Forms Of Global Governance Research Articles

ICANN's GAC and the Global Governance of the Internet: The Role of the EU in Bringing 'Government' Back to Internet Governance

The European Commission has played a multi-faceted role in the global governance of the Internet. In some cases it strengthened the role of the state or it encouraged the growth of global institutions; in others it promoted the role of the market to the detriment of traditional state controls, be they national or international. This had, to a large extent, a domestic and global impact: the Commission has supported the growth of a European Market for ICT and telecommunications, and thus increased the role of the Commission in governing the Internet. This paper focuses on the activities of the European Commission in its dialogue with international partners on the subject of Internet governance, and examines in particular the growth of ICANN’s Governmental Advisory Committee. This paper illustrates the governing role of the EU outside its borders, by showing that it has pushed for a novel, yet international solution to the problem of governing the global Internet. As a case study for new forms of governance, the Internet is a worthy subject, particularly at the global level (Shahin 1999). Given that the Information Society is a matter for ‘high politics’1 the role of the European Commission in the GIS provides an under-studied case of the changing governance environment within the EU itself and particularly in the way it acts ‘on behalf’ of member states in certain areas. This case study of the role of the European Commission’s role in the global governance of the Internet shows where and how the Commission exercises its newly created mandate, and raises points for discussion concerning different forms of global governance that have been tried and tested with the birth and evolution of ICANN, and particularly the Governmental Advisory Committee (GAC). In order to do so, however, it elaborates upon different mechanisms of management in the field of Internet governance, and takes a look at the role of two other standards organisations: the IETF and W3C.

Recent Developments of Totalitarian Capitalism and the Evolving World Order: Some Implications for Social Movements

ABSTRACTUnder current circumstances, the lasting and exacerbated crisis of world capitalism, its far-reaching transformations, and intensified socio-political and geopolitical conflicts lead to highly uncertain conditions and an increasing world disorder. After some methodological remarks and a brief analysis of the recent developments of world capitalism, this article more specifically investigates the capital–state relations, and critically considers competing explanations (including imperialism, globalization, empire, transnational and totalitarian capitalism) of the currently evolving world (dis-)order, as well as the urgent search for new forms of global governance. Based on this analysis, an attempt is made to draw some conclusions concerning social movements and struggles for social change.

Reiterated problem solving in neoliberal and counter-neoliberal shifts: the case of Bolivia’s hydrocarbon sector

Scholars examining neoliberalization often attribute its resilience to powerful actors’ access to resources and their ability to embed their interests in local, national, and global forms of governance. While scholars have recognized how less powerful actors attempt to resist processes of neoliberalization, observations of emergent alternatives have been more limited. In this article I argue that scholars’ focus upon the resilience of neoliberalization has often caused them to overlook the resilience of older and alternative forms of socioeconomic organization that can underpin the power of less powerful actors and serve as the foundation for counter-neoliberal shifts. I suggest that one way to resolve this oversight is through the use of a reiterated problem solving approach. Such an approach can help scholars to better historicize neoliberal and counter-neoliberal turns and recognize the ability of a greater array of actors to influence socioeconomic change. To demonstrate the utility of such an approach in studies of neoliberalization and counter-neoliberalization, I examine Bolivia’s hydrocarbon sector—or what could be called Bolivia’s enduring hydrocarbon problem—over the past century.

Challenges in Multi-Level Health Governance: Corruption in the Global Fund’s Operations in Uganda and Zambia

There has been a marked rise in new organisations such as public private partnerships (PPPs) within the global health sector, of which The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) is perhaps one the most well-known. From its conception, it was hailed as a new breed of international institution which would be less bureaucratic, more transparent and more accountable to its stakeholders. However, the GFATM has unfortunately been plagued by corruption in its operations in several developing countries. In this note, we draw on case studies of GFATM experiences of corruption in Uganda and Zambia to argue that we should be cautious in welcoming this new form of global governance in regard to its ability to ensure transparency and accountability. This is because one of the key strengths of the PPP structure, is that it creates autonomy at the national level, which constitutes a weakness when there is corruption. Indeed, despite evidence of widespread corruption in the GFATM in both of our case study countries, the GFATM has been unable to effect successful prosecution of the culprits and recover money that has been siphoned off, as both the Ugandan and the Zambian governments have exhibited a lack of political will.

The Future of Liberal World Order

As these essays show, there is a lively debate over the future of world order. Sergey Chugrow offers a dark portrait of the breakdown of what he calls Western hegemony, driven in part by Russia's grievances and aggression in Ukraine. He points to a future where international order will have a mix of realist geopolitics and post-modern diversity. Keisuke Iida sees the debate over liberal international order as a return to older debates about the viability of hegemonic order and the role of regions and non-Western values in a post-hegemonic global system. Peter Haas sees the debate over liberal international order as a window onto various new forms of global governance. Behind these important observations is Amitav Acharya's vision of a post-American global order marked by diverse regional sub-systems; a world that is globalized, diversified, and localized. These developments lead Acharya to announce the ‘end’ of the American-led liberal international order.

International Migration and Global Governance

This article discusses: current trends in international migration, highlighting why global governance of international migration is needed; explores reasons why this form of global governance has lagged behind others; and reviews the steps that have been taken since the early twentieth century to foster greater international cooperation. In recent years, states appear more willing than before to discuss issues of mutual concern although actual decision-making on these issues remains elusive. The article concludes that although an international migration regime is unlikely to be in place any time soon, the prospects for progress in this area are better today than any time in the past century.

Strategically Saving the World: The Rhetoric of CSV as a Precursor to Global governance

While corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives have paved the way for a unique form of global governance (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011) through political means (Whelan, 2012) there is a growing...

Forms of global governence

Global governance as a concept defines the meaning of contemporary world politics both as a discipline and as reality. Interdependent and globalized world requires governance, and a global government has not been formed yet. The theoretical possibility of global governance without global government is proved and justified. The purpose of this article is to analytically identify possible forms of global governance. Three such forms of global governance are identified: hierarchical, market and network. In a hierarchy the governance is due to the asymmetry of power between the parties. Market control happens via anonymous pricing mechanism. Network, in contrast to the market is characterized by a closer value link between the actors, but unlike the hierarchical relationship actors are free to leave the network. Global governance takes three forms and is being implemented by different actors. To determine the most efficient form of global governance is impossible. Efficiency depends on the match between a form and an object of government. It should be noted that meta governance is likely to remain a monopoly of institutionally strong states in global governance.

From Government to Governance: A Symbolic Mutation and its Repercussions for Democracy

This article develops an assessment of the shift from government to governance from the perspective of the concept of democratic representation developed by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. It is argued that this shift does not primarily entail a change of actors, norms or decision-making processes, but that it should rather be understood more fundamentally as a symbolic mutation. In governance regimes, a novel representation of power and society comes into being which transforms the basic symbolic configuration of society. Focusing especially on forms of global governance, the article investigates how this mutation provides society with a new image of itself, and how it affects the democratic nature of current society.

Towards a New Politics of Tradition? Decentralisation, Conflict, and Adat in Eastern Indonesia

The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralisation, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call ‘the new politics of tradition’ in Indonesia. In 1999 under the former President, Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralised control of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralisation was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies—an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites have begun jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralisation. The process of decentralisation is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralisation of financial and political control after three decades of centralisation entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony—a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new ‘politics of tradition’ currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the ‘era reformasi’ and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralisation. 1

Menuju Sebuah Politik Tradisi Yang Baru? Desentralisasi, Konflik, dan Adat di Wilayah Indonesia Timur

The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization.

Genuine Global Governance

Revolutionary changes sweeping the world since the mid-1980s have transformed international and global politics. Major issues and challenges confronting mankind have become global and demand global solutions. However, present international institutions are out of tune with today’s realities. Reforms will not do. New forms of global governance are needed. This is an opportune time for the Global South (Third World) to rise to the occasion and offer viable alternative conceptions of global governance that are more cooperative, inclusive, equitable and legitimate. Towards this end, mankind has to draw from all the living civilisations on earth and formulate a ‘confluence of cultures’ as the conceptual foundation for ‘genuine global governance’. Mankind needs a new ‘philosophy of globalism’. In this context, Hindu civilisation’s ideas on the rights and duties of man; man’s relationship with his family, community and society; his place on earth; and its emphasis on living in tune with nature deserve attention.

To “Dance with Lost Souls”: Liu Xiaobo, Charter 08, and the Contested Rhetorics of Democracy and Human Rights in China

Abstract This essay addresses China's Nobel Peace Prize-winning and now imprisoned dissident, Liu Xiaobo, and his movement-launching manifesto, Charter 08, as test cases of the fate of democracy in China. By examining how the Chinese Communist Party attacked Liu and how international nongovernmental organizations and political allies rallied to his cause, the essay probes the limits of human rights discourse in an age of globalization, wherein transnational ideals of justice crash into nation states committed to local rather than global forms of governance. Such rhetorical concerns are tempered by China's increasing dominance of global markets, meaning this essay also studies the complicated relationships among local activists, international justice movements, and neoliberal capitalism. The essay therefore maps how China marshals the rhetoric of globalization to enter new markets even as it deploys the rhetoric of nationalism to block foreign influence. Nonetheless, Charter 08's prophetic rhetoric and Liu's heroic charisma have struck a chord internationally, thus opening a new chapter in the movement to call upon globalizing human rights in the name of building democracy in China.

Transnational multi-stakeholder sustainability standards and biofuels: understanding standards processes

Over the last decade, dramatic growth in the global production of biofuels has in turn fuelled immense criticism. This has been directed towards the form of that growth, which has in many ways been the culmination of a broader transformation of global agricultural production processes. Criticism has focused on the dominance of agri-business multi-nationals in production processes, large-scale land alienation in developing countries, adverse environmental and socio-economic impacts and greater food insecurity. In responding to such concerns, the Roundtable on Sustainable Biofuels (RSB) is a high profile transnational multi-stakeholder initiative to ensure the ‘sustainability’ of the production of biofuels. Sustainability standards such as these have become a widespread form of global governance over agricultural production. This paper considers the RSB as a vehicle for considering how such interventions might be better understood in their contribution to wider change. It suggests an approach that focuses on broader standard processes so as to interrogate how such change is actually unfolding in the way it is and how political struggles in their production may be masked by a narrower interpretation of the standards themselves.

Political order and the challenge of governance: moving beyond the nationalism-cosmopolitanism debate

The paper concerns the preconditions for post-national politics and criticizes the idea, central to contemporary discussions on globalization and the future of welfare states, that political orders require an overarching solidarity, whether national or post-national, as a basic source of social cohesion. It outlines a theoretical framework to account for the complex relationships among identity, solidarity, community, and authority, in the constitution of modern political orders. On the basis of this framework, the paper argues that neither national nor post-national identities are essential sources of political order since people have multiple identities and solidarities that are not necessarily conflicting or mutually exclusive. Social cohesion and political order rather require different identities, linked to different interests and solidarities, to be brought in accord with each other. On the basis this understanding, the paper maintains that the most crucial challenge with regard to improving the conditions for global forms of governance is the establishment of domain consensus on global governance institutions, rather than the development of cosmopolitan identities.

Global Private Regulation, Global Finance and the Future of Corporate Human Rights Accountability

The large industrial footprints of large-scale infrastructure projects often impose a variety of environmental and social harms on local, marginalized (often indigenous) populations, many of whom, particularly in countries with weak regulatory capacity, have very little political voice in the project approval process. In 2003, responding to pressure from transnational activists and the changing norms and practices of development finance institutions such as the World Bank, some of the largest commercial banks in the world created a global private regulatory regime - the Equator Principles (“EPs”) — to standardize their environmental and social risk review of their investments in these projects. Drawing from political science, sociology, management studies and international relations, this Article contextualizes the emergence of the Equator Principles among the broader shift to new forms of global governance and explores how the impact of such governance regimes can be measured. Inspired by recent scholarship by regulation scholars of domestic voluntary regimes, the Article explores how “process” - focused metrics can be an important measurement of regime effectiveness. Implementing this empirical approach, the Article presents the first global survey of the implementation of the participating banks - Equator Principle Financial Institutions (“EPFIs”) - measured along two dimensions: (a) how individual institutions have changed their organizational structures, policies and procedures following their decisions to adopt the EPs and (b) how they have contributed to the growth and evolution of the regime. While institutional change is not a perfect proxy for measuring impacts “on the ground,” I argue that it is a particularly useful measurement for the study of global private regulation related to corporate human rights accountability, which both the United Nations and the OECD’s recent global soft law codification exercises suggest should be carried out primarily by the development of robust due diligence mechanisms not unlike those required by the Equator Principles.

Renewing Global Governance: demanding rights and justice in the global South

Global inequality is increasing. Global inequalities are an expression of global social injustices and ‘pathologies of power’. Global governance has been posited as a way forward. However, global governance will not deliver justice unless it embraces a more radical vision of what justice means and permits the voices of the marginalised to be heard in spaces of decision making. We identify two important approaches to building more just forms of global governance: the civil society approach, which is useful when it draws attention to the agency of those at the margins of global circuits of power; and the rights-based approach, which can provide opportunities for justice claims by marginalised groups.

Benchmarking International, Transnational, and Private Governance in the Forest Sector

The question of how to overcome the democratic deficits of global forms of governance has led to a pretentious academic debate. To proceed in theory-building, we need to assign systematically the theory-driven assumptions on legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation-state with the various, already observable forms of global governance. Thereto, the paper is aiming at a systematic comparative appraisal of the legitimatory quality of different patterns of governance by applying suitable indicators for their measurement. The innovative potential of this paper is the application of a structured, focused comparison that interconnects a multi-dimensional concept of legitimacy (input-, throughput- and outputdimension) with the triad of international, transnational and private forms of governance. As far as the chosen indicators show a legitimizing effect, they should serve as a standard for upcoming research studies and, by this, contribute to further systematization of studies on global governance. At least, the analysis of the constitutive criteria of cross-border governance arrangements in a legitimacy-based theoretical perspective shall also help to identify their discrete potential for legitimacy and indicate ways for their institutional safeguard and transformation to other arrangements. The conceptual outline will be completed by a case study on forest governance.

Civil Society and the Globalisation of Locality between Latin America and Europe: Integration as a Case of Agonistic Cosmopolitics

Two aspects are addressed here of a critical perspective on issues of integration, in which the EU features as a model and a counterpart to South American processes: a) representations of cosmopolitan engagement in issues of development, rights and cultural identity; b) participation in attempts to promote alternative forms of global governance. Discourses of civil society activism and its global networks and participation in international forums thereby enact an agonistic cosmopolitics where Europe appears as both model and adversary. Derrida’s logic of exemplarity is introduced to illustrate this point, in contrast to intellectual responses from Latin America emphasising globally connected localities – i.e. reconstructions of traditional ideas and signs of new discourses of community, religion and cultural identity as political resources. Such globalised localisms reconfigure historically crystallised forms of “influence” of Europe on Latin America, problematise notions of cosmopolitanism, and contest representations of both identities and their historical links.

Gridlock and Innovation in Global Governance: The Partial Transnational Solution

AbstractThe political institutions that manage transborder problems are changing, offering new avenues around the inadequacies of the existing multilateral order. Several trends in global politics – for example the emergence of new powers, the growing challenge of collective action problems and the complexity of institutions that seek to address them – have made it increasingly difficult to govern transnational problems through multilateral cooperation. Global priorities ranging from climate change, to the Doha trade round, to financial stability are faced with gridlock. But even as ‘traditional’ intergovernmental institutions stall, new kinds of transborder institutions are emerging alongside them. These institutions bring new kinds of actors, public and private, into global governance, and deploy innovative governance ‘technologies’ to make rules and provide public goods. We evaluate these new institutions in the areas of financial and environmental governance. While no panacea, we argue that innovative institutional forms offer a partial solution for the challenges of contemporary interdependence.Policy Implications Gridlock in many international negotiations and multinational institutions can hobble intergovernmental agreements. New kinds of governance arrangements may help meet some of the governance gaps that multilateral institutions are failing to fill. Scholars have only begun to catalogue the new forms of global governance that play an increasingly prominent role in world politics. We must also strive to explain these changes and study their implications. Together, these tasks form an important future research agenda. Policy makers should familiarize themselves with the full range of transborder governance institutions. These include transgovernmental networks, multistakeholder initiatives, voluntary regulations and innovative tools for adjudication and financing. Such instruments may offer functional benefits over more ‘traditional’ governance arrangements, especially when political factors constrain the latter. While new governance institutions may represent at best a partial solution to the challenges of transborder cooperation, their adaptability and flexibility suggest a significant contribution nonetheless.