Liberal Forms Research Articles

Iusfeminismo y subversión legal

Through its multiple branches, the law reproduces various systems of oppression such as the patriarchal system, in order to maintain the masculine privileges of each space and time. In this sense, legal feminisms have gained relevance in the defense and critique of this legal patriarchy, which as a consequence have modified the current normative bodies, to integrate feminist demands that respond to specific conjunctural problems. Although these legal feminisms have made important changes in favor of gender equality, this text argues that there are still fairer acts than those for which iusfeminism prays. One of these prerogatives is female disobedience to the law as a form of liberation, under the prerogative of the right to evil. In this text we will focus on the right to property in Mexico. The methodological aspect of this proposal is qualitative, strictly documentary. Its nature is descriptive, analytical, and comparative in relation to the binomial of social and legal processes, in which feminist epistemologies are included. Among the findings, disobedience of the law is possible and more feasible than obedience itself. The methodological aspect of this proposal is qualitative, strictly docunentary. Its nature is descriptive, analytical, and conparative in relation to the binomial of social and legal processes, in which feninist epistenologies are included. Among the findings, disobedience to the law is possible and more feasible than obedience itself.

Comparative Analysis of the Implementation of Religious Moderation as an Effort to Build a Tolerant Culture at Tamansiswa Sukadamai Vocational School and Era Ibang Junior High School

Religious moderation is defined as a religious attitude that is not extreme, either in the form of radicalism or liberalism, and prioritizes balance and mutual respect. This study aims to analyze the process of internalizing religious moderation as an effort to build a tolerant culture at SMK Tamansiswa Sukadamai. This study uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. Data were collected through observation, interviews, and documentation from the school, teachers, and students. The study results indicate that the internalization of religious moderation at SMK Tamansiswa Sukadamai is carried out through integrating moderation values ​​in the curriculum, extracurricular activities, and student character development. The school provides an understanding of the importance of tolerance, respecting differences, and avoiding extreme attitudes through an interfaith dialogue approach and activities encouraging cooperation between religious communities.

Pengaruh Keluarga Dalam Manajemen Pendidikan Moderasi Beragama

Religious moderation, defined as a balanced approach in practicing religion by avoiding extremism in the form of radicalism or liberalism, is crucial for maintaining social harmony in diverse societies. The family, as the first educational institution, holds a strategic role in instilling the values of religious moderation in children from an early age. This study aims to examine the influence of the family's role in managing religious moderation education for children in West Sipatana. A quantitative method with a simple regression analysis approach was employed to measure the extent of the family's impact on religious moderation education. Field findings reveal that the family contributes 75% to shaping children's attitudes toward religious moderation. These findings indicate that active family involvement in children's religious education, such as teaching respect for differing beliefs and fostering constructive dialogue, significantly influences the development of tolerant and inclusive moderate attitudes in children. This research underscores the vital role of families as primary actors in supporting religious moderation education in society.

Liberalism of religious Muslims in illiberal Muslim-majority and minority societies: evidence from Azerbaijan and Georgia

Abstract How does a religious group's demographic status influence its members' attitudes toward economic and political liberalization? This study adopts a contextual approach and compares Azeri Muslims' political and economic attitudes in two illiberal states, Azerbaijan and Georgia. We argue that attitudes toward liberalization are shaped by the strength of association with one’s religious community and its relative position vis-à-vis the state and society. Drawing on a series of Caucasus Barometer surveys, we find that context and position in society matter. In religiously restrictive Muslim-majority Azerbaijan, Muslims’ religiosity is associated with greater support for political liberalization but lower support for economic liberalization. In religiously restrictive non-Muslim-majority Georgia, however, Muslims’ religiosity reflects the converse: opposition to political liberalization but support for economic liberalization. Thus, instead of theologies, the political and economic opportunity structures facing religious groups may play a critical role in determining their attitudes toward various forms of liberalization.

The curious genealogy of the “executive state”: A critical review of the latest administrative reform in Greece

Abstract This article critically discusses the latest reform of the Greek administration system, which took the form of an Act establishing an “executive state.” It intends to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, it offers a critique of the executive state. Existing critiques generally focus on the bureaucratic concentration of powers in the office of the Prime Minister or the abandonment of positive elements found in previous reform attempts. However, they largely accept the reform as a technical response to the crisis. In contrast, this article presents a comprehensive critique that fully addresses the historic origins and contemporary significance of the notion and institutional forms of the executive state, revealing it as a political, rather than technical, measure that reflects deeper views about the relationship between the state, the economy, and society. Additionally, the article assesses the two main effects of this administrative reform—the centralization and depoliticization of policymaking—as manifestations of an authoritarian shift. The second contribution concerns the literature on authoritarian liberalism, which examines the authoritarian tendencies inherent in liberal forms and ideals. While several authors have explored the authoritarian tendencies of institutional reform in the face of crisis, this article seeks to explore the authoritarian phenomenon as part of a process of market capture and to examine its effects specifically on administrative law and structures. Ultimately, this article argues that administrative reform in Greece follows a rather sinister genealogy, and must be understood as an essential counterpart to the generalized and sustained attack on social and political rights following the dictates of the market.

The Biopolitics of Liberal War: Humanity, Temporality and Cosmology

What is the relationship between war and liberalism? Over the last two decades, an extensive and influential literature inspired by Michel Foucault’s conception of biopolitics has argued that the ‘war on terror’ is defined by distinctly liberal forms of government. Underpinning this approach is an assumption of the primacy of contingency to the contemporary biopolitical imaginary. Through this governing cosmology, the ‘war on terror’ is said to be motivated by a politics of fear and uncertainty. This article contests this account of liberal war by demonstrating the biopolitical significance of potentiality. By illustrating how a specific configuration of potentiality informs contemporary governing understandings of humanity and temporality, this article argues that liberal war is also waged according to a politics of hope and certainty. Adopting a cosmological approach allows this article to develop the case for a pluriversal conception of biopolitics which better reflects the complex and contradictory character of liberal war in the 21st century. Such a perspective invites us to see how the ‘war on terror’ is not only a reflection of our darkest fears but also of our highest hopes.

Kriteria Mujtahid Perspektif Ibnu Arabi

The scholars have formulated the criteria for a mujtahid. And among those criteria are puberty, having an adequate understanding of sharia sources, whether the Quran or hadith, and having a set of abilities to analyze those sharia sources. However, the criteria that have been formulated are, in Ibn Arabi's view, only secondary requirements. According to him, the primary requirement that a mujtahid must have is inner readiness. Departing from this, it is necessary to explain the concept of ijtihad from the perspective of Ibn Arabi and his views in several cases of fiqh. This type of research is literature and the method used is comparative inductive while the approach used is fiqh and Sufism. As a result, ijtihad is an effort to prepare the mind, where the mujtahid must achieve the maqam of piety. And with this devotion a person will be able and ready to receive the inspirations given by Allah to him. And among the rulings that are the result of Ibn Arabi's ijtihad is the status of taklif for people who are insane, have not yet reached puberty and are asleep. According to him, the position of mukallaf in this kind of situation is "al-barâ'ah", that is, they are independent of the obligations of the Shari'ah, but nevertheless they are still subject to the status of taklif with a different essence of the taklif. And it is in the form of liberation from taklif al-ibâhah or al-barâ'ah. and so it is not lifted. However, back to human character like an animal that is just a man with a sense. This is because Ibn Arabi views that the law on an obligation is based on the value of its sharia and not based on its reason. And this has legal consequences in some cases

The normative stakes of Foucault's engagement with neoliberalism: Seduction, invention, and normalization

AbstractThis article critically examines Foucault's engagement with neoliberalism. While Foucault declares that his analysis of this tradition is primarily descriptive, I argue that he continually questions whether neoliberalism is less disciplinary and biopolitically normalizing than traditional forms of liberalism. Although Foucault does not endorse neoliberalism as a prescriptive solution to these problems of normalization, his interest in such problems is consistent with his tendency to privilege freedom over other values like justice and equality. This helps to clarify the normative stakes of Foucault's analysis while rejecting any suggestion that he was invested in neoliberalism as a comprehensive political program. Indeed, I repudiate the claim that he was “seduced” by neoliberalism. Furthermore, I reject the idea that he was trying to “invent” a distinctively socialist governmentality through the prism of neoliberalism. Finally, I consider the broader significance of this discussion for normative political philosophy.

Hermann Heller’s critique of liberalism

ABSTRACT Hermann Heller’s critique of liberalism was both theoretical and conjunctural. He derided liberalism’s erosion of the concept of sovereignty and lamented liberalism’s complicity with the substantive inequality of his time. It its place, he argued for a restoration of the concept of popular sovereignty, as a dialectical formation of political unity and material equality through the democratic process. As a matter of political practice and strategy, however, Heller equivocated in his stance on the constitutional politics of the Weimar Republic. He initially tolerated the abrogation of parliamentary democracy due to his faith in the neutrality of the state, before diagnosing the regime as a form of authoritarian liberalism determined by the capitalist economy. This article examines Heller’s theoretical and political critique of liberalism. It outlines Heller’s conception of popular sovereignty against both Kelsen’s legal rationalism and Schmitt’s political decisionism. It also examines the significance of the interwar conjuncture, highlighting that the turn of the bourgeoisie to authoritarianism and ultimately to fascism represented a continuity of the liberal elision of the principle of popular sovereignty.

Étienne Parent, the Demise of the Mixed Constitution, and the Rise of Liberalism of Government in French Canada

Abstract Between the adoption of the Act of Union in 1840 and the British North America Act in 1867, French-Canadian elites had to reconceptualize the nature and virtues of the British constitutional system. Étienne Parent, an early defender of the ‘mixed constitution’ and one of the most influential thinkers among French-Canadian reformists, turned to the civil service to give the new constitutional regime a stable foundation. His theory of the ‘sovereignty of intelligence’ borrowed French liberal ideas to build a distinct model of constitutionalism out of British constitutional institutions. Parent’s thought also exemplifies how the idea that the constitution is the principal integrative force of the polity continued to shape French-Canadian constitutional imaginary in the mid-nineteenth century. Recovering this dynamic and historical approach to constitutionalism sheds light on this distinct constitutional model, obscured by the later influence of AV Dicey and his retrospective interpretation of nineteenth-century constitutionalism. Putting the emphasis on the administration, Parent’s theory of the ‘sovereignty of intelligence’ offered a form of government liberalism which differed from the liberalism associated with parliamentary sovereignty, and republicanism and popular sovereignty. In many respects, Parent participated directly in the consolidation of the constitutional model he defended, and his thought allows us to recapture the synergy and generative tension between the cabinet and the civil service that endures in the contemporary constitutional practices of Westminster parliamentary systems.

Is Democracy Bad for Lgbt+ Rights?

Abstract: The historical bond between democracy and LGBT+ rights is unraveling globally. With gender and sexuality issues gaining political prominence, anti-LGBT+ forces are exploiting democratic institutions—both majoritarian and nonmajoritarian—to successfully curtail LGBT+ rights. Can democracy still protect and advance LGBT+ rights? This essay contends that as recent empirical developments challenge the longstanding connection between democracy and LGBT+ rights, they also call for a conceptual reassessment. Rather than viewing LGBT+ rights as an outcome of democracy, this essay proposes treating them as constitutive of democracy, particularly in its liberal form. It further offers normative as well as pragmatic justifications for this conceptual shift.

Critical Contextual Empiricism and the Politics of Knowledge

What are philosophers doing when they prescribe a particular epistemology for science? According to science and technology studies, the answer to this question implicates both knowledge and politics, even when the latter is hidden. Exploring this dynamic via a specific case, I argue that Longino’s “critical contextual empiricism” ultimately relies on a form of political liberalism. Her choice to nevertheless foreground epistemological concerns can be clarified by considering historical relationships between science and society, as well as the culture of academic philosophy. This example, I conclude, challenges philosophers of science to consider the political ideals and accountability entailed by their prescribed knowledge practices.

KARMA SEBAGAI PRAKSIS PEMBEBASAN DALAM BHAGAVAD GĪTĀ

This research is a literature study, using qualitative data. The hermeneutic method was used to analyze data regarding the teaching of karma as a practice of liberation in the text of the Bhagavad Gītā. Where, the Bhagavad Gītā has an important position in Hinduism because it contains the teachings of Brahmavidyā (divine knowledge) and yogaśāstra (yogic knowledge). The Bhagavad Gītā not only guides humans ethically, but also directs humans to carry out practical actions through karma (effort, work, action). In this case, the Bhagavad Gītā makes karma a praxis through the teachings of yoga, as a way to connect oneself (individual soul) with God (Universal Soul). The teaching of karma in the Bhagavad Gītā emphasizes work or actions carried out based on dharma (duty), and awareness of God as the owner of actions (karma). In this case, all the actions he performs will be directed towards God, so that he will no longer be bound by the results of the actions he performs. This is expressed in the Bhagavad Gītā, II.47: karmaṇy evadhikāras te mā phaleṣu kadācana, mā karma-phala-hetur bhūr mā te saṅgo ‘stv karmaṇ. The result of this research is that the Bhagavad Gītā teaches karma as a path to material and spiritual liberation. Where material liberation is interpreted not as an effort to accumulate material possessions, instead it frees humans from the shackles of material attachment by offering all the results of actions or work to God. Complete surrender to God of all karmic results and Unity with God is a form of spiritual liberation.

Partisan of the Absolute State: Arnold Ruge, Liberalism, and the Hallische Jahrbücher

Abstract This article considers the political theory and political theology of Arnold Ruge during the years he edited the Hallische and Deutsche Jahrbücher, paying special attention to his relationship with a variety of “liberalisms” circulating at the time. It argues that Ruge's central and consistent commitment was to the “absolute state,” which he described as “an end in itself.” Such a state, Ruge believed, would constitute a space in which citizens could realize their public freedom. I show how Ruge constructed this approach through critical engagements with three forms of liberalism: the Romantic nationalist liberalism of Ernst Moritz Arndt; the ethical pluralist liberalism of Franz von Flourencourt; and the pragmatic economic liberalism of Karl Biedermann. I conclude with reflections on Ruge's 1843 “Eine Selbstkritik des Liberalismus.”

Bill 7633 on the restriction of the use of Russian text sources in Ukrainian research and education: analysing language policy in times of war

AbstractFor centuries, Ukraine has been a site of conflicts over language rights. During 70 years of Soviet leadership, Ukraine experienced’relentless Russification’ (Reznik in Language of conflict: discourses of the Ukrainian crisis (pp. 169–191). Bloomsbury Publishing, London, 2020 p. 170). After breaking from Soviet rule, the Ukrainian language became an increasingly powerful symbol and means of national identity. Since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the language issues have gained yet more public and political attention. Addressing the urgency, the Ukrainian parliament adopted, in the first reading, Bill 7633, aiming to restrict the use of any Russian sources in Ukrainian school and academia, a bill that was met with criticism and experienced intensified debates. This article analyses a range of text sources (both governmental and non-governmental) debating Bill 7633, using Discourse Analysis, and reveals how ‘liberal values’ and ‘lived liberalism’ (Fedirko et al. in Social Anthropol/Anthropol soc 29(2):373–386, 2021) are practiced or violated through problematising or justifying the Bill. Thus, the article contributes to the (recently emerged, i.e. since the start of Russian annexation of the Crimea in 2014) body of research on political and public discourses of the Ukrainian conflict (Epstein in Studies in East Eur Thought 74(4), 475–481; Jones, 2020; Lanvers and Lunyova in Eur J Lang Policy 15(1), 25–68; Slobozhan et al. in Soc Netw Anal Min 12(1), 1–12, 2022). Results show a comprehensive range of arguments both for and against Bill 7633 in both governmental and non-governmental texts which is interpreted as a form of liberalism in fragments (Fedirko in Social Anthropol/Anthropol Soc, 29(2), 471–489, 2021). The conclusion debates the unreserved applicability of western conceptualisation of liberal language policy in the context of war and prolonged linguistic contestations.

Can Conversational Thinking serve as a suitable pedagogical approach for philosophy education in African schools?

Abstract This article investigates whether Conversational Thinking can suitably serve as a pedagogical approach for philosophy education in African schools (primary and secondary levels). We argue that there is a need to introduce and teach philosophy in schools in Africa. Additionally, we argue that it would be apropos to adopt a decolonial approach in developing such curricula, which, amongst others, could accommodate African approaches to philosophy. We contend that African homegrown frameworks, such as Conversational Thinking, can serve as appropriate decolonial strategies for philosophy education in parts of Africa. Our reason is that the proposed approach can train the emerging young generations in Africa, not only to be critical, creative, and innovative, but also to view reality from African epistemic perspectives. This stems from the fact that Conversational Thinking is one strategy amongst others that can promote African culture-inspired approaches to knowledge that combine with basic thinking skills to offer truly African forms of epistemic liberation.

“She Trafficked On Her Own Account”: Black Women’s Abolitionist Geographies in Robert Wedderburn’s Horrors of Slavery (1824) and History of Mary Prince (1831)

ABSTRACT Robert Wedderburn self-published Horrors of Slavery (1824) within ultraradical networks in London, so his life narrative was not shaped by the political ambitions of white, middle-class abolitionists. By celebrating the communal, place-based resistances of his enslaved mother and grandmother as the source of his own emancipation from slavery, Horrors reworked the Romantic figuration of sorrowful, enslaved Black mothers. Wedderburn’s mother, Rosanna, demanded that his enslaver father manumit him. His grandmother, Talkee Amy, was a higgler and obeah woman who “trafficked on her own account.” Wedderburn’s description of Rosanna and Talkee Amy’s place-based abolitionist geographies then serves as an illuminating intertext for History of Mary Prince (1831). Like Wedderburn’s mother and grandmother, Prince entered and navigated spaces in a way that asserted her humanness by rebelliously claiming kinship and higglering in unofficial local economies. In both narratives, Black women cultivated communal, material, and place-based forms of liberation from slavery, and their stories supplement and even challenge current understandings of Romantic-era abolition and women’s activism.

(Political) political liberalism and the constitutional project

Abstract This review essay follows Alessandro Ferrara and Frank Michelman’s dialogic journey into the legitimation-by-constitution idea, which they submit as the institutional expression of political liberalism in Legitimation by Constitution: A Dialogue on Political Liberalism, to illustrate the challenges for contemporary philosophy of political liberalism in its transposition to the constitutional project. It argues that Ferrara and Michelman’s liberal endeavor to answer the fundamental questions surrounding political liberalism rests on a normative conception of identity, which eventually leads them to a dilemma: the project of constitutional democracy they defend and justify is sustained by a liberal ethos, while it is tasked to accommodate those who do not value the liberal form of life. Instead of choosing between the project of constitutional democracy and their liberal soul, Ferrara and Michelman eventually offer a thin constitutional account of political liberalism resembling the international legal order amidst the retrenchment of the liberal ethos. It contends that what liberal democracies need from political liberalism in battling antiliberal forces is not more political philosophy but rather something akin to what Jeremy Waldron calls “political political theory.” It is suggested that political liberalism take a political turn to confront antiliberal forces with an enriched rather than diluted constitutional project.

The Possibility of Applying Total Quality Management at the Higher Institute of Science and Technology – SUSA

In this study, an attempt was made to determine the possibility of applying total quality management in the Higher Institute of Science and Technology (SUSA) and to explain what needs to be done to create high-quality and qualified education and educational institutions in individuals and regions. Institutional aspects of education management. Within this framework, a number of domains from different sources are defined, different characteristics are highlighted, and efforts to improve the understanding of quality are discussed. The management model will enable educational institutions to survive under the conditions of global competition, cooperation should be developed in the form of innovation, modernity, liberalism, openness, development, change and catch-up. Quality is most clearly defined as customer satisfaction. In educational institutions, especially educational administrators, lecturers, teaching assistants, students, parents and educational institutions, the purpose is to improve the quality of lecturers as an overall environmental education.

“What is the Orbit of Our Dreaming?”: Hale County This Morning , This Evening and Black Time Studies

Abstract: This article delves into the profound connection between Black life in Alabama, the temporal qualities of Southern geographies, and emerging formulations of time from the interdisciplinary field of Black Time Studies. The paper positions RaMell Ross’ 2019 experimental documentary, Hale County This Morning, This Evening , within an emerging field that examines radical representations of time in experimental Black art, aesthetics, and everyday life. Black Time Studies underscores the critical role of time in the ordering of Black life and labor, acknowledges modes of resistance, and envisions forms of liberation within the unique temporal landscape of the South, inviting this discussion of abstraction, framing practices, waiting, and patience. Hale County This Morning, This Evening explores and enacts an intricate interplay between time, place, and Black aesthetics, offering a generative contribution to theories of time in the South. Situating the film within this particular interdisciplinary discourse enables us in turn to draw from the methods, traditions, and analytical tools of poetry, experimental prose, sound, and music—fundamental elements of Black Time Studies, to create an expanded reading of the film. It is through this lens that we will ponder the film’s central question: “What is the orbit of our dreaming?”