamental value of democratic norms based on individual rights and self-determination. If this is the case, then social and cultural factors are incompatible to democratic development in East Asian societies. Nevertheless, this argument has not been adequately supported by empirical studies. By using data from the Taiwan Social Change Survey 2004, the findings from this study suggest that affiliations with Buddhism, Taoism, and folk religions are positively associated with the agreement of using a referendum in political decision making. The ideological orientation stemming from these Eastern religions plays an important role in enhancing democratic values and the positive attitudes toward referendum.

Accidental Cosmopolitanism

What becomes of us once the focus of our life shifts entirely to the private sphere? Arguably, we are then utterly dependent on the guidance and protection offered by administrative bodies and reviewing courts. But how can such dependence ever be consistent with human autonomy? It will be argued that it is possible to see even administered lives anchored in a particular form of collective self-determination. From the same perspective, however, it also becomes clear that a life of this type is necessarily burdened with cynicism and self-alienation.

Restorative Justice for Hawai'i's First People-Selected Amicus Curiae Briefs in Doe V. Kamehameha Schools

In 2003, an anonymous plaintiff ('John Doe') filed suit in federal court against Kamehameha Schools, claiming that its 117-year-old admissions policy favoring indigenous Hawaiian children 'discriminates' against non-Hawaiians in violation of federal civil rights law. John Doe's attorneys called the policy 'categorical racial exclusion' and 'segregation.' They conjured up infamous images of George Wallace 'standing in the schoolhouse door to prevent the admission of qualified children simply because they have the wrong skin color and bloodline.' Native Hawaiians, on the other hand, decried the distortion of 'civil rights' to deny indigenous Hawaiians' claims to self-education and governance. For them, Kamehameha Schools offered no special privileges or 'racial preferences,' but instead provided a form of self-determination: 'We're not asking for a handout; we're asking to be able to take care of our own.' For Hawaiians, the Schools afforded a measure of restorative justice 'for a people in their own homeland who are suffering.'

RECONSIDERING THE VALUE OF CONSENT IN BIOBANK RESEARCH

Biobanks for long-term research pose challenges to the legal and ethical validity of consent to participate. Different models of consent have been proposed to answer some of these challenges. This paper contributes to this discussion by considering the meaning and value of consent to participants in biobanks. Empirical data from a qualitative study is used to provide a participant view of the consent process and to demonstrate that, despite limited understanding of the research, consent provides the research participants with some level of control and a form of self determination that they value. Participation is framed as a moral act of a responsible citizen providing reinforcement of self identity. Consent symbolizes the trust invested in researchers and research institutions to use the biobank for the public good. The paper argues that consent continues to play an important role in biobank participation and that a participant view should inform proposals to modify consent processes.

Chechnya: The Case for Independence by Tony Wood (review)

586 SEER, 88, 3, JULY 2010 aftermath of the 2007-08 elections it is clear thatmobilizing the political elite and monopolizing the opposition can go hand-in-hand. Nevertheless, Hale's central theses are likely to stand the test of time, and this rich volume will remain pivotal for understanding Russian politics, perhaps even after Putin himself no longer remains so. Politics and International Relations Universityof Edinburgh Luke March Wood, Tony. Chechnya: The Casefor Independence. Verso, London and New York, 2007. 199 pp. Map. Notes. Appendix. Glossary. Index. ?12.99 (paper back). On firstviewing, I was intrigued by the tide of this book and the relevant meaning of it.Having not yet read beyond the tide,Tony Wood, I thought, was going to make a case for contemporary Chechen independence as a sovereign state afterRussia's twomass military invasions of that region and the incipient chaos created. But who, I wondered, was going to be the 'jury' for this, as implied by the judicial terminology ofmaking a case? Would he be making a case, or impassioned plea, to theRussian government and/or people to free Chechnya, and allow some form of self-determination, or was Wood going tomake a case forduly-designated 'international power brokers', even though the politicians of world powers are not in command of what the Russian military does or does not do outside of indirect influences? Alternatively, ishe going to lose any basis on which he would be making some type of case, turning such an effort intomerely an anti-Russian indictment, projected at theworld-at-large? After reading the book, it is clear that the third option is the chosen one, directed generally at an undefined 'international community'. This comes as a disappointment, as he begins and ends the book with making a reasoned legal and moral 'case' against the war, but ultimately setties into an anti Russian track that fewRussians would accept or sympathize with. Further more, itcan be noted that such advice made to the 'international community' in this respect, basically towards no one in particular, is rarely, if ever, heeded. Citing heavily from Moshe Gammer's recent book The LoneWolf and the Bear (London, 2006), and from other academics such as John Dunlop, Wood argues that criticism ofRussia over itsChechen policies has been insufficient, and that the international community has forgotten that theChechen conflict ispredominandy a war for separation ofChechnya fromRussia, and not some blind Islamic assault onWestern values, as Vladimir Putin sought to portray it. The results of Wood's 'case' are somewhat mixed. Overlooking the role of the recent Chechen wars in the greater context ofRussia's historywith the region,Wood seeks to argue that Chechnya is vasdy more of a failed state because of Russia's wars to quash the Chechen independence movements. However, it can be counter-argued that 1)Chechnya was never stable, and would only become stable relative to the stability and actions of its larger neighbour(s), and that 2) alternative arguments and interpretations should be REVIEWS 587 taken into account while reading Wood's predictions of the future in hind sight, thatChechnya would have become more stable ifnot for the invasions (although it isdifficult to imagine itbecoming less stable). Over the course of this book, Wood does not address the intuitive inevi tability of the entire conflict. One can easily argue thatRussian policy here was thoroughly predictable. Given the long history of holy wars of Chechnya vs. Russia, he does not seem to grasp that it is almost impossible to imagine that, in the immediate post-Soviet environment, Russia would ever allow the Chechen wolf to start a country all to itself in the Caucasus without Russia doing everythingpossible to stop it. He isnevertheless correct that theRussian invasions have been torturous and horrible for both the Chechen and the Russian sides.The fact that therehas been so litde international outcry against thewar and in favour of immediate negotiations represents immorality of a staggeringmagnitude. Wood's book is excellent in arguing this point in particular, although he does not bringmuch new to the table. He provides intelligent coverage of the conflict in the contemporary era, and he overlooks litde in this respect. Although he offers...