Forms Of Protest Research Articles

Rumors and Conversations in Kazakh Village (Aul) on Eve of Famine (1927—1931)

The social phenomenon of “rumors and gossip” in a Kazakh village during the 1920s-1930s is analyzed in this study. It is emphasized that rumors are an integral part of traditional society. It is asserted that the massive surge of rumors in Soviet Russia was a reaction of traditional society to forceful modernization. The goal of the article is to demonstrate the dichotomy of the content and form of rumors during the collectivization period in relation to the Kazakh village (aul). It is noted that the analytical materials of the OGPU are the most important source for studying the mood of the population of the USSR in the 1920s — early 1930s, which found reflection in rumors. It is shown that accelerated Sovietization generated a high level of anxiety in Kazakh society, reflected in the rise of apocalyptic moods and the actualization of mythology. The authors conclude that the idea of kiyamat was a form of deep protest of the village (aul), not an ideology of resistance. The form of active resistance in the republic is presented as mass migrations to China, which was due to the desire to “wait out” unstable times, so rumors about migrations were widely circulated in the borderlands. It is emphasized that rumors were an alternative view of Soviet reality, they slowed down the destruction of the village (aul) as a rural community and ensured the stability of traditional society.

Sexual jokes in Nigerian stand-up comedy

Nigerian stand-up comic artists explore emerging social, religious, and political issues as materials for comic entertainment within their performance space and community of practice. One of the resources for comic performance is the recourse to sexual contents which are deployed to reduce apprehension around stereotyped norms about sex and sexuality in the Nigerian sociocultural context. Drawing on ethnographic qualitative data using social media skits, audio-visual disks and semi-structured interviews, this article examines sexual jokes as ideological texts and rhetorical devices that embody the struggle between conservatism and postmodern conceptions of sex and sexuality. It highlights the recurrent themes and creative discourses of sexual humour which stand-up comedy performers exploit as artistic tools for the engagement of gender roles, sexual myths, sexual politics and social contradictions within a vulnerable socio-political and economic context. We adopt social relief theory and incongruity theory of humour comprehension to provide a nuanced understanding of sexual jokes and the sociocultural inhibitions that surround them. The dominant themes in these jokes include male sterility, faking orgasm, commodification of sex, prostitution, rape, and the use of aphrodisiac. The results indicate that sexual jokes are circulating within the comedy performance space as forms of protest against stereotyped sexual culture. In this way, male and female comedians, working with the tools and ideology of postmodernism, help to satirise conventional sexual values and radicalise their audiences against normative construction of sex and sexuality.

CINEMATIC INFLUENCES IN GENDER DISCOURSE: A QUEER DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF SELECTED MANUEL PUIG’S NOVELS

The connection between mass culture and literature has grown extensively over the years. This is evident in the works of Manuel Puig, whose regard for popular culture, particularly films, is undeniable. He cinematically appropriates his characters, themes, narration, and plot making, such as the source text, instead of being the translated material. This paper is an exploration of gender politics and identity through the lens of the characters portrayed in the following texts: (1) Betrayed by Rita Hayworth (1968), (2) Heartbreak Tango (1996), (3) Kiss of a Spider Woman (1973), and Pubis Angelical (1979). The contention of this paper revolves around the influence of mass culture, particularly the role of films towards identity construction, specifically on gender-where issues like politics, patriarchy, and nationalism were taken into consideration. It is clear that the characters negotiated their identity through films which functioned as their threshold to consciousness, escape, and expression contrary to the society they’re living in. Furthermore, the themes reinforced the discourse of gender politics making the texts a tool for criticism towards the strict conventions imposed by the Boom period; making Puig’s writing a form of protest and a commentary on the issues relevant to the time and milieu the texts were written.

Perception of socio-economic and political situation in Russia by student youth of the southern region (based on regional studies)

The relevance of researching the perception of socio-economic and political processes in the country by the youth is driven by a social demand to understand the readiness of young people to participate in the country’s economic development, its political life, acceptable forms of migration and civic behaviour, and the level of protest potential. The aim of this article is to identify the interconnection of trends in evaluations by student youth regarding the socio-economic and socio-political situation with characteristics such as dependence on socio-psychological well-being, financial status, trust levels in political institutions and the political course, migration and protest attitudes. The empirical basis of the analysis comprises data from studies conducted among student youth of the Southern region of Russia from 2017 to 2022 by the Southern Russian branch of the FCTAS RAS. The analysis revealed the ambivalence of the state of public consciousness among student youth, both in their assessment of the socio-economic situation and the socio-political position in the country. Despite students’ uncertain future perceptions, their migration attitudes have hardly changed compared to 2017, aligning with nationwide tendencies. It was established that the student youth of the Southern region of Russia does not display significant interest in politics (similar to the broader Russian population), yet concurrently expresses a higher level of personalised trust in the President of Russia and the military, more so than in the overall political direction of the authorities. Ideas of social justice, freedom of speech, and expressing political stance resonate with students from the Southern region of Russia, as well as fostering friendly relations with the West. A trend was identified over the last 5 years of reduced ratings in the ability to express political views while having a high level of legal consciousness, alongside a growth in the acceptability of unlawful forms of protest due to increasing distrust in the government and its political course.

Социально-экономические проблемы современной Великобритании и антироссийская политика её правительства

The article examines the socio-economic problems of contemporary Britain after leaving European Union, that had a negative impact on the British economy. Attempts to ensure economic growth and prosperity have not given results. The coronavirus pandemic and the present energy crisis have been superimposed on the economic downturn that has begun in the country. The Conservative government was not ready for this, and the socio-economic consequences of the recession hurt the well-being of ordinary Britons. The author draws attention to the rise of prices for energy, food, housing, utilities. The situation was aggravated by the UK's accession to anti-Russian sanctions after the start of the special military operation in Ukraine. The author comes to the conclusion that the anti-Russian orientation in the activities of the British government was not random, what is confirmed by official documents. It is shown that as the socio-economic problems deepened, citizens' dissatisfaction with the falling standard of living increased. However, the conservatives attributed their failures to the Russian factor and the need for large-scale assistance to the Nazi regime in Ukraine. The article examines various forms of social protest – from the creation of the Don't Pay UK movement to numerous strikes and demonstrations organized by British trade unions.

Fuel subsidy protests in Nigeria: The promise and mirage of empowerment

Attempts to abolish fuel subsidy by successive governments in Nigeria have provoked serious backlash in the form of protests and violence. What maybe said to be the use of such public protests? The literature draw attention to the link between fuel subsidies and protests, but it is still unclear whether or how protests empower protesters to shape the forces that dominate their lives. This paper applies Gaventa's ‘power cube’ as an analytical device to explore the interactions between government and protesters as power relations, and to understand power as both domination and its resistance. This approach introduces a fresh angle to the subject, opening up the terms of the debate, which seems to have stalemated in claims and counter-claims over the nexus between protests and empowerment, often addressed in essentialist terms. Data, specifically related to the January 2012 fuel price increase and protest, from key informant interviews and secondary sources are employed to explore the question.

The Linguistic Landscape of the war

Abstract Being immersed in a covert conflict within a censored society, the Linguistic Landscape provides valuable insights into the dynamics of multilingual communication during war. Following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, political involvement among ethnic minority groups in Russia has experienced a surge. The use of minority languages signifies a hidden but significant form of protest, empowering ethnic minorities to assert their agency and political claims. Through an examination of anti- and pro-war signs in minority languages and interviews with language activists, this study explores how these languages are employed within the LL, revealing the motivations and attitudes of their authors. Minority languages in anti-war signs serve as secret codes while also personalizing protests and appealing to group solidarity. However, pro-war signs also evoke solidarity and ethnic values. Analysis of the anti- and pro-war signs illustrates their connection to other texts in minority languages, referencing discourses and ethnic symbols within the community of speakers of a minority language.

#gagalkanomnibuslaw movement: How Simulacra Sparks Mass Action

<p>The hash-tag #gagalkanomnibuslaw used by the twitter "social media '' users appears as a form of virtual protest of Indonesian people aiming at the Indonesian government. Information about Omnibus Law (UU <em>Cipta Kerja</em>) has been growing rapidly on social media since the popularity of the hash-tag increased. Unfortunately, the popularity of this hash-tag has made various information without references (hoaxes) which further confuses the original essence of the Movement. Based on that, The overall study objective is to find out how the false reality created by the hash-tag #gagalkanomnibuslaw is able to move the mass. This is a qualitative study using Jean Baudrillard’s concept of simulacra to analyze the case. The result shows that the participants of the movement were trapped in simulacra, where the false reality of the information in cyberspace was used as a reference in carrying out both virtual and nonvirtual protest.</p>

Self-mutilation of the eyes as a form of protest

Self-mutilation of the eyes as a form of protest

Strategic protest and the negotiation of legibility in Cape Town: a case study of Reclaim the City

ABSTRACT The forms of protest and the related tactics that structure them are often linked to a deliberate logic of disruption and contestation. From pickets aiming to impede foot traffic in public spaces, to more “spectacular” forms of protest such as setting public property alight, these decisions are often far from the spontaneous acts of “violence” that they are depicted as by various news agencies and similarly aligned public officials. Using the example of a social movement based in Cape Town, South Africa, named Reclaim the City, this article thinks through different forms of protest, and how they are leveraged and perceived by a range of actors. By framing this discussion through James Scott’s (1998) work on legibility, this paper argues that social movements and similarly composed groups strategically navigate the process of being made legible by the state at different points for various reasons.

Everyday Resistance in the U.K.’s National Health Service

Resistance is a concept understudied in the context of health and healthcare. This is in part because visible forms of social protest are sometimes understood as incongruent with professional identity, leading healthcare workers to separate their visible actions from their working life. Resistance takes many forms, however, and focusing exclusively on the visible means more subtle forms of everyday resistance are likely to be missed. The overarching aim of this study was to explore how resistance was enacted within the workplace amongst a sample of twelve healthcare workers, based in the United Kingdom; exploring the forms that such action took and how this intersected with health and healthcare. In depth-interviews were conducted and results were analysed utilizing Lilja’s framework (2022). Our findings suggest that resistance took a number of forms, from more direct confrontational acts, to those which sought to avoid power or which sought to create alternative or prefigurative practices or norms. These findings speak to the complexities, ambiguities, and contradictions of resistance, as carried out by healthcare workers in the workplace. While many acts had clear political motives, with issues like climate change in mind for example, participants also described how the act of providing care itself could be an act of resistance. While saying something about our participants, this also said something about the healthcare systems in which they worked. These findings also raise a range of normative issues. Perhaps needless to say, there appears to be substantial scope to expand and interrogate our findings and apply the idea of resistance to health and healthcare.

Family Corporation v. Minstrel Feminism: Reproducing Religious Freedom from Hobby Lobby to Notorious R.B.G.

This article interrogates feminist frameworks for understanding the racial and sexual politics of United States secularism. It theorizes the history of religious freedom law as a history of racial performance. Reading the aesthetic practices surrounding the Burwell v. Hobby Lobby case and the subsequent consumer culture flurry around Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and building on accounts of religious freedom law as a vehicle for launching competing rights-based claims, the author shows the processes through which Hobby Lobby’s Christian family secured its religious exemption by conjuring ghosts of settler dispossession of indigenous people, even as an elderly Jewish justice was made to refuse submissive white femininity in the likeness of rapper Biggie Smalls. Circulated as competing minstrel brands, both performances consolidate the anti-Black and settler colonial grounds on which religious freedom laws—as well as some forms of mainstream protest against them—have flourished under neoliberal capitalism.

Cognitive Linguistics Critical Discourse Studies (CL-CDS) Puisi Awas Mudah Terbakar Karya Rachmat Hidayat Mustamin

Cognitive Linguistics Critical Discourse Studies (CL-CDS) in Rachmat Hidayat Mustamin's poem Beware of Combustion is analyzed by interpreting conceptually cognitive psychological-oriented meanings. This study aims to analyze the text of poetry by describing the conceptual meaning of cognitive psychology. Furthermore, the structure of knowledge is described based on experience and environmental observations that are interpreted openly. In analyzing qualitative data, namely examining the text of poetry, conducting data reduction, compiling data coding, and concluding data. The results of the study show that in the text dimension the presentation of the poem Awas Mudah Terbakar discusses affirmations that give a warning of something that is quickly provoked. Satire conveyed as a form of social protest that questions a condition. Many people stay silent with everything that happens even though they are constrained by the interests of a particular group, making it difficult for them to develop further. The message of social cognition from the poem Awas Mudah Terbakar is conveyed using parables and motivating statements with implied word choices.

Joint Engagement in Mother-Child Dyads of Autistic and Non-Autistic Children Among Asian Indian Tamil Speaking Families.

This study profiled various levels of engagement and related communication behaviours among 50 Asian Indian Tamil autistic children(AUT) and their mothers. The interaction was compared with two groups of mother-child dyads of non-autistic (NA) children, 50 in each group, matched for chronological age (CA), and for language level (LL). Results indicated that despite mother's efforts to engage with their children, autistic children were often 'engaged with objects' or remained 'unengaged' due to children's preference for solitary play, while NA children were often engaged in 'co-ordinated' and 'people engagement'. Across the three groups, mothers predominantly took the lead and dominated the interaction, irrespective of children's language levels. These initiations by the mothers were often to provide instructions and to ask 'What' questions. Autistic children initiated communication predominantly to ask for an object and responded often in the form of negations and protests with limited verbal output or non-verbally. Most of the communication behaviours of both children and mothers in AUT group was quantitatively and qualitatively different when compared to those in both the NA groups, indicating unique nature of interactions despite matching for CA or LL. The observations from the study highlights the need for considering adult's contingent behaviours also, while assessing communication skills of autistic children in order to provide effective intervention.

The Power of Glass: Craft Scotland Conference, 2022

In 2022, the UN marked the International Year of Glass, celebrating the essential role glass has, and will continue to have, in society. One element of this celebration was the importance of glass within art and its history, which the Craft Scotland 2022 Conference: The Power of Glass looked to explore. The aim of the conference was to allow a range of individuals, be they academics, researchers, or students of glass and art history within Scotland and the UK, to access contemporary thought within an under-represented field in the UK craft sector. In this paper, we look to highlight the links between the aims of the International Year of Glass and the proceedings of The Power of Glass Conference, demonstrating how glass artists, makers, and designers are part of a growing international body of creatives who are using the communicative possibilities of glass as a vehicle in which to raise pertinent questions and platform unheard and overlooked narratives. Moreover, they seek to overturn perceived biases of what glass is and its future potential by placing their craft within an arena of judgement beyond discussions of process and technique and by elevating socio-political glass art on par with other forms of artistic protest and commentary.

Rediscovering the Voices of ‘fanatick wives’: The Cultural Authority of Covenanting Women in Restoration Scotland

Laura Stewart’s Rethinking the Scottish Revolution frequently noted the important role played by women in shaping, driving, and sustaining the covenanting revolution of 1638–1651, and established new ground for examining female involvement in its political, ideological, and cultural legacies. Indeed, following the 1660 Restoration, Scottish politicians charged with managing public order would bemoan the dominant influence of ‘fanatick wives’ and ‘silly women’ over those around them and lament their leadership in public petitions, rabblings, and other forms of protest. With few notable exceptions, however, scholarship concentrating on this later period has often paid only limited attention to female nonconformity; noting women’s presence as tolerated wives or spiritual correspondents of male leaders without appreciation of their independent participation and leadership. Purposefully written out of – or sanctified – by many of the canonic sources relied upon by historians of the era and left unnamed in edited primary sources, secondary literature frequently depicts female activists as detached from male counterparts yet united by the prescribed piety and gendered expectations of past and present scholars alike. This article will use new archival evidence and revisit edited sources to rediscover the authoritative voices of female covenanters between 1637 and 1715. Moving discussion beyond ‘agency’ as a satisfactory explanation for female participation in conventicles and other expressions of dissent, it will conclude that these women’s cultural authority must be appreciated and integrated within future scholarship if we are to fully appreciate the true legacies of the covenanting revolution as a major, paradigmatic moment in Scottish History.

Affective dimensions and the psychosocial work performed by naked body protests

ABSTRACT This paper is about the liberatory affective states associated with participation in naked body protests. The article will also touch on notions of gender as performative and located within the habitus, since affective states are intertwined with gender performance, embodiment and social construction. Exploration of these phenomena is done by analysing interview data from 16 women who participated in various naked body protests in South Africa. These include protests in Dobsonville, Soweto in 1990 and student protests at four universities in 2016. The study draws upon Wetherell’s theorisation of affect, especially their concept of affective practice. The findings illustrate that affects are always embedded in acts and practices, including forms of protest. In addition, using Judith Butler’s gender performativity theory, the study demonstrates that naked body protests have performative possibilities that both reify and challenge gender.

The Musical Underground as an Alternative to the Art Scene of Totalitarianism and Post-Totalitarianism

The musical underground as an underground art testifying what is outside the framework of the Soviet cultural mainstream of the 1980s and 1990s to various extent is considered in the article. It is proved that the concept of underground correlates with the notion of an alternative to the official party art scene of totalitarianism, and is often confused with the related concept of sixties. It is emphasized that the underground is a form of protest art, that is a form of protest in art. It is determined that the musical underground can be, in fact, political, aesthetic, and artistic. It characterizes the artistic surroundings of the underground in which the artist lives. The musical underground has appeared on the territory of Ukraine since the 1980s after all the complex transformations those taking place in academic art (opera and symphony) and after the final legalization of jazz, rock, eco-jazz and other trends those have become permissible and legitimate in the context of the post-Soviet reality of music. Conclusions. The underground as an underground art expresses its socio-cultural functions in different contexts. Thus, in a totalitarian space underground art becomes a certain locus of elite, selected performers opposing the general oppression of freedom and human rights, and also carrying out the process of creative self-expression, declaration of will in post-totalitarian societies. It is found out that the underground becomes an art symbol aimed at certain vectors of communication and defines itself as a trash culture, or as a niche character and method of culture creation.

Analisis Hak-Hak Buruh Pabrik Dalam Syariat Islam

This research is entitled "Analysis of Factory Workers' Rights in Islamic Law". This study aims to find out what rights and obligations must be accepted by workers in Islamic law and whether workers' rights to factory companies are fulfilled according to Islamic law. This study uses a qualitative analysis method by understanding and formalizing the data systematically. The result of this research is how workers cover the basic rights of workers. This includes the right to fair and decent wages, reasonable working hours, safe and healthy working conditions, and the right to organize and strike as a form of protest. This abstract underscores the importance of understanding and analyzing labor matters in the context of labor law and economics. In this era of globalization and rapid technological change, it is important to keep updating and reviewing labor materials to suit the demands and changes in the world of work. Thus, further research in this area will make a significant contribution to strengthening the protection and well-being of workers in the future.

2022 January Events and CSTO Peacekeeping Mission in Kazakhstan

In January 2022, Kazakhstan was faced with an attempt of a violent change of power in the form of mass protests that spread throughout the country and were organized with the basic techniques of color revolutions. The country’s own law enforcement forces were not able to cope with radical citizens, looters-rioters, and terrorists, and in these circumstances the head of state, K.K. Tokayev, decided to request the support of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) allies, who immediately sent the united peacekeeping troops to the republic. The CSTO peacekeeping mission, coordinated by Russia, successfully restored constitutional order in the country and prevented a violent coup d’état. The purpose of this research is to analyze the course of the January events and actions of the CSTO, as well as their impact on Kazakhstan, the region and the organization itself. The paper is based on interviews with experts from the CSTO member states, studies carried out in this area of research, and statements by official authorities. The synthesis of the research results is divided into thematic blocks and supplemented by the author’s conclusions. The paper mentions aspects such as the transition of power, changes in Kazakhstan’s domestic and foreign policies, the effectiveness of the CSTO organization and the expansion of its potential use. Proposals are also provided regarding the strengthening of defense integration and the need to develop a common regional identity. The research is unique in that it brings expert opinions from six CSTO member states, the results of studies carried out by researchers from Russia, Kazakhstan, and abroad, and the theoretical terminology of Western political ideology. The author presents the area of responsibility of the CSTO as a Eurasian security community based not only on collective security, but also on economic interdependence and a sense of community among the nations of its member states.