Form Of Diplomacy Research Articles

Ribbentrop and the Ciano Diaries at the Nuremberg Trial

This article reviews the interrogation reports, trial transcript and the prosecutors' original administrative files to ascertain how extracts from the diaries of Mussolini's Foreign Minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano, were deployed within the Nuremberg trials to undermine key aspects of Hitler's wartime Foreign Minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop's, defence. These diaries demonstrated the extent to which Ribbentrop was personally implicated in a purposive form of diplomacy that dovetailed into military preparations for 'waging aggressive war' - one of the newly invented and retrospectively applied crimes targeting senior diplomats. It also discusses the diaries' likely impact on the Court's judgment regarding Ribbentrop's guilt. The paper also suggests the positive impact of these diaries within the Nuremberg process needs to be recognized not only by the literature of international criminal law but also by the emerging discipline of 'intelligence studies'. This is because Allen Dulles, Head of US intelligence in Berne, was responsible for realizing the legally incriminating implications of these diaries and, having obtained this evidence by covert means, personally placed a translation into the hands of the US chief prosecutor, Justice Robert Jackson.

The Commonwealth(s) and Global Governance

Commonwealth as an inter-governmental organization has not been studied with any reference to the growing literature on multilateralism. (1) Commonwealth is a unique grouping, embracing developed, developing and least developed countries across all regions of the globe, and including many of the world's smallest countries. It is a valuable forum for addressing issues such as tax, competition, money laundering, and corruption, as well as broader political issues such as good government. We will work to sharpen the focus in the Commonwealth's activities on its areas of comparative advantage. (2) Because of the very nature of the current international community, following the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the emergence of new dynamics in the order (or disorder?) ... now is the time for new forms of diplomacy and strategies. In an extraordinary way, it is almost as if the Commonwealth has leapt in utility from past to future. It is a non-exclusive transnational organization whose time has probably come. (3) To date, the Commonwealths (plural) (4) have been neglected in studies of global but, as inter- and nonstate networks engaging with over a quarter of the world's states and peoples, they have much to contribute to both analysis and practice. Along with others, I treat governance as continuous patterns of relations, decisions and/or policies among the heterogeneous trio of state, market and civil society actors over a diverse range of issues and levels. (5) Such governance spans local to levels, each of which involves triangular relations among state and nonstate actors, notably private companies and civil societies. As Thomas Weiss indicates for the level, Global governance implies a wide and seemingly ever-growing range of actors in every domain. Global economic and social affairs have traditionally been viewed as embracing primarily intergovernmental relationships, but increasingly they must be framed in comprehensive enough terms to embrace local and international NGOs, grassroots and citizens' movements, multinational corporations and the capital market. (6) Although myriad Commonwealth agencies are engaged in such governance at all levels, from local to global, their contribution to date has been largely overlooked. The modern Commonwealth is a 'family' with members in every continent and their association is as much a Commonwealth of peoples as of nations; it is a network not only of governments but also of individuals, non-governmental organisations and civil society groups. (7) Both the official and nonofficial Commonwealth families were ahead of other inter- or transnational organizations during the middle period of Cold War bipolarity in terms of ideas, links, and networks with respect to early multilateralisms or governance. Yet, notwithstanding the Commonwealth's successes in the two-decade antiapartheid struggle, that then preoccupied it, the grouping was in decline by the mid-1990s despite the end of bipolarity. question now arises whether the Commonwealths can recoup their status as a pioneer among agencies in the distinctive post-Cold War period and whether they have something unique to contribute to the analysis and practice of governance. From Empire to Commonwealth: From Global Imperialism to Global Governance? inter- and nonstate Commonwealths may be uniquely placed--because of their genesis, composition, and character--to play a crucial role in advancing human development and security in the twenty-first century, in contrast to some other agencies that lack their unique flexibility and adaptability. Conversely, they may lose such comparative advantage if they fail to appreciate and exploit generic opportunities such as using the current lingua franca of commerce and diplomacy, English. …

Diplomacy from below: International terrorism and American foreign relations, 1945–1962

Abstract International terrorism is a form of diplomacy conducted “from below.” It is not conducted by kings and presidents, but by powerless extremists who choose to bypass traditional channels of diplomatic protocol in order to propagandize their political causes to the world. In light of the recent proliferation of international terrorism, it is useful to analyze the various ways it has affected the conduct of American foreign policy. An examination of the American responses to the Jewish rebels in Palestine (1945–1948) and to the FLN in Algeria (1954–1962) reveals that, although these terrorist campaigns may have appeared reprehensible and morally repugnant to many, American diplomacy was consistently predicated not so much in reaction to terrorist acts, but to a multiplicity of underlying and extended issues that required flexibility and a certain mollification of policy and action. As the United States would learn, terrorist diplomacy “from below” can often be as destructive as any act or policy con...

"Petty Spy" or Effective Diplomat: The Role of George Beckwith

George Beckwith, a Royal Army intelligence officer, lurked in the shadows of Benedict Arnold's treason. Still operating in shadows, he reappeared in the United States five more times during the next ten years. His activities reflected Britain's disdain for the republic and a decade-long frustration resulting from an irksome foreign policy problem of its own creation. The British had ignored the formal diplomacy offered by John Adams and refused to send their own minister to New York. Yet the very existence of the United States menaced British interests in North America, a threat that could not be ignored. Forestalling such threats, real or imagined, forced the English government to rely on a checkered assortment of semi-official or semi-secret contacts to observe, influence, and manipulate American domestic and foreign affairs. Beckwith was one of these informal instruments of British diplomacy--certainly the most interesting, perhaps the most effective.' Beckwith remains, however, an enigmatic figure in histories about the early American republic. More often than not, he is mentioned only in a footnote. Recently a few scholars have attempted to examine his role more closely, generally to prove a point of

An Interactional View of International Disorders

This paper presents a counter point to predictions of doom in international relations. It argues that two phenomena, nuclear winter and remote sensing, mark a turning point in the 40 year old nuclear arms race. The need for a new form of diplomacy emerges with the end of global war as a strategy of conflict resolution. Family therapy is seen as potentially relevant in this area of diplomatic conflict resolution. New contributions to this area may come from the study of spontaneous change in human systems.

Accommodation or Illusion? Vatican Diplomacy in Eastern Europe, with Special Reference to Poland

The Roman Catholic Church, as a political institution, is a unique phenomenon which reflects both its religious commitment and doctrinal origins and social development of age of which it is a part. Although based upon founder's assertion, My kingdom is not of this (John 18:36), Catholic Church is unquestionably an actor in contemporary inter national political system, one with genuine institutional traditions and political and social positions influencing considerably more than a millennium of European and world politics. Few con temporary institutions have been more intimately—and none more continuously—involved in political order.1 The Cath olic Church through sovereignty of Holy See remains an important political factor in modern world which pursues a prominent, if sometimes ambiguous, role in international activi ties. The Vatican's place in contemporary system is singular, since unlike other religious institutions it functions both as a church and as a sovereign political body practicing formal diplo macy, exchanging diplomatic representatives and finding inde pendent recognition among modern nation-states.2 Ambiguity has characterized church's political role, because the Church affirms not a separation but a distinction between spiritual

The Age of Louis XIV: The Rise of Modern Diplomacy

William James Roosen has written first general study of European diplomacy in age of Louis XIV which is based on actual practices and institutions of that era, rather than on writing of early theoreticians.Though seventeenth century may not have been a period of great innovations in international diplomacy, it provides us with an important illustration of workings of a system which was well suited to gradually changing needs of its time and which has been called the best form of diplomacy ever developed.Dr. Roosen demonstrates both obvious differences and many similarities between diplomatic procedures and practices of seventeenth century and twentieth. Any student of diplomacy and international relations will gain valuable insight and understanding from this study of early modern diplomatic personalities, institutions, and practices.One of Dr. Roosen's goals in writing this book has been to discover relationships between ideological and socioeconomic structures and diplomatic personalities who have influenced modern diplomacy. Further, he supplies only available study of realities of diplomatic practices in seventeenth century and provides an excellent basis for comparison with twentieth century international relations, in hope that studying early modern diplomatic personalities, institutions and practices should increase our understanding of international relations today.There are chapters on The States of Europe, Kings and Ministers, Ambassadors, Second Class Diplomats, A Typical Early Modern Embassy, Information: Important Objective of Diplomatic Activity, and The Variety of Diplomatic Duties.

LA PARADIPLOMACIA DE LAS FARC-EP

Las nuevas condiciones del sistema internacional han permitido el surgimiento de distintas formas de diplomacia. Por tanto, el presente artículo analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia, entendida a la luz de diversas fuentes teóricas como la relación entre organizaciones, grupos e individuos con ciertos Estados para buscar apoyo internacional en un área de interés específico. Desde esta perspectiva, el documento indaga acerca de la naturaleza de las FARC-EP y busca establecer los principales vectores de su conducta diplomática.

Pomare II of Tahiti and Polynesian imperialism

and Tahitian states during the first decades of the nineteenth century, was a result of European contact. Powerful chiefs in a hierarchical society, hitherto circumscribed by custom, were quick to realize the advantages of terri torial control and economic exploitation and compete with the European entrepreneur on his own terms. Sailing ships could be used to convey property and display authority. For short periods, both the Hawaiian and Tahitian rulers cast their nets wide across the great sea of islands. Until European contact had weakened the traditional standards of social and political behaviour throughout Polynesia, concepts of dynastic hegemony and sustained 'imperial' expansion were almost unknown. This was not due to lack of personal ambition on the part of the major Poly nesian chiefs. Rather, it was the result of adherence to certain principles of political behaviour which appear to have been held in common by most of the Polynesians, despite the variations in the political structure of the groups.1 Pre-eminent was the principle of duality, an affirmation that good government can only be secured by the balance of power. A second balance, that of responsibility in a graded society, was achieved by the strict regula tions governing the 'ariki' or ruling class. The most politically significant of these rules was that which permitted the slaying or banishing of an oppressive ruler. In Hawaii, for instance, according to the 'civil polity', many kings had been put to death because of their oppression of the common people and a list of such occasions was incorporated in the maxims for government. The third principle of government was that which extolled personal hegemony. There was every provision in the majority of the Polynesian communities for the rise of a leader who had the trust of most of the people. The genealogical structure was usually such that a forceful candidate for paramountcy could acquire the necessary titles through his own descent, by marriage and by other forms of diplomacy. The mystique of personal rule was highly developed notwithstanding a customary regard for the rights of the individual. Because of these principles there was little scope for any significant